Incarceration in the United States
Incarceration in the United States is one of the main forms of punishment and rehabilitation for the commission of felony and other offenses. The United States has the largest prison population in the world, and the highest per-capita incarceration rate. In 2016 in the US, there were 655 people incarcerated per 100,000 population. This is the US incarceration rate for adults or people tried as adults. In 2018 2.2 million Americans have been incarcerated, which means for every 100,000 there are 655 that are currently inmates. This costs the United States government $80 billion dollars a year.
- 1 Overview
- 2 History
- 3 Prison systems
- 4 Prison populations
- 5 Operational
- 6 Effects of incarceration
- 6.1 Effects on crime rates
- 6.2 Social effects
- 6.3 Effects of parental incarceration on children
- 6.4 Effects on employment
- 6.5 Proposed solutions
- 7 Criticism
- 8 References in popular culture
- 9 Federal prisons
- 10 States and insular areas
- 11 See also
- 12 References
- 13 Further reading
According to the US Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), 2,220,300 adults were incarcerated in US federal and state prisons and county jails in 2013 – about 0.91% of adults (1 in 110) in the U.S. resident population. Additionally, 4,751,400 adults in 2013 (1 in 51) were on probation or on parole. In total, 6,899,000 adults were under correctional supervision (probation, parole, jail, or prison) in 2013 – about 2.8% of adults (1 in 35) in the U.S. resident population. In 2014, the total number of persons in the adult correctional systems had fallen to 6,851,000 persons, approximately 52,200 fewer offenders than at the year end of 2013 as reported by the BJS. About 1 in 36 adults (or 2.8% of adults in the US) were under some form of correctional supervision – the lowest rate since 1996. On average, the correctional population has declined by 1.0% since 2007; while this continued to stay true in 2014 the number of incarcerated adults slightly increased in 2014. In 2016, the total number of persons in U.S. adult correctional systems was an estimated 6,613,500. From 2007 to 2016, the correctional population decreased by an average of 1.2% annually. By the end of 2016, approximately 1 in 38 persons in the United States were under correctional supervision.
Although debtor's prisons no longer exist in the United States, residents of some U.S. states can still be incarcerated for debt as of 2016[update]. The Vera Institute of Justice reported in 2015 that majority of those incarcerated in local and county jails are there for minor violations, and have been jailed for longer periods of time over the past 30 years because they are unable to pay court-imposed costs.
According to a 2014 Human Rights Watch report, "tough-on-crime" laws adopted since the 1980s, have filled U.S. prisons with mostly nonviolent offenders. However, the Bureau of Justice Statistics reported that, as of the end of 2015, 54% of state prisoners sentenced to more than 1 year were serving time for a violent offense. Fifteen percent of state prisoners at year-end 2015 had been convicted of a drug offense as their most serious. In comparison, 47% of federal prisoners serving time in September 2016 (the most recent date for which data are available) were convicted of a drug offense. This policy failed to rehabilitate prisoners and many were worse on release than before incarceration. Rehabilitation programs for offenders can be more cost effective than prison. According to a 2015 study by the Brennan Center for Justice, falling crime rates cannot be ascribed to mass incarceration. Conversely, Steven Levitt showed in a 2004 paper that at least 58% of the violent crime drop in the 1990s was due to incarceration.[not in citation given (See discussion.)]
According to a 2016 analysis of federal data by the U.S. Education Department, state and local spending on incarceration has grown three times as much as spending on public education since 1980.
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (July 2014)
Throughout the 1500s, the people of England considered idleness to be the cause of many crimes, and therefore found the solution to be creating workhouses as a system to rehabilitate criminals. Though many of the first people, especially in the foundation of these "houses of correction" were actually vagrants without homes. Later, in the 1700s, English philanthropists began to focus on the reform of convicted criminals in prisons, which they believed needed a chance to become morally pure in order to stop or slow crime. Since at least 1740, some of these philosophers began thinking of solitary confinement as a way to create and maintain spiritually clean people in prisons. As English people immigrated to North America, so did these theories of penology.
Some of the first structures built in English-settled America were jails, and by the 18th century, every English North American county had a jail. These jails served a variety of functions such as a holding place for debtors, prisoners-of-war, and political prisoners, those bound in the penal transportation and slavery systems, and of those accused-of but not tried for crimes. Sentences for those convicted of crimes were rarely longer than three months, and often lasted only a day. Poor citizens were often imprisoned for longer than their richer neighbors, as bail was rarely not accepted.
In 1841, Dorothea Dix discovered that prison conditions in the US were, in her opinion, inhumane. Prisoners were chained naked, whipped with rods. Others, criminally insane, were caged, or placed in cellars, or closets. She insisted on changes throughout the rest of her life. While focusing on the insane, her comments also resulted in changes for other inmates.
In the United States criminal law is a concurrent power. Individuals who violate state laws and/or territorial laws generally are placed in state or territorial prisons, while those who violate United States federal law are generally placed in federal prisons operated by the Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP), an agency of the United States Department of Justice (USDOJ). The BOP also houses adult felons convicted of violating District of Columbia laws due to the National Capital Revitalization and Self-Government Improvement Act of 1997.
As of 2004, state prisons proportionately house more violent felons, so state prisons in general gained a more negative reputation compared to federal prisons.
In 2016, almost 90% of prisoners were in state prisons; 10% were in federal prisons.
At sentencing in federal court, judges use a point system to determine which inmate goes into which housing branch. This helps federal law employees to determine who goes to which facility and to which punishing housing unit to send them. Another method to determine housing is the admission committees. In prisons, multiple people come together to determine to which housing unit an inmate belongs. People like the case manager, psychologist, and social worker have a voice in what is appropriate for the inmate.
This article's tone or style may not reflect the encyclopedic tone used on Wikipedia. (November 2018) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
|US and territories.
Adult and juvenile inmates.
|Federal and state prisons||1,518,559|
|Juvenile facilities (2007)||86,927|
|Jails in tribal territories||2,135|
At the beginning of 2008, more than 1 in 100 adults in the United States were in prison or jail. Total US incarceration peaked in 2008. Total correctional population (prison, jail, probation, parole) peaked in 2007. If all prisoners are counted (including juvenile, territorial, ICE, Indian country, and military), then in 2008 the US had around 24.7% of the world's 9.8 million prisoners.
In 2008, approximately one in every 31 adults (7.3 million) in the United States was either behind bars or being monitored (probation and parole). In recent decades the U.S. has experienced a surge in its prison population, quadrupling since 1980, partially as a result of mandatory sentencing that came about during the "War on Drugs."
As of the 2007 Census of Juveniles in Residential Placement (CJRP), conducted by the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, 86,927 youths were held in juvenile facilities.
As of 2009, the three states with the lowest ratios of imprisoned people per 100,000 population are Maine (150 per 100,000), Minnesota (189 per 100,000), and New Hampshire (206 per 100,000). The three states with the highest ratio are Louisiana (881 per 100,000), Mississippi (702 per 100,000) and Oklahoma (657 per 100,000). A 2018 study by the Prison Policy Initiative placed Oklahoma's incarceration rate as 1,079, supplanting Louisiana (with a rate of 1,052) as "the world's prison capital."
A 2005 report estimated that 27% of federal prison inmates are noncitizens, convicted of crimes while in the country legally or illegally. However, federal prison inmates account for six percent of the total incarcerated population; noncitizen populations in state and local prisons are more difficult to establish.
Many legislatures continually have reduced discretion of judges in both the sentencing process and the determination of when the conditions of a sentence have been satisfied. Determinate sentencing, use of mandatory minimums, and guidelines-based sentencing continue to remove the human element from sentencing, such as the prerogative of the judge to consider the mitigating or extenuating circumstances of a crime to determine the appropriate length of the incarceration. As the consequence of "three strikes laws," the increase in the duration of incarceration in the last decade was most pronounced in the case of life prison sentences, which increased by 83% between 1992 and 2003 while violent crimes fell in the same period.
Violent and nonviolent crime
In 2016, there were an estimated 1.2 million violent crimes committed in the United States. Over the course of that year, U.S. law enforcement agencies made approximately 10.7 million arrests, excluding arrests for traffic violations. In that year, approximately 2.3 million people were incarcerated in jail or prison.
As of September 30, 2009 in federal prisons, 7.9% of sentenced prisoners were incarcerated for violent crimes, while at year end 2008 of sentenced prisoners in state prisons, 52.4% had been jailed for violent crimes. In 2002 (latest available data by type of offense), 21.6% of convicted inmates in jails were in prison for violent crimes. Among unconvicted inmates in jails in 2002, 34% had a violent offense as the most serious charge. 41% percent of convicted and unconvicted jail inmates in 2002 had a current or prior violent offense; 46% were nonviolent recidivists.
From 2000 to 2008, the state prison population increased by 159,200 prisoners, and violent offenders accounted for 60% of this increase. The number of drug offenders in state prisons declined by 12,400 over this period. Furthermore, while the number of sentenced violent offenders in state prison increased from 2000 through 2008, the expected length of stays for these offenders declined slightly during this period.
In 2016, about 200,000, under 16%, of the 1.3 million people in state jails, were serving time for drug offenses. 700,000 were incarcerated for violent offenses.
Violent crime was not responsible for the quadrupling of the incarcerated population in the United States from 1980 to 2003. Violent crime rates had been relatively constant or declining over those decades. The prison population was increased primarily by public policy changes causing more prison sentences and lengthening time served, for example through mandatory minimum sentencing, "three strikes" laws, and reductions in the availability of parole or early release. 49% of sentenced state inmates were held for violent offenses.
Perhaps the single greatest force behind the growth of the prison population has been the national "War on Drugs". The War on Drugs initiative expanded during the presidency of Ronald Reagan. During Regan's term, a bi-partisan Congress established the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986, galvanized by the death of Len Bias. According to the Human Rights Watch, legislation like this led to the extreme increase in drug offense imprisonment and "increasing racial disproportions among the arrestees". The number of incarcerated drug offenders has increased twelvefold since 1980. In 2000, 22 percent of those in federal and state prisons were convicted on drug charges. In 2011, 55.6% of the 1,131,210 sentenced prisoners in state prisons were being held for violent crimes (this number excludes the 200,966 prisoners being held due parole violations, of which 39.6% were re-incarcerated for a subsequent violent crime). Also in 2011, 3.7% of the state prison population consisted of prisoners whose highest conviction was for drug possession (again excluding those incarcerated for parole violations of which 6.0% were re-incarcerated for a subsequent act of drug possession).
A 2002 study survey, showed that among nearly 275,000 prisoners released in 1994, 67.5% were rearrested within 3 years, and 51.8% were back in prison. However, the study found no evidence that spending more time in prison raises the recidivism rate, and found that those serving the longest time, 61 months or more, had a slightly lower re-arrest rate (54.2%) than every other category of prisoners. This is most likely explained by the older average age of those released with the longest sentences, and the study shows a strong negative correlation between recidivism and age upon release.
Comparison with other countries
With around 100 prisoners per 100,000, the United States had an average prison and jail population until 1980. Afterwards it drifted apart considerably. The United States has the highest prison and jail population (2,121,600 in adult facilities in 2016), and the highest incarceration rate in the world (655 per 100,000 population in 2016),. According to the World Prison Population List (11th edition) there were around 10.35 million people in penal institutions worldwide in 2015. The US had 2,173,800 prisoners in adult facilities in 2015. That means the US held 21.0% of the world's prisoners in 2015, even though the US represented only around 4.4 percent of the world's population in 2015,
Comparing other English-speaking developed countries, whereas the incarceration rate of the US is 655 per 100,000 population of all ages, the incarceration rate of Canada is 114 per 100,000 (as of 2015), England and Wales is 146 per 100,000 (as of 2016), and Australia is 160 per 100,000 (as of 2016). Comparing other developed countries, the rate of Spain is 133 per 100,000 (as of 2016), Greece is 89 per 100,000 (as of 2016), Norway is 73 per 100,000 (as of 2016), Netherlands is 69 per 100,000 (as of 2014), and Japan is 48 per 100,000 (as of 2014).
A 2008 New York Times article, said that "it is the length of sentences that truly distinguishes American prison policy. Indeed, the mere number of sentences imposed here would not place the United States at the top of the incarceration lists. If lists were compiled based on annual admissions to prison per capita, several European countries would outpace the United States. But American prison stays are much longer, so the total incarceration rate is higher."
The U.S. incarceration rate peaked in 2008 when about 1 in 100 US adults was behind bars. This incarceration rate exceeded the average incarceration levels in the Soviet Union during the existence of the Gulag system, when the Soviet Union's population reached 168 million, and 1.2 to 1.5 million people were in the Gulag prison camps and colonies (i.e. about 0.8 imprisoned per 100 USSR residents, according to numbers from Anne Applebaum and Steven Rosefielde). In The New Yorker article The Caging of America (2012), Adam Gopnik writes: "Over all, there are now more people under 'correctional supervision' in America—more than six million—than were in the Gulag Archipelago under Stalin at its height."
|2010. Inmates in adult facilities, by race and ethnicity. Jails, and state and federal prisons.|
|Race, ethnicity||% of US population||% of U.S.
|National incarceration rate |
(per 100,000 of all ages)
|White (non-Hispanic)||64||39||450 per 100,000|
|Hispanic||16||19||831 per 100,000|
|Black||13||40||2,306 per 100,000|
According to the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) in 2013 black males accounted for 37% of the total male prison population, white males 32%, and Hispanic males 22%. White females comprised 49% of the prison population in comparison to black females who accounted for 22% of the female population. The imprisonment rate for black females (113 per 100,000) was 2x the rate for white females (51 per 100,000. Out of all ethnic groups, African Americans, Puerto Rican Americans, and Native Americans have some of the highest rates of incarceration. Though, of these groups, the black population is the largest, and therefore make up a large portion of those incarcerated in US prisons and jails.[clarification needed]
Hispanics (of all races) were 20.6% of the total jail and prison population in 2009. Hispanics comprised 16.3% of the US population according to the 2010 US census. The Northeast has the highest incarceration rates of Hispanics in the nation. Connecticut has the highest Hispanic-to-White incarceration ratio with 6.6 Hispanic males for every white male. The National Average Hispanic-to-White incarceration ratio is 1.8. Other states with high Hispanic-to-White incarcerations include Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and New York.
In 2010, adult black non-Hispanic males were incarcerated at the rate of 4,347 inmates per 100,000 U.S. residents. Adult white males were incarcerated at the rate of 678 inmates per 100,000 U.S. residents. Adult Hispanic males were incarcerated at the rate of 1,755 inmates per 100,000 U.S. residents. (For female rates see the table below.) Asian Americans have lower incarceration rates than any other racial group, including whites.
There is general agreement in the literature that blacks are more likely to commit violent crimes than are whites in the United States. Whether this is the case for less serious crimes is less clear. Black majority cities have similar crime statistics for blacks as do cities where majority of population is white. For example, white-plurality San Diego has a slightly lower crime rate for blacks than does Atlanta, a city which has black majority in population and city government.
In 2013, by age 18, 30% of black males, 26% of Hispanic males, and 22% of white males have been arrested. By age 23, 49% of black males, 44% of Hispanic males, and 38% of white males have been arrested. According to Attorney Antonio Moore in his Huffington Post article, "there are more African American men incarcerated in the U.S. than the total prison populations in India, Argentina, Canada, Lebanon, Japan, Germany, Finland, Israel and England combined." There are only 19 million African American males in the United States, but collectively these countries represent over 1.6 billion people. Moore has also shown using data from the World Prison Brief & United States Department of Justice that there are more black males incarcerated in the United States than all women imprisoned globally. To give perspective there are just about 4 billion woman in total globally, there are only 19 million black males of all ages in the United States.
Mass incarceration of African American is often referred to as a racial caste-like system. This system has been blindly created to position African Americans into an “underclass”, a group that is not able to reach opportunity. Groups like these have been around since the 1940’s, resembling to the “Jim Crow Laws”, laws that were put into place to segregate and take rights away from African American citizens. 75% of African Americans or Latinos are incarcerated for drug related crimes (Alexander, 2010).
|2010 adult incarceration rates|
by race, ethnicity, and sex
per 100,000 adult US residents
In 2013, there were 102,400 adult females in local jails in the United States, and 111,300 adult females in state and federal prisons. Within the US, the rate of female incarceration increased fivefold in a two decade span ending in 2001; the increase occurred because of increased prosecutions and convictions of offenses related to recreational drugs, increases in the severities of offenses, and a lack of community sanctions and treatment for women who violate laws. In the United States, authorities began housing women in correctional facilities separate from men in the 1870s.
In 2013, there were 628,900 adult males in local jails in the United States, and 1,463,500 adult males in state and federal prisons. In a study of sentencing in the United States in 1984, David B. Mustard found that males received 12 percent longer prison terms than females after "controlling for the offense level, criminal history, district, and offense type," and noted that "females receive even shorter sentences relative to men than whites relative to blacks." A later study by Sonja B. Starr found sentences for men to be up to 60% higher when controlling for more variables. Several explanations for this disparity have been offered, including that women have more to lose from incarceration, and that men are the targets of discrimination in sentencing.
|Juveniles in residential|
placement, 1997–2015. US
Through the juvenile courts and the adult criminal justice system, the United States incarcerates more of its youth than any other country in the world, a reflection of the larger trends in incarceration practices in the United States. This has been a source of controversy for a number of reasons, including the overcrowding and violence in youth detention facilities, the prosecution of youths as adults and the long term consequences of incarceration on the individual's chances for success in adulthood. In 2014, the United Nations Human Rights Committee criticized the United States for about ten judicial abuses, including the mistreatment of juvenile inmates. A UN report published in 2015 criticized the US for being the only nation in the world to sentence juveniles to life imprisonment without parole.
The incarceration of youths has been linked to the effects of family and neighborhood influences. One study found that the "behaviors of family members and neighborhood peers appear to substantially affect the behavior and outcomes of disadvantaged youths".
The percentage of prisoners in federal and state prisons aged 55 and older increased by 33% from 2000 to 2005 while the prison population grew by 8%. The Southern Legislative Conference found that in 16 southern states, the elderly prisoner population increased on average by 145% between 1997 and 2007. The growth in the elderly population brought along higher health care costs, most notably seen in the 10% average increase in state prison budgets from 2005 to 2006.
The SLC expects the percentage of elderly prisoners relative to the overall prison population to continue to rise. Ronald Aday, a professor of aging studies at Middle Tennessee State University and author of Aging Prisoners: Crisis in American Corrections, concurs. One out of six prisoners in California is serving a life sentence. Aday predicts that by 2020 16% percent of those serving life sentences will be elderly.
State governments pay all of their inmates' housing costs which significantly increase as prisoners age. Inmates are unable to apply for Medicare and Medicaid. Most Departments of Correction report spending more than 10 percent of the annual budget on elderly care.
The American Civil Liberties Union published a report in 2012 which asserts that the elderly prison population has climbed 1300% since the 1980s, with 125,000 inmates aged 55 or older now incarcerated.
Transgender adults and LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender) youth are disproportionately more likely than the general population to come into contact with the criminal justice system. According to the National Center for Transgender Equality, 16 percent of transgender adults have been in prison and/or jail, compared to 2.7 percent of all adults. It has also been found that 13–15 percent of youth in detention identify as LGBT, whereas an estimated 4-8 percent of the general youth population identify as such.
The reasons behind these disproportionate numbers are multi-faceted and complex. Poverty, homelessness, profiling by law enforcement, and imprisonment are disproportionately experienced by transgender and gender non-conforming people. LGBT youth not only experience these same challenges, but many also live in homes unwelcoming to their identities. This often results in LGBT youth running away and/or engaging in criminal activities, such as the drug trade, sex work, and/or theft, which places them at higher risk for arrest. Because of discriminatory practices and limited access to resources, transgender adults are also more likely to engage in criminal activities to be able to pay for housing, health care, and other basic needs.
LGBT people in jail and prison are particularly vulnerable to mistreatment by other inmates and staff. This mistreatment includes solitary confinement (which may be described as "protective custody"), physical and sexual violence, verbal abuse, and denial of medical care and other services. According to the National Inmate Survey, in 2011–12, 40 percent of transgender inmates reported sexual victimization compared to 4 percent of all inmates.
In the United States, the percentage of inmates with mental illness has been steadily increasing, with rates more than quadrupling from 1998 to 2006. Many have attributed this trend to the deinstitutionalization of mentally ill persons beginning in the 1960s, when mental hospitals across the country began closing their doors. However, other researchers indicate that "there is no evidence for the basic criminalization premise that decreased psychiatric services explain the disproportionate risk of incarceration for individuals with mental illness".
According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, over half of all prisoners in 2005 had experienced mental illness as identified by "a recent history or symptoms of a mental health problem"; of this population, jail inmates experienced the highest rates of symptoms of mental illness at 60 percent, followed by 49 percent of state prisoners and 40 percent of federal prisoners. Not only do people with recent histories of mental illness end up incarcerated, but many who have no history of mental illness end up developing symptoms while in prison. In 2006, the Bureau of Justice Statistics found that a quarter of state prisoners had a history of mental illness, whereas 3 in 10 state prisoners had developed symptoms of mental illness since becoming incarcerated with no recent history of mental illness.
According to Human Rights Watch, one of the contributing factors to the disproportionate rates of mental illness in prisons and jails is the increased use of solitary confinement, for which "socially and psychologically meaningful contact is reduced to the absolute minimum, to a point that is insufficient for most detainees to remain mentally well functioning". Another factor to be considered is that most inmates do not get the mental health services that they need while incarcerated. Due to limited funding, prisons are not able to provide a full range of mental health services and thus are typically limited to inconsistent administration of psychotropic medication, or no psychiatric services at all. Human Rights Watch also reports that corrections officers routinely use excessive violence against mentally ill inmates for nonthreatening behaviors related to schizophrenia or bipolar disorder. Inmates are often shocked, shackled and pepper sprayed.
Although many argue that prisons have become the facilities for the mentally ill, very few crimes point directly to symptoms of mental illness as their sole cause. Despite the disproportionate representation of mentally ill persons in prison, a study by American Psychological Association indicates that only 7.5 percent of crimes committed were found to be directly related to mental illness. However, some advocates argue that many incarcerations of mentally ill persons could have been avoided if they had been given proper treatment, which would be a much less costly alternative to incarceration.
Mental illness rarely stands alone when analyzing the risk factors associated with incarceration and recidivism rates. The American Psychological Association recommends a holistic approach to reducing recidivism rates among offenders by providing "cognitive–behavioral treatment focused on criminal cognition" or "services that target variable risk factors for high-risk offenders" due to the numerous intersecting risk factors experienced by mentally ill and non-mentally ill offenders alike.
To prevent the recidivism of individuals with mental illness, a variety of programs are in place that are based on criminal justice or mental health intervention models. Programs modeled after criminal justice strategies include diversion programs, mental health courts, specialty mental health probation or parole, and jail aftercare/prison re-entry. Programs modeled after mental health interventions include forensic assertive community treatment and forensic intensive case management. It has been argued that the wide diversity of these program interventions points to a lack of clarity on which specific program components are most effective in reducing recidivism rates among individuals with mental illness.
The term "school-to-prison-pipeline", also known as the "schoolhouse-to-jailhouse track", is a concept that was named in the 1980s. The school-to-prison pipeline is the idea that a school's harsh punishments—which typically push students out of the classroom—lead to the criminalization of students' misbehaviors and result in increasing a student's probability of entering the prison system. Although the school-to-prison pipeline is aggravated by a combination of ingredients, zero-tolerance policies are viewed as main contributors.
Zero-tolerance policies are regulations that mandate specific consequences in response to outlined student misbehavior, typically without any consideration for the unique circumstances surrounding a given incident. Zero-tolerance policies both implicitly and explicitly usher the student into the prison track. Implicitly, when a student is extracted from the classroom, the more likely that student is to drop out of school as a result of being in class less. As a dropout, that child is then ill-prepared to obtain a job and become a fruitful citizen. Explicitly, schools sometimes do not funnel their pupils to the prison systems inadvertently; rather, they send them directly. Once in juvenile court, even sympathetic judges are not likely to evaluate whether the school's punishment was warranted or fair. For these reasons, it is argued that zero-tolerance policies lead to an exponential increase in the juvenile prison populations.
The national suspension rate doubled from 3.7% to 7.4% from 1973 to 2010. The claim that Zero Tolerance Policies affect students of color at a disproportionate rate is supported in the Code of Maryland Regulations study that found black students were suspended at more than double the rate of white students. This trend can be seen throughout numerous studies of this type of material and particularly in the south. Furthermore, between 1985 and 1989, there was an increase in referrals of minority youth to juvenile court, petitioned cases, adjudicated delinquency cases, and delinquency cases placed outside the home. During this time period, the number of African American youth detained increased by 9% and the number of Hispanic youth detained increased by 4%, yet the proportion of White youth declined by 13%. Documentation of this phenomenon can be seen as early as 1975 with the book School Suspensions: Are they helping children?
The BOP receives all prisoner transfer treaty inmates sent from foreign countries, even if their crimes would have been, if committed in the United States, tried in state, DC, or territorial courts. Non-US citizens incarcerated in federal and state prisons are eligible to be transferred to their home countries if they qualify.
This section needs additional citations for verification. (November 2012) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
In some, but not all, states' department of corrections, inmates reside in different facilities that vary by security level, especially in security measures, administration of inmates, type of housing, and weapons and tactics used by corrections officers. The federal government's Bureau of Prisons uses a numbered scale from one to five to represent the security level. Level five is the most secure, while level one is the least. State prison systems operate similar systems. California, for example, classifies its facilities from Reception Center through Levels I to V (minimum to maximum security) to specialized high security units (all considered Level V) including Security Housing Unit (SHU)—California's version of supermax—and related units. As a general rule, county jails, detention centers, and reception centers, where new commitments are first held while either awaiting trial or before being transferred to "mainline" institutions to serve out their sentences, operate at a relatively high level of security, usually close security or higher.
Supermax prison facilities provide the highest level of prison security. These units hold those considered the most dangerous inmates, as well as inmates that have been deemed too high-profile or too great a national security risk for a normal prison. These include inmates who have committed assaults, murders, or other serious violations in less secure facilities, and inmates known to be or accused of being prison gang members. Most states have either a supermax section of a prison facility or an entire prison facility designated as a supermax. The United States Federal Bureau of Prisons operates a federal supermax, A.D.X. Florence, located in Florence, Colorado, also known as the "Alcatraz of the Rockies" and widely considered to be perhaps the most secure prison in the United States. A.D.X. Florence has a standard supermax section where assaultive, violent, and gang-related inmates are kept under normal supermax conditions of 23-hour confinement and abridged amenities. A.D.X. Florence is considered to be of a security level above that of all other prisons in the United States, at least in the "ideological" ultramax part of it, which features permanent, 24-hour solitary confinement with rare human contacts or opportunity to earn better conditions through good behavior.
In a maximum security prison or area (called high security in the federal system), all prisoners have individual cells with sliding doors controlled from a secure remote control station. Prisoners are allowed out of their cells one out of twenty four hours (one hour and 30 minutes for prisoners in California). When out of their cells, prisoners remain in the cell block or an exterior cage. Movement out of the cell block or "pod" is tightly restricted using restraints and escorts by correctional officers.
Under close security, prisoners usually have one- or two-person cells operated from a remote control station. Each cell has its own toilet and sink. Inmates may leave their cells for work assignments or correctional programs and otherwise may be allowed in a common area in the cellblock or an exercise yard. The fences are generally double fences with watchtowers housing armed guards, plus often a third, lethal-current electric fence in the middle.
Prisoners that fall into the medium security group may sleep in cells, but share them two and two, and use bunk beds with lockers to store their possessions. The cell may have showers, toilets and sinks, but it's not a strictly enforced rule. Cells are locked at night with one or more correctional officers supervising. There is less supervision over the internal movements of prisoners. The perimeter is generally double fenced and regularly patrolled.
Prisoners in minimum security facilities are considered to pose little physical risk to the public and are mainly non-violent "white collar criminals". Minimum security prisoners live in less-secure dormitories, which are regularly patrolled by correctional officers. As in medium security facilities, they have communal showers, toilets, and sinks. A minimum-security facility generally has a single fence that is watched, but not patrolled, by armed guards. At facilities in very remote and rural areas, there may be no fence at all. Prisoners may often work on community projects, such as roadside litter cleanup with the state department of transportation or wilderness conservation. Many minimum security facilities are small camps located in or near military bases, larger prisons (outside the security perimeter) or other government institutions to provide a convenient supply of convict labor to the institution. Many states allow persons in minimum-security facilities access to the Internet.
Research indicates that inmates who maintain contact with family and friends in the outside world are less likely to be convicted of further crimes and usually have an easier reintegration period back into society. Many institutions encourage friends and families to send letters, especially when they are unable to visit regularly. However, guidelines exist as to what constitutes acceptable mail, and these policies are strictly enforced.
Mail sent to inmates in violation of prison policies can result in sanctions such as loss of imprisonment time reduced for good behavior. Most Department of Corrections websites provide detailed information regarding mail policies. These rules can even vary within a single prison depending on which part of the prison an inmate is housed. For example, death row and maximum security inmates are usually under stricter mail guidelines for security reasons.
There have been several notable challenges to prison corresponding services. The Missouri Department of Corrections (DOC) stated that effective June 1, 2007, inmates would be prohibited from using pen pal websites, citing concerns that inmates were using them to solicit money and defraud the public. Service providers such as WriteAPrisoner.com, together with the ACLU, plan to challenge the ban in Federal Court. Similar bans on an inmate's rights or a website's right to post such information has been ruled unconstitutional in other courts, citing First Amendment freedoms. Some faith-based initiatives promote the positive effects of correspondence on inmates, and some have made efforts to help ex-offenders reintegrate into society through job placement assistance. Inmates' ability to mail letters to other inmates has been limited by the courts. Inmate correspondence with members of society is typically encouraged because of the positive impact it can have on inmates, albeit under the guidelines of each institution and availability of letter writers.
The non-governmental organization Human Rights Watch claims that prisoners and detainees face "abusive, degrading and dangerous" conditions within local, state and federal facilities, including those operated by for-profit contractors. The organization also raised concerns with prisoner rape and medical care for inmates. In a survey of 1,788 male inmates in Midwestern prisons by Prison Journal, about 21% responded they had been coerced or pressured into sexual activity during their incarceration, and 7% that they had been raped in their current facility.
In August 2003, a Harper's article by Wil S. Hylton estimated that "somewhere between 20 and 40% of American prisoners are, at this very moment, infected with hepatitis C". Prisons may outsource medical care to private companies such as Correctional Medical Services (now Corizon) that, according to Hylton's research, try to minimize the amount of care given to prisoners in order to maximize profits. After the privatization of healthcare in Arizona's prisons, medical spending fell by 30 million dollars and staffing was greatly reduced. Some 50 prisoners died in custody in the first 8 months of 2013, compared to 37 for the preceding two years combined.
The poor quality of food provided to inmates has become an issue, as over the last decade corrections officials looking to cut costs have been outsourcing food services to private, for-profit corporations such as Aramark, A'Viands Food & Services Management, and ABL Management. A prison riot in Kentucky has been blamed on the low quality of food Aramark provided to inmates. A 2017 study from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention found that because of lapses in food safety, prison inmates are 6.4 times more likely to contract a food-related illness than the general population.
Also identified as an issue within the prison system is gang violence, because many gang members retain their gang identity and affiliations when imprisoned. Segregation of identified gang members from the general population of inmates, with different gangs being housed in separate units often results in the imprisonment of these gang members with their friends and criminal cohorts. Some feel this has the effect of turning prisons into "institutions of higher criminal learning."
Many prisons in the United States are overcrowded. For example, California's 33 prisons have a total capacity of 100,000, but they hold 170,000 inmates. Many prisons in California and around the country are forced to turn old gymnasiums and classrooms into huge bunkhouses for inmates. They do this by placing hundreds of bunk beds next to one another, in these gyms, without any type of barriers to keep inmates separated. In California, the inadequate security engendered by this situation, coupled with insufficient staffing levels, have led to increased violence and a prison health system that causes one death a week. This situation has led the courts to order California to release 27% of the current prison population, citing the Eighth Amendment's prohibition of cruel and unusual punishment. The three-judge court considering requests by the Plata v. Schwarzenegger and Coleman v. Schwarzenegger courts found California's prisons have become criminogenic as a result of prison overcrowding.
According to a Supreme Court ruling issued on May 23, 2011, California — which has the highest overcrowding rate of any prison system in the country — must alleviate overcrowding in the state's prisons, reducing the prisoner population by 30,000 over the next two years.
Solitary confinement is widely used in US prisons, yet it is underreported by most states, while some don't report it at all. Isolation of prisoners has been condemned by the UN in 2011 as a form of torture. At over 80,000 at any given time, the US has more prisoners confined in isolation than any other country in the world. In Louisiana, with 843 prisoners per 100,000 citizens, there have been prisoners, such as the Angola Three, held for as long as forty years in isolation.
In 2011, some 885 people died while being held in local jails (not in prisons after being convicted of a crime and sentenced) throughout the United States. According to federal statistics, roughly 4,400 inmates die in US prisons and jails annually, excluding executions.
As of September 2013, condoms for prisoners are only available in the U.S. State of Vermont (on September 17, 2013, the California Senate approved a bill for condom distribution inside the state's prisons, but the bill was not yet law at the time of approval) and in county jails in San Francisco.
In September 2016, a group of corrections officers at Holman Correctional Facility have gone on strike over safety concerns and overcrowding. Prisoners refer to the facility as a "slaughterhouse" as stabbings are a routine occurrence.
Prior to the 1980s, private prisons did not exist in the U.S. During the 1980s, as a result of the War on Drugs by the Reagan Administration, the number of people incarcerated rose. This created a demand for more prison space. The result was the development of privatization and the for-profit prison industry.
A 1998 study was performed using three comparable Louisiana medium security prisons, two of which were privately run by different corporations and one of which was publicly run. The data from this study suggested that the privately run prisons operated more cost-effectively without sacrificing the safety of inmates and staff. The study concluded that both privately run prisons had a lower cost per inmate, a lower rate of critical incidents, a safer environment for employees and inmates, and a higher proportional rate of inmates who completed basic education, literacy, and vocational training courses. However, the publicly run prison outperformed the privately run prisons in areas such as experiencing fewer escape attempts, controlling substance abuse through testing, offering a wider range of educational and vocational courses, and providing a broader range of treatment, recreation, social services, and rehabilitative services.
According to Marie Gottschalk, a professor of political science at the University of Pennsylvania, studies that claim private prisons are cheaper to run than public prisons fail to "take into account the fundamental differences between private and public facilities," and that the prison industry "engages in a lot of cherry-picking and cost-shifting to maintain the illusion that the private sector does it better for less." The American Civil Liberties Union reported in 2013 that numerous studies indicate private jails are actually filthier, more violent, less accountable, and possibly more costly than their public counterparts. The ACLU stated that the for-profit prison industry is "a major contributor to bloated state budgets and mass incarceration – not a part of any viable solution to these urgent problems." The primary reason Louisiana is the prison capital of the world is because of the for-profit prison industry. According to The Times-Picayune, "a majority of Louisiana inmates are housed in for-profit facilities, which must be supplied with a constant influx of human beings or a $182 million industry will go bankrupt."
In Mississippi, a 2013 Bloomberg report stated that assault rates in private facilities were three times higher on average than in their public counterparts. In 2012, the for-profit Walnut Grove Youth Correctional Facility was the most violent prison in the state with 27 assaults per 100 offenders. A federal lawsuit filed by the ACLU and the Southern Poverty Law Center on behalf of prisoners at the privately run East Mississippi Correctional Facility in 2013 claims the conditions there are "hyper-violent," "barbaric" and "chaotic," with gangs routinely beating and exploiting mentally ill inmates who are denied medical care by prison staff. A May 2012 riot in the Corrections Corporation of America-run Adams County Correctional Facility, also in Mississippi, left one corrections officer dead and dozens injured. Similar riots have occurred in privatized facilities in Idaho, Oklahoma, New Mexico, Florida, California and Texas.
Sociologist John L. Campbell of Dartmouth College claims that private prisons in the U.S. have become "a lucrative business." Between 1990 and 2000, the number of private facilities grew from five to 100, operated by nearly 20 private firms. Over the same time period the stock price of the industry leader, Corrections Corporation of America (CCA), which rebranded as CoreCivic in 2016 amid increased scrutiny of the private prison industry, climbed from $8 a share to $30. According to journalist Matt Taibbi, major investors in the prison industry include Wells Fargo, Bank of America, Fidelity Investments, General Electric and The Vanguard Group. The aforementioned Bloomberg report also notes that in the past decade the number of inmates in for-profit prisons throughout the U.S. rose 44 percent.
Controversy has surrounded the privatization of prisons with the exposure of the genesis of the landmark Arizona SB 1070 law. This law was written by Arizona State Congressman Russell Pearce and the CCA at a meeting of the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) in the Grand Hyatt in Washington, D.C. Both CCA and GEO Group, the two largest operators of private facilities, have been contributors to ALEC, which lobbies for policies that would increase incarceration, such as three-strike laws and "truth-in-sentencing" legislation. In fact, in the early 1990s, when CCA was co-chair of ALEC, it co-sponsored (with the National Rifle Association) the so-called "truth-in-sentencing" and "three-strikes-you're-out" laws. Truth-in-sentencing called for all violent offenders to serve 85 percent of their sentences before being eligible for release; three strikes called for mandatory life imprisonment for a third felony conviction. Some prison officers unions in publicly run facilities such as California Correctional Peace Officers Association have, in the past, also supported measures such as three-strike laws. Such laws increased the prison population.
In addition to CCA and GEO Group, companies operating in the private prison business include Management and Training Corporation, and Community Education Centers. The GEO Group was formerly known as the Wackenhut Corrections division. It includes the former Correctional Services Corporation and Cornell Companies, which were purchased by GEO in 2005 and 2010. Such companies often sign contracts with states obliging them to fill prison beds or reimburse them for those that go unused.
Private companies which provide services to prisons combine in the American Correctional Association, a 501(c)3 which advocates legislation favorable to the industry. Such private companies comprise what has been termed the prison–industrial complex. An example of this phenomenon would be the Kids for cash scandal, in which two judges in Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, Mark Ciavarella and Michael Conahan, were receiving judicial kickbacks for sending youths, convicted of minor crimes, to a privatized, for-profit juvenile facility run by the Mid Atlantic Youth Service Corporation.
The industry is aware of what reduced crime rates could mean to their bottom line. This from the CCA's SEC report in 2010:
Our growth … depends on a number of factors we cannot control, including crime rates …[R]eductions in crime rates … could lead to reductions in arrests, convictions and sentences requiring incarceration at correctional facilities.
Marie Gottschalk claims that while private prison companies and other economic interests were not the primary drivers of mass incarceration originally, they do much to sustain it today. The private prison industry has successfully lobbied for changes that increase the profit of their employers. They have opposed measures that would bring reduced sentencing or shorter prison terms. The private prison industry has been accused of being at least partly responsible for America's high rates of incarceration.
According to The Corrections Yearbook, 2000, the average annual starting salary for public corrections officers was $23,002, compared to $17,628 for private prison guards. The poor pay is a likely factor in the high turnover rate in private prisons, at 52.2 percent compared to 16 percent in public facilities.
In September 2015, Senator Bernie Sanders introduced the "Justice Is Not for Sale" Act, which would prohibit the United States government at federal, state and local levels from contracting with private firms to provide and/or operate detention facilities within two years.
An August 2016 report by the U.S. Department of Justice asserts that privately operated federal facilities are less safe, less secure and more punitive than other federal prisons. Shortly after this report was published, the DoJ announced it will stop using private prisons. On February 23, the DOJ under Attorney General Jeff Sessions overturned the ban on using private prisons. According to Sessions, "the (Obama administration) memorandum changed long-standing policy and practice, and impaired the bureau's ability to meet the future needs of the federal correctional system. Therefore, I direct the bureau to return to its previous approach." The private prison industry has been booming under the Trump Administration.
Additionally, both CCA and GEO Group have been expanding into the immigrant detention market. Although the combined revenues of CCA and GEO Group were about $4 billion in 2017 from private prison contracts, their number one customer was ICE.
About 18% of eligible prisoners held in federal prisons are employed by UNICOR and are paid less than $1.25 an hour. Prisons have gradually become a source of low-wage labor for corporations seeking to outsource work to inmates. Corporations that utilize prison labor include Walmart, Eddie Bauer, Victoria's Secret, Microsoft, Starbucks, McDonald's, Nintendo, Chevron Corporation, Bank of America, Koch Industries, Boeing and Costco Wholesale.
It is estimated that 1 in 9 state government employees works in corrections. As the overall U.S. prison population declined in 2010, states are closing prisons. For instance, Virginia has removed 11 prisons since 2009. Like other small towns, Boydton in Virginia has to contend with unemployment woes resulting from the closure of the Mecklenburg Correctional Center.
In September 2016, large, coordinated prison strikes took place in 11 states, with inmates claiming they are subjected to poor sanitary conditions and jobs that amount to forced labor and modern day slavery. Organizers, which include the Industrial Workers of the World labor union, assert it is the largest prison strike in U.S. history.
Starting August 21, 2018, another prison strike, sponsored by Jailhouse Lawyers Speak and the Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee, took place in 17 states from coast to coast to protest what inmates regard as unfair treatment by the criminal justice system. In particular, inmates objected to being excluded from the 13th amendment which forces them to work for pennies a day, a condition they assert is tantamount to "modern-day slavery." The strike was the result of a call to action after a deadly riot occurred at Lee Correctional Institution in April of that year, which was sparked by neglect and inhumane living conditions.
Judicial, police, and corrections costs totaled $212 billion in 2011 according to the U.S. Census Bureau. In 2007, around $74 billion was spent on corrections according to the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics.
In 2014, among facilities operated by the Federal Bureau of Prisons, the average cost of incarceration for federal inmates in fiscal year 2014 was $30,619.85. The average annual cost to confine an inmate in a residential re-entry center was $28,999.25.
In California in 2008, it cost the state an average of $47,102 a year to incarcerate an inmate in a state prison. From 2001 to 2009, the average annual cost increased by about $19,500.
Housing the approximately 500,000 people in jail in the US awaiting trial who cannot afford bail costs $9 billion a year. Most jail inmates are petty, nonviolent offenders. Twenty years ago most nonviolent defendants were released on their own recognizance (trusted to show up at trial). Now most are given bail, and most pay a bail bondsman to afford it. 62% of local jail inmates are awaiting trial.
Bondsmen have lobbied to cut back local pretrial programs from Texas to California, pushed for legislation in four states limiting pretrial's resources, and lobbied Congress so that they won't have to pay the bond if the defendant commits a new crime. Behind them, the bondsmen have powerful special interest group and millions of dollars. Pretrial release agencies have a smattering of public employees and the remnants of their once-thriving programs.
To ease jail overcrowding over 10 counties every year consider building new jails. As an example Lubbock County, Texas has decided to build a $110 million megajail to ease jail overcrowding. Jail costs an average of $60 a day nationally. In Broward County, Florida supervised pretrial release costs about $7 a day per person while jail costs $115 a day. The jail system costs a quarter of every county tax dollar in Broward County, and is the single largest expense to the county taxpayer.
The National Association of State Budget Officers reports: "In fiscal 2009, corrections spending represented 3.4 percent of total state spending and 7.2 percent of general fund spending." They also report: "Some states exclude certain items when reporting corrections expenditures. Twenty-one states wholly or partially excluded juvenile delinquency counseling from their corrections figures and fifteen states wholly or partially excluded spending on juvenile institutions. Seventeen states wholly or partially excluded spending on drug abuse rehabilitation centers and forty-one states wholly or partially excluded spending on institutions for the criminally insane. Twenty-two states wholly or partially excluded aid to local governments for jails. For details, see Table 36."
According to a 2016 study by researchers at Washington University in St. Louis, the true cost of incarceration exceeds $1 trillion, with half of that falling on the families, children and communities of those incarcerated.
Effects of incarceration
Effects on crime rates
Increasing incarceration has a negative effect on crime, but this effect becomes smaller as the incarceration rate increases. Higher rates of prison admissions increase crime rates, whereas moderate rates of prison admissions decrease crime. The rate of prisoner releases in a given year in a community is also positively related to that community's crime rate the following year.
Within three years of being released, 67% of ex-prisoners re-offend and 52% are re-incarcerated, according to a study published in 1994. The rate of recidivism is so high in the United States that most inmates who enter the system are likely to reenter within a year of their release. Former inmate Wenona Thompson argues "I realized that I became part of a cycle, a system, that looked forward to seeing me there. And I was aware that...I would be one of those people who fill up their prisons".
In 1995, the government allocated $5.1 billion for new prison space. Every $100 million spent in construction costs $53 million per year in finance and operational costs over the next three decades. Taxpayers spend $60 billion a year for prisons. In 2005, it cost an average of $23,876 a year to house a prisoner. It takes about $30,000 per year per person to provide drug rehabilitation treatment to inmates. By contrast, the cost of drug rehabilitation treatment outside of a prison costs about $8,000 per year per person.
The effects of such high incarceration rates are also shown in other ways. For example, a person who has been recently released from prison is ineligible for welfare in most states. They are not eligible for subsidized housing, and for Section 8 they have to wait two years before they can apply. In addition to finding housing, they also have to find employment, but this can be difficult as employers often check for a potential employees Criminal record. Essentially, a person who has been recently released from prison comes into a society that is not prepared structurally or emotionally to welcome them back.
In The New Jim Crow in 2011, legal scholar and advocate Michelle Alexander contended that the U.S. incarceration system worked to bar black men from voting. She wrote "there are more African Americans under correctional control -- in prison or jail, on probation or parole -- than were enslaved in 1850, a decade before the Civil War began". Alexander's work has drawn increased attention through 2011 and into 2013.
Yale Law Professor, and opponent of mass incarceration James Forman Jr. has countered that 1) African Americans, as represented by such cities as the District of Columbia, have generally supported tough on crime policies. 2) There appears to be a connection between drugs and violent crimes, the discussion of which, he says, New Jim Crow theorists have avoided. 3) New theorists have overlooked class as a factor in incarceration. Blacks with advanced degrees have fewer convictions. Blacks without advanced education have more.
Effects of parental incarceration on children
Incarceration of an individual does not have a singular effect: it affects those in the individual's tight-knit circle as well. For every mother that is incarcerated in the United States there are about another ten people (children, grandparents, community, etc.) that are directly affected. Moreover, more than 2.7 million children in the United States have an incarcerated parent. That translates to one out of every 27 children in the United States having an incarcerated parent. This ripple effect on the individual's family amplifies the debilitating effect that entails arresting individuals. Given the general vulnerability and naivete of children, it is important to understand how such a traumatic event adversely affects children. The effects of a parent’s incarceration on their children have been found as early as three years old. Local and state governments in the United States have recognized these harmful effects and have attempted to address them through public policy solutions.
Health and behavioral effects
The effects of an early traumatic experience of a child can be categorized into health effects and behavioral externalizations. Many studies have searched for a correlation between witnessing a parent's arrest and a wide variety of physiological issues. For example, Lee et al. showed significant correlation between high cholesterol, Migraine, and HIV/AIDS diagnosis to children with a parental incarceration. Even while adjusting for various socioeconomic and racial factors, children with an incarcerated parent have a significantly higher chance of developing a wide variety of physical problems such as Obesity, asthma, and developmental delays. The current literature acknowledges that there are a variety of poor health outcomes as a direct result of being separated from a parent by law enforcement. It is hypothesized that the chronic stress that results directly from the uncertainty of the parent's legal status is the primary influence for the extensive list of acute and chronic conditions that could develop later in life. In addition to the chronic stress, the immediate instability in a child's life deprives them of certain essentials e.g. money for food, parental love that are compulsory for leading a healthy life. Though most of the adverse effects that result from parental incarceration are regardless of whether the mother or father was arrested, some differences have been discovered. For example, males whose father have been incarcerated display more behavioral issues than any other combination of parent/child.
There has also been a substantial effort to understand how this traumatic experience manifests in the child's mental health and to identify externalizations that may be helpful for a diagnosis. The most prominent mental health outcomes in these children are Anxiety disorder, Depression (mood), and Posttraumatic stress disorder(PTSD). These problems worsen in a typical positive feedback loop without the presence of a parental figure. Given the chronic nature of these diseases, they can be detected and observed at distinct points in a child's development, allowing for ample research. Murray et al. have been able to isolate the cause of the expression of Anti-social behaviours specific to the parental incarceration. In a specific case study in Boston by Sack, within two months of the father being arrested, the adolescent boy in the family developed severe aggressive and antisocial behaviors. This observation is not unique; Sack and other researchers have noticed an immediate and strong reaction to sudden departures from family structure norms. These behavioral externalizations are most evident at school when the child interacts with peers and adults. This behavior leads to punishment and less focus on education, which has obvious consequences for future educational and career prospects.
In addition to externalizing undesirable behaviors, children of incarcerated parents are more likely to be incarcerated compared to those without incarcerated parents. More formally, transmission of severe emotional strain on a parent negatively impacts the children by disrupting the home environment. Societal stigma against individuals, specifically parents, who are incarcerated is passed down to their children. The children find this stigma to be overwhelming and it negatively impacts their short- and long-term prospects.
There are four main phases that can be distinguished in the process of arresting a parent: arrest, sentencing, incarceration, and re-entry. Re-entry is not relevant if a parent is not arrested for other crimes. During each of these phases, solutions can be implemented that mitigate the harm placed on the children during the process. While their parents are away, children rely on other caretakers (family or friends) to satisfy their basic need. Solutions for the children of incarcerated parents have identified caretakers as a focal point for successful intervention.
One in five children witness their parent arrested by authorities, and a study interviewing 30 children reported that the children experienced Flashbulb Memories and Nightmares associated with the day their parent was arrested. These single, adverse moments have long-reaching effects and policymakers around the country have attempted to ameliorate the situation. For example, the city of San Francisco in 2005 implemented training policies for its police officers with the goal of making them more cognizant of the familial situation before entering the home. The guidelines go a step further and stipulate that if no information is available before the arrest, that officers ask the suspect about the possibility of any children in the house. San Francisco is not alone: New Mexico passed a law in 2009 advocating for child safety during parental arrest and California provides funding to agencies to train personnel how to appropriately conduct an arrest in the presence of family members. Extending past the state level, the Department of Justice has provided guidelines for police officers around the country to better accommodate for children in difficult family situations.
During the sentencing phase, the judge is the primary authority in determine if the appropriate punishment, if any. Consideration of the sentencing effects on the defendant’s children could help with the preservation of the parent-child relationship. In a law passed in 2014, Oklahoma requires judges to inquire if convicted individuals are single custodial parents, and if so, authorize the mobility of important resources so the child’s transition to different circumstances is monitored. The distance that the jail or prison is from the arrested individual’s home is a contributing factor to the parent-child relationship. Allowing a parent to serve their sentence closer to their residence will allow for easier visitation and a healthier relationship. Recognizing this, the New York Senate passed a bill in 2015 that would ensure convicted individuals be jailed in the nearest facility.
While serving a sentence, measures have been put in place to allow parents to exercise their duty as role models and caretakers. The state of New York (state) allows newborns to be with their mothers for up to one year. Studies have shown that parental, specifically maternal, presence during a newborn’s early development are crucial to both physical and cognitive development. Ohio law requires nursery support for pregnant inmates in its facilities. California also has a stake in the support of incarcerated parents, too, through its requirement that women in jail with children be transferred to a community facility that can provide pediatric care. These regulations are supported by the research on early child development that argue it is imperative that infants and young children are with a parental figure, preferably the mother, to ensure proper development. This approach received support at the federal level when then-Deputy Attorney General Sally Yates instituted several family-friendly measures, for certain facilities, including: improving infrastructure for video conferencing and informing inmates on how to contact their children if they were placed in the foster care system, among other improvements.
The last phase of the incarceration process is re-entry back into the community, but more importantly, back into the family structure. Though the time away is painful for the family, it does not always welcome back the previously incarcerated individual with open arms. Not only is the transition into the family difficult, but also into society as they are faced with establishing secure housing, insurance, and a new job. As such, policymakers find it necessary to ease the transition of an incarcerated individual to the pre-arrest situation. Of the four outlined phases, re-entry is the least emphasized from a public policy perspective. This is not to say it is the least important, however, as there are concerns that time in a correctional facility can deteriorate the caretaking ability of some prisoners. As a result, Oklahoma has taken measurable strides by providing parents with the tools they need to re-enter their families, including classes on parenting skills.
Though the effects on caregivers of these children vary based on factors such as the relationship to the prisoner and his or her support system, it is well-known that it is a financial and emotional burden to take care of a child. In addition to taking care of the their nuclear family, caregivers are now responsible for another individual who requires attention and resources to flourish. Depending on the relationship to the caregiver, the transition to a new household may not be easy for the child. The rationale behind targeting caregivers for intervention policies is to ensure the new environment for the children is healthy and productive. The federal government funds states to provide counseling to caretaking family members to alleviate some of the associated emotional burden. A more comprehensive program from Washington (state) employs "kinship navigators" to address caretakers' needs with initiatives such as parental classes and connections to legal services.
Effects on employment
Felony records greatly influence the chances of people finding employment. Many employers seem to use criminal history as a screening mechanism without attempting to probe deeper. They are often more interested in incarceration as a measure of employability and trustworthiness instead of its relation to any specific job. People who have felony records have a harder time finding a job. The psychological effects of incarceration can also impede an ex-felon's search for employment. Prison can cause social anxiety, distrust, and other psychological issues that negatively affect a person's reintegration into an employment setting. Men who are unemployed are more likely to participate in crime  which leads to there being a 67% chance of ex-felons being charged again. In 2008, the difficulties male ex-felons in the United States had finding employment lead to approximately a 1.6% decrease in the employment rate alone. This is a loss of between $57 and $65 billion of output to the US economy.
Although incarceration in general has a huge effect on employment, the effects become even more pronounced when looking at race. Devah Pager performed a study in 2003 and found that white males with no criminal record had a 34% chance of callback compared to 17% for white males with a criminal record. Black males with no criminal record were called back at a rate of 14% while the rate dropped to 5% for those with a criminal record. Black men with no criminal background have a harder time finding employment than white men who have a history of criminal activity. While having a criminal record decreases the chance of a callback for white men by 50%, it decreases the callback chances for black men by 64%.
While Pager's study is greatly informative, it does lack some valuable information. Pager only studied white and black males, which leaves out women and people of other races. It also fails to account for the fact that applying for jobs has largely shifted from applying in person to applying over the Internet. A study done by Scott H. Decker, Cassia Spohn, Natalie R. Ortiz, and Eric Hedberg from Arizona State University in 2014 accounts for this missing information. This study was set up similarly to the Pager study, but with the addition of female job applicants, Hispanic job applicants, and online job applications. Men and women of white, black, and Hispanic ethnicities account for 92% of the US prison population.
The results of Arizona State University study were somewhat different from Pager's study, but the main finding was expected: Incarceration decreased the chances of getting employed. For females submitting applications online and in-person, regardless of criminal history, white women received the most amount of callbacks, roughly 40%. Hispanic women followed up with a 34% callback rate. Black women had the lowest rate at 27%. The effects of incarceration on female applicants in general were that females with a prison record were less likely to receive a callback compared to females without a prison record. The significant exceptions are white women applying in person and Hispanic women with a community college degree applying online.
For males submitting applications online and in-person, regardless of criminal history, Hispanic males received the most amount of callbacks, roughly 38%. White males followed up with a 35% callback rate. Black males had the lowest rate at 27%. The effects of incarceration on male applicants applying in-person was that males with a prison record were less likely than males without a prison record to receive a callback. However, the effects of incarceration on male applicants applying online were nearly nonexistent. In fact, the study found that "there was no effect of race/ethnicity, prison record, or community college [education] on men's success in advancing through the [online] hiring process". The Arizona State University study also had results that contradicted Pager's study. It found that white males with a prison record did not have a higher callback rate than black males (and Hispanic males) without a prison record. Hispanic men without a prison record had a 40% higher callback rate than white males with a prison record, and black men without a prison record had a 6% higher callback rate than white males without a prison record.
Mass incarceration cannot be remedied in a short length of time, because each prisoner serves a separate sentence, the average length of sentences has risen over the last 35 years and public support for prison reform is still relatively low. Decriminalizing drugs has been suggested by libertarians and advocated for by socialists, but remains a remote political option. Additional parole and probation can be facilitated with enhanced electronic monitoring, though monitoring is expensive. The U.S. Supreme Court upheld prisoner releases to relieve California's unconstitutional prison conditions in Brown v. Plata, long-standing litigation wherein the federal courts intervened as they have done in most states through the years.
There is also the Prison abolition movement which calls for the immediate elimination and reduction of both public and private prisons. Angela Davis is a popular advocate for the prison abolition movement and has outlined how organizations like G4S, the third largest private corporation just behind McDonald's and Foxconn, make a huge profit from privatized prisons across the globe. Socialists have been a major advocate for abolition of prisons and argues that capitalism has led to the creation of prisons as well as mass-incarceration by pointing to G4S which profits from locking up other people behind bars and segregating lands in other countries, as well as enforcing borders and deporting immigrants. Angela Davis explains many of these views and how to implement reforms based on rehabilitation over incarceration.
There is greater indication that education in prison helps prevent reincarceration. Many people inside prisons lack education. Dropout rates are seven times greater for children in impoverished areas than those who come from families of higher incomes. This is due to the fact that many children in poverty are more likely to have to work and care for family members. People in prisons generally come from poverty creating a continuous cycle of poverty and incarceration.
|“||Mass incarceration on a scale almost unexampled in human history is a fundamental fact of our country today—perhaps the fundamental fact, as slavery was the fundamental fact of 1850.||”|
|— Adam Gopnik|
High rates of incarceration may be due to sentence length, which is further driven by many other factors. Shorter sentences may even diminish the criminal culture by possibly reducing re-arrest rates for first-time convicts. The U.S. Congress has ordered federal judges to make imprisonment decisions "recognizing that imprisonment is not an appropriate means of promoting correction and rehabilitation."
Critics have lambasted the United States for incarcerating a large number of non-violent and victimless offenders; half of all persons incarcerated under state jurisdiction are for non-violent offenses, and 20% are incarcerated for drug offenses (in state prisons; federal prison percentages are higher). "Human Rights Watch believes the extraordinary rate of incarceration in the United States wreaks havoc on individuals, families and communities, and saps the strength of the nation as a whole." The population of inmates housed in prisons and jails in the United States exceeds 2 million, with the per capita incarceration population higher than that officially reported by any other country. Criminal justice policy in the United States has also been criticized for a number of other reasons. In the 2014 book The Divide: American Injustice in the Age of the Wealth Gap, journalist Matt Taibbi argues that the expanding disparity of wealth and the increasing criminalization of those in poverty have culminated in the U.S. having the largest prison population "in the history of human civilization." The scholars Michael Meranze and Marie Gottschalk contend that the massive "carceral state" extends far beyond prisons, and distorts democracy, degrades society, and obstructs meaningful discourse on criminal punishment. A December 2017 report by Philip Alston, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, asserted that the justice system throughout the U.S. is designed to keep people mired in poverty and to generate revenue to fund the justice system and other governmental programs.
Some scholars have linked the ascent of neoliberal, free market ideology in the late 1970s to mass incarceration. Sociologist Loïc Wacquant postulates the expansive prison system has become a political institution designed to deal with an urban crisis created by welfare state retrenchment and economic deregulation, and that this "overgrown and intrusive penal state" is "deeply injurious to the ideals of democratic citizenship." Academic and activist Angela Davis argues that prisons in the U.S. have "become venues of profit as well as punishment;" as mass incarceration has increased, the prison system has become more about economic factors than criminality. Professor of Law at Columbia University Bernard Harcourt contends that neoliberalism holds the state as incompetent when it comes to economic regulation but proficient at policing and punishing, and that this paradox has resulted in the expansion of penal confinement. According to The Routledge Handbook of Poverty in the United States, "neoliberal social and economic policy has more deeply embedded the carceral state within the lives of the poor, transforming what it means to be poor in America."
Another possibly cause for this increase of incarceration since the 1970s could be the "war on drugs," which started around that time. More elected prosecutors were favored by voters for promising to take more harsh approaches than their opponents, such as locking up more people.
|“||Our vast network of federal and state prisons, with some 2.3 million inmates, rivals the gulags of totalitarian states.||”|
|— Chris Hedges|
Reporting at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association (August 3, 2008), Becky Pettit, associate professor of sociology from the University of Washington and Bryan Sykes, a UW post-doctoral researcher, revealed that the mammoth increase in the United States's prison population since the 1970s is having profound demographic consequences that affect 1 in 50 Americans. Drawing data from a variety of sources that looked at prison and general populations, the researchers found that the boom in prison population is hiding lowered rates of fertility and increased rates of involuntary migration to rural areas and morbidity that is marked by a greater exposure to and risk of infectious diseases such as tuberculosis and HIV or AIDS.
As of December 2012[update], two state prison systems, Alabama and South Carolina, segregated prisoners based on their HIV status. On December 21, U.S. District Court Judge Myron Thompson ruled in a lawsuit brought by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) on behalf of several inmates that Alabama's practice in doing so violated federal disabilities law. He noted the state's "outdated and unsupported assumptions about HIV and the prison system's ability to deal with HIV-positive prisoners."
Department of Justice Smart on Crime Program
On August 12, 2013, at the American Bar Association's House of Delegates meeting, Attorney General Eric Holder announced the "Smart on Crime" program, which is "a sweeping initiative by the Justice Department that in effect renounces several decades of tough-on-crime anti-drug legislation and policies." Holder said the program "will encourage U.S. attorneys to charge defendants only with crimes "for which the accompanying sentences are better suited to their individual conduct, rather than excessive prison terms more appropriate for violent criminals or drug kingpins…" Running through Holder's statements, the increasing economic burden of over-incarceration was stressed. As of August 2013[update], the Smart on Crime program is not a legislative initiative but an effort "limited to the DOJ's policy parameters."
Strip searches and cavity searches
References in popular culture
In relation to popular culture, mass incarceration has become a popular issue in the Hip-Hop community. Artists like Tupac Shakur, NWA, LL Cool J, and Kendrick Lamar have written songs and poems that condemn racial disparities in the criminal justice system, specifically the practice of police officers targeting African Americans. By presenting the negative implications of mass incarceration in a way that is widespread throughout popular culture, rap music is more likely to impact younger generations than a book or scholarly article would. Hip hop accounts of mass incarceration are based on victim-based testimony and are effective in inspiring others to speak out against the corrupt criminal justice system.
In addition to references in popular music, mass incarceration has also played a role in modern film. For example, Ava DuVernay's Netflix film 13th, released in 2017, criticizes mass incarceration and compares it to the history of slavery throughout the United States, beginning with the provision of the 13th Amendment that allows for involuntary servitude "as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." The film delivers the staggering message that mass incarceration could be equated to the post-Civil War Jim Crow Era.
The fight against mass incarceration has also been a part of the larger discourse in the 21st century movement for Black Lives. #BlackLivesMatter, a progressive movement created by Alicia Garza after the death of Trayvon Martin, was designed as an online platform to fight against anti-black sentiments such as mass incarceration, police brutality, and ingrained racism within modern society. According to Garza, "Black Lives Matter is an ideological and political intervention in a world where Black lives are systematically and intentionally targeted for demise. It is an affirmation of Black folks' contributions to this society, our humanity, and our resilience in the face of deadly oppression." This movement has focused on specific racial issues faced by African Americans in the justice system including police brutality, ending capital punishment, and eliminating "the criminalization and dehumanization of Black youth across all areas of society." 
States and insular areas
Imprisonment by the state judicial systems has steadily diminished since 2006 to 2012, from 689,536 annually to 553,843 annually.
- Capital punishment in the United States
- Death in custody
- History of United States Prison Systems
- Religion in United States prisons
- Prison gangs in the United States
- Prisoner rights in the United States
- Prisoner suicide
- Social groups in male and female prisons in the United States
- United States incarceration rate
- Conditions of confinement
- Prison advocacy groups
- Parole in the United States
- Crime in the United States
- United States cities by crime rate
- Law enforcement in the United States
- List of detention sites in the United States
- Penal labor in the United States
- Civilian noninstitutional population
- Human rights in the United States#Prison system
- Race in the United States criminal justice system
- Race and the War on Drugs
- Race and crime
- Racial profiling in the United States
- By state
- Correctional Populations in the United States, 2010 (NCJ 236319). By Lauren E. Glaze, BJS Statistician. US Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), published December 2011. See PDF. See page 2 for explanation of the difference between number of prisoners in custody and the number under jurisdiction. See appendix table 3 for "Estimated number of inmates held in custody in state or federal prisons or in local jails per 100,000 U.S. residents, by sex, race and Hispanic/Latino origin, and age, June 30, 2010". See appendix table 2 for "Inmates held in custody in state or federal prisons or in local jails, December 31, 2000, and 2009–2010."
- Correctional Populations in the United States, 2013 (NCJ 248479). Published December 2014 by U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS). By Lauren E. Glaze and Danielle Kaeble, BJS statisticians. See PDF. See page 1 "highlights" section for the "1 in ..." numbers. See table 1 on page 2 for adult numbers. See table 5 on page 6 for male and female numbers. See appendix table 5 on page 13, for "Estimated number of persons supervised by adult correctional systems, by correctional status, 2000–2013." See appendix table 2: "Inmates held in custody in state or federal prisons or in local jails, 2000 and 2012–2013".
- Highest to Lowest. World Prison Brief (WPB). Use dropdown menu to choose lists of countries by region, or the whole world. Use menu to select highest-to-lowest lists of prison population totals, prison population rates, percentage of pre-trial detainees / remand prisoners, percentage of female prisoners, percentage of foreign prisoners, and occupancy rate. Column headings in WPB tables can be clicked to reorder columns lowest to highest, or alphabetically. For detailed information for each country click on any country name in lists. See also the WPB main data page and click on the map links and/or the sidebar links to get to the region and country desired.
- ""Contempt for the poor in US drives cruel policies," says UN expert". OHCHR. June 4, 2018. Retrieved June 25, 2018.
- Haymes, Stephen N.; de Haymes, María V.; Miller, Reuben J., eds. (2015). The Routledge Handbook of Poverty in the United States. London and New York: Routledge. pp. 346, 389. ISBN 978 0 41 567344 0.
- United States of America. World Prison Brief.
- "Correctional Populations In The United States, 2014" http://www.bjs.gov/index.cfm?ty=pbdetail&iid=5519
- Kaeble, Danielle (April 2018). "Correctional Populations in the United States 2016" (PDF). U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics. Retrieved October 22, 2018.
- Sickmund, M., Sladky, T.J., Kang, W., & Puzzanchera, C.. "Easy Access to the Census of Juveniles in Residential Placement". Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. Click "National Crosstabs" at the top, and then choose the census years. Click "Show table" to get the total number of juvenile inmates for those years. Or go here for all the years. And here.
- Writer, Staff (April 14, 2009). "Debtors' prison – again". The Tampa Bay Times. United States.
- California, State of (2012). "CAL. PEN. CODE § 1205". Find Law.com. California Penal Code.
- Knafo, Saki (February 12, 2014). The U.S. Is Locking People Up For Being Poor. The Huffington Post. Retrieved February 12, 2014.
- Genevieve LeBaron and Adrienne Roberts (March 2012). "Confining Social Insecurity: Neoliberalism and the Rise of the 21st Century Debtors' Prison". Politics & Gender. 8 (1): 25–49. doi:10.1017/S1743923X12000062.
- Timothy Williams (February 11, 2015). Jails Have Become Warehouses for the Poor, Ill and Addicted, a Report Says. The New York Times. Retrieved February 11, 2015.
- Nation Behind Bars: A Human Rights Solution. Human Rights Watch, May 2014. Retrieved May 8, 2014.
- Bureau of Justice Statistics (2018) Prisoners in 2016 .
- "Why Texas is closing prisons in favour of rehab". BBC News. December 2014.
- Oliver Laughland (February 12, 2015). Mass incarceration does not explain dramatic fall in US crime, study finds. The Guardian. Retrieved February 14, 2015. "Researchers at the Brennan Center for Justice placed crime statistics from all 50 states over the past four decades against 13 other potential explainers of crime reduction, including decreases in alcohol consumption, growth in income and data-driven policing techniques. The conclusion was that the sharp increase in prison numbers has had a negligible effect on the downward trend in crime, with mass incarceration responsible for around 6% of property crime reduction in the 1990s and less than a single percentage point in the 2000s."
- Levitt, Steven D (2004). "Understanding Why Crime Fell in the 1990s: Four Factors that Explain the Decline and Six that Do Not". Journal of Economic Perspectives. 18 (1): 163–190. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.210.3073. doi:10.1257/089533004773563485. ISSN 0895-3309.
- Emma Brown and Danielle Douglas-Gabriel (July 7, 2016). Since 1980, spending on prisons has grown three times as much as spending on public education. The Washington Post. Retrieved July 12, 2016.
- "Rise of the Penitentiary | Yale University Press". yalebooks.yale.edu. Retrieved 2018-11-19.
- Christianson, Scott (2000-10-19). With Liberty for Some: 500 Years of Imprisonment in America. UPNE. ISBN 9781555534684.
- Dix, Dorothea L (1843), Memorial to the Legislature of Massachusetts 1843, p. 2, retrieved November 12, 2010
- O'Donnell, Jayne. "State time or federal prison?" (Archive). USA Today. March 18, 2004. Retrieved on February 5, 2016.
- John Pfaff (January 28, 2017). "A Better Approach to Violent Crime". Wall Street Journal. Retrieved January 28, 2017.
- Holwager, James K. (August 2012). "Behavioral management disorders and serious mental illness in a maximum-security prison: it takes a "healthily codependent" staff". Corrections Today. Retrieved 20 April 2018.
- Prisoners in 2008. (NCJ 228417). December 2009 report from the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS). By William J. Sabol, Ph.D. and Heather C. West, Ph.D., BJS Statisticians. Also, Matthew Cooper, BJS Intern. See PDF. Table 9 on page 8 has the number of inmates in state or federal prison facilities, local jails, U.S. territories, military facilities, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) owned and contracted facilities, jails in Indian country, and juvenile facilities (2006 Census of Juveniles in Residential Placement). See 2007 juvenile total here. Table 8 on page 8 has the incarceration rates for 2000, 2007, and 2008.
- One in 100: Behind Bars in America 2008. February 28, 2008. The Pew Center on the States.
- Liptak, Adam (28 Feb 2008). 1 in 100 U.S. Adults Behind Bars, New Study Says. New York Times.
- Walmsley, Roy (30 Jan 2009). World Prison Population List (8th Edition). From World Prison Population Lists. By International Centre for Prison Studies. "The information is the latest available in early December 2008. … Most figures relate to dates between the beginning of 2006 and the end of November 2008." According to the summary on page one there were 2.29 million U.S. inmates and 9.8 million inmates worldwide. The U.S. held 23.4% of the world's inmates. The U.S. total in this report is for December 31, 2007 (see page 3), and does not include inmates in juvenile detention facilities.
- West, Heather; Sabol, William (December 2010). "Prisoners in 2009" (PDF). Bureau of Justice Statistics.
- "Report: Oklahoma now 'world's prison capital'". KAKE. June 7, 2018. Retrieved December 12, 2018.
- Wagner, Peter; Sawyer, Wendy (June 2018). "States of Incarceration: The Global Context 2018". Prison Policy Initiative. Retrieved December 12, 2018.
Oklahoma now has the highest incarceration rate in the U.S., unseating Louisiana from its long-held position as “the world’s prison capital.”
- "GAO-05-337R Information on Criminal Aliens Incarcerated in Federal and State Prisons and Local Jails" (PDF). General Accounting Office. April 7, 2005.
- Mauer, Marc; King, Ryan S; Young, Malcolm C (May 2004). "The Meaning of "Life": Long Prison Sentences in Context" (PDF). The Sentencing Project. p. 3.
- "2016 Crime Statistics Released". FBI.gov. Federal Bureau of Investigation. 25 September 2017. Retrieved 25 November 2017.
- "Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie 2016". National Institute of Justice. U.S. Department of Justice. 2016-03-16. Retrieved 25 November 2017.
- Profile of Jail Inmates, 2002. By Doris J. James. July 18, 2004. NCJ 201932. U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics. See Table 3 of the PDF file for the percent of inmates in for violent offenses.
- "United States - Punishment and Prejudice: Racial Disparities in the War on Drugs". www.hrw.org. Retrieved 2017-04-24.
- "Incarcerated America" Human Rights Watch (April 2003)
- United States Crime Rates 1960–2009. Source: FBI, Uniform Crime Reports.
- U.S. Department of Justice Bureau of Justice Statistics: "Prisoners in 2012 Trends in Admissions and Releases, 1991–2012" by E. Ann Carson and Daniela Golinelli Table 11: Estimated sentenced state prisoners on December 31, by most serious offense and type of admission, 1991, 2001, 2006, and 2011 | December 2013
- Langan, Patrick A.; Levin, David J. (June 2, 2002). "Recidivism of Prisoners Released in 1994" (PDF). Bureau of Justice Statistics.
- Gefangenenraten im internationalen und nationalen Vergleich (Prison rates international comparison), University Greifswald, FRIEDER DÜNKEL • BERND GENG • STEFAN HARRENDORF, Bewährungshilfe – Soziales • Strafrecht • Kriminalpolitik, Jg. 63, 2016, Heft 2, S. 178–200, 2016.
- American Exception. Inmate Count in US Dwarfs Other Nations'. New York Times. April 22, 2008. Page 1, Section A, Front Page.
- Walmsley, Roy (2 Feb 2016). World Prison Population List (11th edition) (PDF). From the Research & Publications page of the World Prison Brief website. From page 1 of the PDF: "The information is the latest available at the end of October 2015." And from page 2: "This report shows that more than 10.35 million people are held in penal institutions throughout the world, either as pre-trial detainees/remand prisoners or having been convicted and sentenced."
- Correctional Populations in the United States, 2015. By Danielle Kaeble and Lauren Glaze, BJS Statisticians. Dec. 2016. Bureau of Justice Statistics. See PDF. Page 2 says: "At yearend 2015, an estimated 2,173,800 persons were either under the jurisdiction of state or federal prisons or in the custody of local jails in the United States".
- Population Clock. U.S. Census Bureau. 321,032,786 people in the US on June 30, 2015.
- The World Population Prospects: 2015 Revision. 29 July 2015 article. From United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs. 7.3 billion people in 2015.
- Canada. World Prison Brief.
- United Kingdom: England & Wales. World Prison Brief.
- Australia. World Prison Brief.
- Spain. World Prison Brief.
- Greece. World Prison Brief.
- Norway. World Prison Brief.
- Netherlands. World Prison Brief.
- Japan. World Prison Brief.
- Rosefielde, Steven (2007). The Russian economy: from Lenin to Putin. By Steven Rosefielde. ISBN 978-1-4051-1337-3.
- Applebaum, Anne (2003). Gulag: a history. By Anne Applebaum. ISBN 978-0-7679-0056-0.
- Gopnik, Adam (30 January 2012). The Caging of America. The New Yorker.
- Breaking Down Mass Incarceration in the 2010 Census: State-by-State Incarceration Rates by Race/Ethnicity. Briefing by Leah Sakala. May 28, 2014. Prison Policy Initiative. Figures calculated with US Census 2010 SF-1 table P42 and the PCT20 table series.
- Prisoners in 2015. By E. Ann Carson, Ph.D., BJS Statistician. And Elizabeth Anderson, BJS Intern. December 2016. Bureau of Justice Statistics.
- "Prisoners in 2013" (PDF). Bureau of Justice Statistics. September 30, 2014. Retrieved March 18, 2016.
- Jamaal Bell. Mass Incarceration: A Destroyer of People of Color and Their Communities The Huffington Post. May 17, 2010.
- American Indians and Crime Bureau of Justice Statistics.
- Behind Bars: Native incarceration rates increase. Indianz.com. July 13, 2001.
- Percent of American Indians in jail is high The Bismarck Tribune, February 26, 2009.
- Study of Native American Prisoner Issues. Native American Rights Fund, 1996.
- Rubén G. Rumbaut, Roberto G. Gonzales, Golnaz Komaie, and Charlie V. Morgan. Debunking the Myth of Immigrant Criminality: Imprisonment Among First- and Second-Generation Young Men. Migration Policy Institute. June 1, 2006.
- Ashley Klann. MA Hispanic Incarceration Rate 4th Highest in US. Go Local Worcester, April 29, 2013.
- Sophia Kerby. The Top 10 Most Startling Facts About People of Color and Criminal Justice in the United States. Center for American Progress. March 13, 2012
- Why is the African American Imprisonment Rate Higher than Whites? The Sentencing Project. October 4, 2013.
- ACS DEMOGRAPHIC AND HOUSING ESTIMATES. United States Census Bureau, 2013.
- Prison Inmates at Midyear 2009 - Statistical Tables (NCJ 230113). Published June 2010, by U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS). By Heather C. West, Ph.D., BJS Statistician. See PDF. See tables 18 and 19. The rates are for adults. Rates per 100,000 can be converted to percentages.
- Overview of Race and Hispanic Origin: 2010 Census Briefs Archived April 29, 2011, at the Wayback Machine. US Census Bureau. See Tables 1 and 2.
- "Hispanic, Black incarceration rates signal trouble ahead". elreporterosf.com. August 3, 2007. Retrieved 2012-08-17.
- "The Sentencing Project : Uneven Justice : State Rates of Incarceration by Race and Ethnicity" (PDF). Sentencingproject.org. Retrieved 2013-10-23.
- "Model Minority? - Society and Culture". AEI. March 3, 2010. Retrieved 2012-08-17.
- SpearIt (2015-04-02). "How Mass Incarceration Underdevelops Latino Communities". Rochester, NY: Social Science Research Network. SSRN 2589112.
- Bennett, Hans (October 22, 2009). "Book Review: Asian-American Prisoners". ColorLines.com. Retrieved August 10, 2013.
- Engel, Robin S. (2014). Bucerius, Sandra, ed. The Oxford Handbook of Ethnicity, Crime, and Immigration. Oxford University Press. p. 147. ISBN 9780199859016.
- Stephan Thernstrom, Abigail Thernstrom (1997). America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible. ISBN 9780684844978. Retrieved 2012-08-17.
- Simon McCormack (2014-01-06). "Nearly Half Of Black Males, 40 Percent Of White Males Are Arrested By Age 23: Study". Huffington Post. huffingtonpost.com. Retrieved 2014-02-14.
- Antonio Moore (February 23, 2015). The Black Male Incarceration Problem Is Real and It's Catastrophic. The Huffington Post. Retrieved February 23, 2015.
- "World Female Imprisonment List (fourth edition) | World Prison Brief". www.prisonstudies.org. Retrieved 2018-11-02.
- "Did You Know? The Number Of Black Men Imprisoned In U.S. Could Fill The Prisons Of 8 Other Countries Combined". Bossip. 2015-02-25. Retrieved 2018-11-02.
- Michelle., Alexander (℗2012), The new Jim Crow : mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness, Chilton, Karen., Recorded Books, ISBN 9781464046148, OCLC 794597582 Check date values in:
- Barbara H. Zaitzow; Jim Thomas (2003). Women in Prison: Gender and Social Control. Lynne Rienner Publishers. p. vii. ISBN 978-1-58826-228-8.
- Cyndi Banks (2003). Women in Prison: A Reference Handbook. ABC-CLIO. pp. 1–. ISBN 978-1-57607-929-4.
- Mustard, David B. "Racial, ethnic, and gender disparities in sentencing: Evidence from the U.S. Federal Courts". The Journal of Law, Economics & Policy. 285.
- "Men Sentenced to Longer Prison Terms for Same Crimes, Study Says". The Huffington Post.
- Stacey, Ann Martin. "Gender and the Social Costs of Sentencing: An Analysis of Sentences Imposed on Male and Female Offenders in Three U.S. District Courts". Berkeley Journal of Criminal Law.
- Ed Pilkington (March 13, 2014). US criticised by UN for human rights failings on NSA, guns and drones. The Guardian. Retrieved April 5, 2014.
- Natasja Sheriff (March 9, 2015). UN expert slams US as only nation to imprison kids for life without parole. Al Jazeera America. Retrieved March 13, 2015.
- Chris Kirkham (October 22, 2013). Prisoners of Profit: Private Prison Empire Rises Despite Startling Record Of Juvenile Abuse. The Huffington Post. Retrieved October 22, 2013.
- Case, Anne C., and Lawrence F. Katz. The company you keep: The effects of family and neighborhood on disadvantaged youths. No. w3705. National Bureau of Economic Research, 1991.
- "Aging inmates clogging nation's prisons". Associated Press. September 30, 2007.
- Aday, Ronald H. (2003). Aging Prisoners: Crisis in American Corrections. Praeger. ISBN 978-0-275-97123-6.
- "Elderly Inmate Population Soared 1,300 Percent Since 1980s: Report". The Huffington Post. June 13, 2012.
- Marksamer, Jody; Tobin, Harper (2013). Standing With LGBT Prisoners: An Advocate's Guide to Ending Abuse and Combating Imprisonment (PDF). Washington, DC: National Center for Transgender Equality. pp. 1–88. Retrieved February 14, 2015.
- Tobin, Harper (April 1, 2014). "Putting Prisons on the LGBT Agenda". The Huffington Post. The Huffington Post. Retrieved February 14, 2015.
- Bassichis, Daniel (2007). "It's War In Here": A Report on the Treatment of Transgender and Intersex People in New York State Men's Prisons (PDF). Sylvia Rivera Law Project. pp. 1–50. Retrieved February 14, 2015.
- Whitlock, Kay (December 15, 2005). "Corrupting Justice: A Primer for LGBT Communities on Racism, Violence, Human Degradation & the Prison Industrial Complex" (PDF). American Friends Service Committee. American Friends Service Committee. Retrieved February 14, 2015.
- Beck, Allan; Berzofsky, Marcus; Caspar, Rachel; Krebs, Christopher (May 2013). Sexual Victimization in Prisons and Jails Reported by Inmates, 2011-12. National Criminal Justice Reference Service.
- Horowitz, Alana (2013-02-04). "Mental Illness Soars In Prisons, Jails While Inmates Suffer". Huffington Post. Retrieved February 15, 2015.
- "Mentally Ill Persons in Corrections". nicic.gov. National Institute of Corrections. Retrieved February 15, 2015.
- Geller, Adam (July 15, 2014). "U.S. Jails Struggle With Role As Makeshift Asylums". The Seattle Times. The Seattle Times. Retrieved October 18, 2018.
- Skeem, Jennifer; Manchak, Sarah; Peterson, Jillian (April 2011). "Correctional Policy for Offenders with Mental Illness: Creating a New Paradigm for Recidivism Reduction". Law and Human Behavior. 35 (2): 110–126. doi:10.1007/s10979-010-9223-7. PMID 20390443.
- James, Doris; Glaze, Lauren (December 14, 2006). Mental Health Problems of Prison and Jail Inmates (PDF). U.S. Department of Justice: Office of Justice Programs: Bureau of Justice Statistics. pp. 1–12. Retrieved February 16, 2015.
- Mental Illness, Human Rights, and US Prisons: Human Rights Watch Statement for the Record Senate Judiciary Committee Subcommittee on Human Rights and the Law (PDF). Human Rights Watch. September 22, 2009. pp. 1–14. Retrieved February 20, 2015. See p. 10.
- Marisa Taylor (May 12, 2015). Report: Mentally ill inmates are routinely abused by corrections officers. Al Jazeera America. Retrieved May 17, 2015.
- Peterson, Jillian; Skeem, Jennifer; Kennealy, Patrick; Bray, Beth; Zvonkovic, Andrea (2014). "How Often and How Consistently do Symptoms Directly Precede Criminal Behavior Among Offenders With Mental Illness?" (PDF). Law and Human Behavior. 38 (5): 439–449. doi:10.1037/lhb0000075. PMID 24730388. Retrieved February 20, 2015.
- Torrey, E. Fuller; Kennard, Aaron; Eslinger, Don; Lamb, Richard; Pavle, James (May 2010). More Mentally Ill Persons Are in Jails and Prisons Than Hospitals: A Survey of the States (PDF). Arlington, Virginia: Treatment Advocacy Center. pp. 1–22. Retrieved February 21, 2015.
- Sarah Biehl, The School-to-Prison Pipeline, 28 OHIO LAWYER, Jan.–Feb. 2014,
- David M. Pedersen, Zero-Tolerance Policies, in SCHOOL VIOLENCE: FROM DISCIPLINE TO DUE PROCESS 48 (James C. Hanks ed., 2004); see also CATHERINE Y. KIM, DANIEL J. LOSEN & DAMON T. HEWITT, THE SCHOOL-TO-PRISON PIPELINE: STRUCTURING LEGAL REFORM 79 (2010)
- Ralph M. Gerstein & Lois A. Gerstein Education Law: An Essential Guide for Attorneys, Teachers, Administrators, Parents and Students 195 (2nd ed. 2007).
- U.S. Dep't of Educ. Office for Civil Rights, School Climate and Discipline, http://www2.ed.gov/policy/gen/guid/school-discipline/index.html
- Catherine Y. Kim, Policing School Discipline, 77 BROOK. L. REV. 861, 901–02 (2012); Moll & Simmons, supra note 22, at 7; Advancement Project, Clayton County, GA, http://safequalityschools.org/pages/clayton-county-ga [https://perma.cc/8CKX-URDD] (last visited Feb. 1, 2017).
- Heitzeg, Nancy A. (2009). "Education Or Incarceration: Zero Tolerance Policies And The School To Prison Pipeline" (PDF).
- Koon, Danfeng Soto-Vigil. "Exclusionary School Discipline: An Issue Brief and the Review of Literature." The Chief Justice Earl Warren Institute on Law and Social Policy . University of California, Berkeley School of Law, n.d. Web. Apr. 2013.
- O'Conner, R., Porowski, A., & Passa (2014). "Disproportionality in school discipline: An assessment of trends in Maryland, 2009–12" (PDF).CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link)
- Mallet, Christopher A. (2016). "The School-to-Prison Pipeline: Disproportionate Impact on Vulnerable Children and Adolescents" (PDF).
- Smith & Harper (2015). "Disproportionate impact of K-12 school suspension and expulsion on Black students in southern states" (PDF).
- Feld, Barry C. (1999). "Bad Kids: Race and the Transformation of the Juvenile Court".
- Edelman & Smith (1975). School Suspensions: Are they helping children?. Washington Research Project.
- "Transfer Of State Prisoners." United States Department of Justice. Retrieved on April 14, 2016.
- "How The Program Works." United States Department of Justice. Retrieved on April 14, 2016.
- "What Do Security Levels Means". Injustice Security. Retrieved 28 August 2016.
- Christopher Zoukis (19 May 2013). "Inmate Housing in the Federal Bureau of Prisons". Prison Law Blog. Retrieved 15 January 2017.
- DEPARTMENT OF CORRECTIONS TO BAN INMATES FROM SOLICITING PEN PALS ON WEBSITES – Missouri Department of Corrections, press release May 13, 2007. "During our review, we have identified numerous offenders who, through misleading web postings and photos, have solicited thousands of dollars from individuals and have devised other creative and purposeful intents to defraud the public"
- "Arizona Inmates Back on the Net". Wired News. December 17, 2002. Retrieved 2008-01-26.
- Neal Moore (March 28, 2011). "Employment Upon Release". CNN. Retrieved 2011-03-28.
- "Prisoners' Rights – Legal Correspondence". FindLaw. Retrieved 2008-01-26.
- "California Prison Reform and Rehabilitation". California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.
- Prison and Detention Conditions. Human Rights Watch, retrieved May 22, 2015.
- "Inhumane Prison Conditions Still Threaten Life, Health of Alabama Inmates Living with HIV/AIDS, According to Court Filings". Human Rights Watch. February 27, 2005. Retrieved 2006-06-13.
- Cindy Struckman-Johnson & David Struckman-Johnson (December 2000). "Sexual Coercion Rates in Seven Midwestern Prisons for Men" (PDF). The Prison Journal. 80 (4): 379–390. doi:10.1177/0032885500080004004.
- Hylton, Wil S. (July 2003). "Sick on the Inside". Harper's Magazine. Retrieved 2012-02-29.
- Liliana Segura (October 1, 2013).With 2.3 Million People Incarcerated in the US, Prisons Are Big Business. The Nation. Retrieved October 9, 2013.
- Abigail Leonard & Adam May (May 28, 2014). Whistleblower: Arizona inmates are dying from inadequate health care. Al Jazeera America. Retrieved July 22, 2014.
- David M. Reutter, Gary Hunter & Brandon Sample. Appalling Prison and Jail Food Leaves Prisoners Hungry for Justice. Prison Legal News. Retrieved January 4, 2013.
- Paul Egan (May 7, 2013). Michigan's new prison food contractor accused of skimping on size and quality of meals to boost profits. Detroit Free Press. Retrieved January 4, 2014.
- Fassler, Joe; Brown, Claire (December 27, 2017). "Prison Food Is Making U.S. Inmates Disproportionately Sick". The Atlantic. Retrieved December 29, 2017.
- "Gang and Security Threat Group Awareness". Florida Department of Corrections. Retrieved 2006-06-13.
- Thompson, Don (April 5, 2008). "Prison Attacks Calling Attention to Overcrowding". Associated Press. Retrieved 2009-08-06.
- Moore, Solomon (August 5, 2009). "California Prisons Must Cut Inmate Population". New York Times. p. A10. Retrieved 2009-08-06.
- Order for population reduction plan, pg. 9, three-judge court convened by the Chief Judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit hearing Plata v. Schwarzenegger and Coleman v. Schwarzenegger
- Medina, Jennifer (May 24, 2011). "In a California Prison, Bunk Beds Replace Pickup Games". The New York Times.
- "Calif. Faces Tough Choices on Overcrowded Prisons".
- Liptak, Adam (May 23, 2011). "Justices, 5-4, Tell California to Cut Prisoner Population". The New York Times. Adam Liptak. Retrieved February 15, 2016.
- "RBGG and Co-Counsel Win Affirmance at Supreme Court of the United States". Rosen Bien Galvan & Grunfeld LLP. 50 Fremont Street, 19th Floor San Francisco, CA 94105. May 23, 2011. Retrieved February 15, 2016.
- "How Many Prisoners Are in Solitary Confinement in the United States?". February 2012.
- UN News (2011-10-18). "Solitary confinement should be banned in most cases".
- Dana Larson (December 8, 1999). "Norway Grants Refuge to US Smuggler". Cannabis Culture.
- Cara Tabachnick (December 27, 2013). There's an alarming number of deaths in US jails. The Guardian. Retrieved December 28, 2013.
- Berman, Mark (July 23, 2015). "How often do prisoners die behind bars?". The Washington Post. Retrieved February 24, 2018.
- Holly Richmond (September 18, 2013). "Everybody wants condom vending machines". Grist Magazine. Grist Magazine, Inc. Retrieved September 19, 2013.
- George Lavender (January 21, 2015). "California Prisons Aim To Keep Sex Between Inmates Safe, If Illegal". Around the Nation. NPR. Retrieved June 17, 2017.
- Alabama Guards Stage Work Strike Months After Prisoner Uprising at Overcrowded Holman Facility. Democracy Now! September 28, 2016.
- Khalek, Rania. How private prisons game the system. Salon.com. December 1, 2011.
- Harcourt, Bernard (2012). The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0674066162 pp. 235 & 236
- Selman, Donna and Paul Leighton (2010). Punishment for Sale: Private Prisons, Big Business, and the Incarceration Binge. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. ISBN 1442201738 p. xi
- Archambeault, William G.; Donald R. Deis Jr. (1997–1998). "Cost Effectiveness Comparisons of Private Versus Public Prisons in Louisiana: A Comprehensive Analysis of Allen, Avoyelles, and Winn Correction Centers". Journal of the Oklahoma Criminal Justice Research Consortium. 4.
- Marie Gottschalk. Caught: The Prison State and the Lockdown of American Politics. Princeton University Press, 2014. p. 70
- Shapiro, David. "Banking on Bondage: Private Prisons and Mass Incarceration" (PDF). American Civil Liberties Union. Retrieved March 31, 2013.
- Chang, Cindy (May 29, 2012). "Louisiana is the world's prison capital". The Times-Picayune. Retrieved April 4, 2013.
- Margaret Newkirk & William Selway (July 12, 2013). "Gangs Ruled Prison as For-Profit Model Put Blood on Floor." Bloomberg. Retrieved July 16, 2013.
- Jerry Mitchell (September 25, 2014). East Mississippi prison called 'barbaric'. The Clarion-Ledger. Retrieved December 1, 2014. See also: A Tour of East Mississippi Correctional Facility. ACLU.
- Timothy Williams (November 6, 2014). Christopher Epps, Former Chief of Prisons in Mississippi, Is Arraigned. The New York Times. Received December 2, 2014.
- Stroud, Matt (February 24, 2014). The Private Prison Racket. Politico. Retrieved February 25, 2014.
- Kirkham, Chris (September 27, 2012). Private Prisons: Immigration Convictions In Record Numbers Fueling Corporate Profits. The Huffington Post. Retrieved February 25, 2014.
- Renee Lewis (February 23, 2015). Inmates riot at for-profit Texas immigrant detention facility. Al Jazeera America. Retrieved February 24, 2015.
- John L. Campbell (2010). "Neoliberalism's penal and debtor states". Theoretical Criminology. 14 (1): 59–73. doi:10.1177/1362480609352783.
- Boucher, Dave (October 28, 2016). "CCA changes name to CoreCivic amid ongoing scrutiny". The Tennessean. Retrieved October 26, 2017.
- Matt Taibbi (2014). The Divide: American Injustice in the Age of the Wealth Gap. Spiegel & Grau. ISBN 081299342X pp. 214-216.
- "Prison Economics Help Drive Ariz. Immigration Law". NPR. October 28, 2010. Retrieved 2012-08-17.
- Sullivan, Laura (2010). Shaping State Laws With Little Scrutiny. National Public Radio.
- Elk, Mike and Sloan, Bob (2011). The Hidden History of ALEC and Prison Labor. The Nation.
- Prison Privatization and the Use of Incarceration. The Sentencing Project, September 2004.
- Whitehead, John (April 10, 2012). "Jailing Americans for Profit: The Rise of the Prison Industrial Complex". The Rutherford Institute. Retrieved April 2, 2013.
- Pat Beall (November 22, 2013). Big business, legislators pushed for stiff sentences. The Palm Beach Post. Retrieved November 10, 2014.
- Greenblatt, Alan (October 2003). "What Makes Alec Smart?". Governing.
- Beau Hodai, "Corporate Con Game. How the private prison industry helped shape Arizona's anti-immigrant law", In These Times, June 20, 2010, http://inthesetimes.com/article/6084/corporate_con_game, retrieved July 25, 2015.
- Page, Joshua (2011). Toughest Beat - Oxford Scholarship. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195384055.001.0001. ISBN 9780195384055.
- California Prison Guards Union Pushes For Prison Expansion. The Huffington Post. September 9, 2013.
- Chris Kirkham (September 19, 2013). Prison Quotas Push Lawmakers To Fill Beds, Derail Reform. The Huffington Post. Retrieved September 20, 2013.
- Eric Schlosser (December 1998). The Prison-Industrial Complex. The Atlantic. Retrieved December 31, 2013.
- Ray Downs (May 17, 2013). Who's Getting Rich Off the Prison-Industrial Complex? Vice. Retrieved December 31, 2013.
- Selman, Donna and Paul Leighton (2010). Punishment for Sale: Private Prisons, Big Business, and the Incarceration Binge. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. ISBN 1442201738 p. 78
- on YouTube. Russia Today on YouTube
- Marie Gottschalk (March 5, 2015). It's Not Just the Drug War. Jacobin. Retrieved March 5, 2015.
- Detention Watch Network, "The Influence of the Private Prison Industry in Immigration Detention", 2012, http://www.detentionwatchnetwork.org/privateprisons, retrieved July 25, 2015.
- DiversityInc, "The Prison Industrial Complex: Biased, Predatory and Growing", October 8, 2010, http://www.diversityinc.com/diversity-management/the-prison-industrial-complex-biased-predatory-and-growing/, retrieved July 25, 2015.
- David Harris-Gershon, "America's Corrupt Justice System: Federal Private Prison Populations Grew by 784% in 10 Year Span", Alternet, crossposted on Tikkun Daily, May 23, 2013, http://www.alternet.org/speakeasy/tikkundaily/americas-corrupt-justice-system-federal-private-prison-populations-grew-784-10, retrieved July 25, 2015.
- Camp, Camille; Camp, George (2000). "Corrections Yearbook 2000: Private Prisons". National Criminal Justice Reference Service. Retrieved June 14, 2015.
- Justice Is Not For Sale Act. Sanders.senate.gov
- Bernie Sanders declares war on the prison-industrial complex with major new bill. Salon. September 17, 2015.
- Private federal prisons more dangerous, damning DoJ investigation reveals. The Guardian. August 12, 2016.
- Justice Department Will Stop the Use of Private Prisons. Time. August 18, 2016.
- U.S. reverses Obama-era move to phase out private prisons. Reuters. Feb 23, 2017
- Watkins, Eli; Tatum, Sophie (August 18, 2017). "Private prison industry sees boon under Trump administration". CNN. Retrieved August 22, 2017.
- Washington, John (December 14, 2017). "Under Trump, the Private-Prison Boom Shows No Sign of Slowing". The Nation. Retrieved December 18, 2017.
- Lartey, Jamiles (December 28, 2017). "Private prison investors set for giant windfall from Trump tax bill". The Guardian. Retrieved December 29, 2017.
- Conlin, Michelle; Cooke, Kristina (January 18, 2019). "$11 toothpaste: Immigrants pay big for basics at private ICE lock-ups". www.reuters.com. Retrieved January 18, 2019.
- Nathan James. Federal Prison Industries. CRS Report for Congress. Updated July 13, 2007.
- McCollum, William (1996). Federal Prison Industries, Inc: Hearing Before the Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. House of Representatives. DIANE Publishing. p. 7. ISBN 978-0-7567-0060-7.
- Nate C. Hindman (August 15, 2012). Unicor Under Fire For Dominating Small Competitors With Cheap Prison Labor. The Huffington Post. Retrieved May 9, 2014.
- Beth Schwartzapfel (February 12, 2009). Your Valentine, Made in Prison. The Nation. Retrieved April 15, 2015.
- Simon McCormack (December 10, 2012). Prison Labor Booms As Unemployment Remains High; Companies Reap Benefits. The Huffington Post. Retrieved April 15, 2015.
- Chris Hedges (April 5, 2015). Boycott, Divest and Sanction Corporations That Feed on Prisons. Truthdig. Retrieved April 4, 2015.
- Marie Gottschalk. Caught: The Prison State and the Lockdown of American Politics. Princeton University Press, 2014. p. 61
- Justin Jouvenal (January 28, 2012). "Town struggles to survive close of prison". Washington Post.
- Inmates strike in prisons nationwide over 'slave labor' working conditions. The Guardian September 9, 2016.
- The Largest Prison Strike in U.S. History Enters Its Second Week. The Intercept September 16, 2016.
- Work Stoppage Prison Strike Continues in 11 US States. The Real News. September 20, 2016.
- Kamala Kelkar (December 18, 2016). "From media cutoffs to lockdown, tracing the fallout from the U.S. prison strike". PBS Newshour.
- Tarr, Duncan; Onderchanin, Stephanie (August 21, 2018). "How the National Prisoner Strike Is Working to Help Incarcerated People in the United States". Teen Vogue. Retrieved August 23, 2018.
- Neufeld, Jennie (August 22, 2018). "A mass incarceration expert says the 2018 prison strike could be "one of the largest the country has ever seen"". Vox. Retrieved August 23, 2018.
- Pilkington, Ed (August 23, 2018). "Major prison strike spreads across US and Canada as inmates refuse food". The Guardian. Retrieved August 23, 2018.
- Corley, Cheryl (August 21, 2018). "U.S. Inmates Plan Nationwide Prison Strike To Protest Labor Conditions". NPR. Retrieved August 23, 2018.
- Bozelko, Chandra; Lo, Ryan (August 25, 2018). "As prison strikes heat up, former inmates talk about horrible state of labor and incarceration". USA Today. Retrieved August 30, 2018.
- Direct expenditures by justice function, 1982–2007 (billions of dollars). Inflation adjusted to 2007 dollars. U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS). Retrieved January 1, 2012 by the Internet Archive. See BJS timeline graph based on the data.
- Justice Expenditures and Employment, FY 1982–2007 - Statistical Tables (NCJ 236218). Published December 2011. U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS). By Tracey Kyckelhahn, Ph.D., BJS statistician. See table 2 of the PDF. "Total justice expenditures, by justice function, FY 1982–2007 (real dollars)". A total of around $74 billion for corrections in 2007.
- As Arrest Records Rise, Americans Find Consequences Can Last a Lifetime. August 18, 2014. Wall Street Journal.
- Annual Determination of Average Cost of Incarceration. A notice by the Prisons Bureau on March 9, 2015 in the Federal Register.
- The Price of Prisons: What Incarceration Costs Taxpayers. February 29, 2012, the Vera Institute of Justice. By Christian Henrichson and Ruth Delaney. "Total taxpayer cost per inmate. Among the 40 states surveyed, representing more than 1.2 million inmates (of 1.4 million total people incarcerated in all 50 state prison systems), the total per-inmate cost averaged $31,286 and ranged from $14,603 in Kentucky to $60,076 in New York (see Figure 4)."
- California Criminal Justice FAQ: How much does it cost to incarcerate an inmate? California Legislative Analyst's Office.
- Inmates Who Can't Make Bail Face Stark Options. By Laura Sullivan. January 22, 2010. National Public Radio.
- Bail Burden Keeps U.S. Jails Stuffed With Inmates. By Laura Sullivan. January 21, 2010. National Public Radio.
- Jail Inmates at Midyear 2009 – Statistical Tables. By Minton D. Todd. June 3, 2010. NCJ 230122. U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics. See Table 7 of the PDF file for percent unconvicted.
- Bondsman Lobby Targets Pretrial Release Programs. By Laura Sullivan. January 22, 2010. National Public Radio.
- Jails Stuffed To Capacity In Many U.S. Counties. January 20, 2010. National Public Radio. Chart using 2008 jail statistics showing "50 U.S. counties with the largest numbers of inmates."
- "Fiscal Year 2009 State Expenditure Report". National Association of State Budget Officers. Retrieved October 10, 2011.
- The Full Cost Of Incarceration In The U.S. Is Over $1 Trillion, Study Finds. The Huffington Post. September 13, 2016.
- "Violent crime rate per 1,000 persons age 12 and up".
- Liedka, Raymond V.; Piehl, Anne Morrison; Useem, Bert (2006-05-01). "The Crime-Control Effect of Incarceration: Does Scale Matter?". Criminology & Public Policy. 5 (2): 245–276. doi:10.1111/j.1745-9133.2006.00376.x.
- Kubrin, Charis; Seron, Carroll; Lofstrom, Magnus; Raphael, Steven (2016-03-01). "Incarceration and Crime: Evidence from California's Public Safety Realignment Reform". The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 664: 196–220. doi:10.1177/0002716215599732.
- Clear, Todd R.; Rose, Dina R.; Waring, Elin; Scully, Kristen (2003-03-01). "Coercive mobility and crime: A preliminary examination of concentrated incarceration and social disorganization". Justice Quarterly. 20 (1): 33–64. doi:10.1080/07418820300095451. ISSN 0741-8825.
- DeFina, Robert; Hannon, Lance (2010-11-01). "For incapacitation, there is no time like the present: The lagged effects of prisoner reentry on property and violent crime rates". Social Science Research. 39 (6): 1004–1014. doi:10.1016/j.ssresearch.2010.08.001.
- John J. Gibbons and Nicholas de B. Katzenbach (June 2006). "Confronting Confinement". Vera Institute of Justice.
- Lyons, John. War on the Family: Mothers in Prison and the Children They Leave Behind (DVD). Peace Productions.
- Alexander, Elizabeth (Fall 1998). "A Troubling Response To Overcrowded Prisons". Civil Rights Journal.
- Aizenman, N.C. (February 29, 2008). "The high cost of incarceration". Denver Post.
- "Majority of employers background check employees … Here's why".
- Michelle Alexander (2010-12-06). "How mass incarceration turns people of color into permanent second-class citizens". The American Prospect.
- Michael O'Hear (November 8, 2014). "The "New Jim Crow" Reconsidered". Retrieved November 8, 2014.
- Renny., Golden (2013-10-18). War on the family : mothers in prison and the families they leave behind. New York. ISBN 9781135939700. OCLC 861692996.
- Cochran, Joshua C.; Siennick, Sonja E.; Mears, Daniel P. (April 2018). "Social Exclusion and Parental Incarceration Impacts on Adolescents' Networks and School Engagement". Journal of Marriage and the Family. 80 (2): 478–498. doi:10.1111/jomf.12464. ISSN 0022-2445. PMC 5880045. PMID 29622839.
- "POP1 Child population: Number of children (in millions) ages 0–17 in the United States by age, 1950–2017 and projected 2018–2050". www.childstats.gov. Retrieved 2018-10-21.
- Geller, Amanda; Garfinkel, Irwin; Cooper, Carey E.; Mincy, Ronald B. (2009-12-01). "Parental Incarceration and Child Wellbeing: Implications for Urban Families". Social Science Quarterly. 90 (5): 1186–1202. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6237.2009.00653.x. ISSN 0038-4941. PMC 2835345. PMID 20228880.
- Lee, Rosalyn D.; Fang, Xiangming; Luo, Feijun (April 2013). "The impact of parental incarceration on the physical and mental health of young adults". Pediatrics. 131 (4): e1188–1195. doi:10.1542/peds.2012-0627. ISSN 1098-4275. PMC 3608482. PMID 23509174.
- Turney, Kristin (September 2014). "Stress proliferation across generations? Examining the relationship between parental incarceration and childhood health". Journal of Health and Social Behavior. 55 (3): 302–319. doi:10.1177/0022146514544173. ISSN 2150-6000. PMID 25138199.
- Geller, Amanda; Cooper, Carey E.; Garfinkel, Irwin; Schwartz-Soicher, Ofira; Mincy, Ronald B. (February 2012). "Beyond absenteeism: father incarceration and child development". Demography. 49 (1): 49–76. doi:10.1007/s13524-011-0081-9. ISSN 0070-3370. PMC 3703506. PMID 22203452.
- Garner, Andrew S.; Shonkoff, Jack P.; Committee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and Family Health; Committee on Early Childhood, Adoption, and Dependent Care; Section on Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics (January 2012). "Early childhood adversity, toxic stress, and the role of the pediatrician: translating developmental science into lifelong health". Pediatrics. 129 (1): e224–231. doi:10.1542/peds.2011-2662. ISSN 1098-4275. PMID 22201148.CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link)
- Murray, Joseph; Murray, Lynne (July 2010). "Parental incarceration, attachment and child psychopathology". Attachment & Human Development. 12 (4): 289–309. doi:10.1080/14751790903416889. ISSN 1469-2988. PMID 20582842.
- Poehlmann, Julie (September 2005). "Incarcerated mothers' contact with children, perceived family relationships, and depressive symptoms". Journal of Family Psychology: JFP: Journal of the Division of Family Psychology of the American Psychological Association (Division 43). 19 (3): 350–357. doi:10.1037/0893-3220.127.116.110. ISSN 0893-3200. PMID 16221015.
- Murray, Joseph; Farrington, David P.; Sekol, Ivana (March 2012). "Children's antisocial behavior, mental health, drug use, and educational performance after parental incarceration: a systematic review and meta-analysis". Psychological Bulletin. 138 (2): 175–210. doi:10.1037/a0026407. ISSN 1939-1455. PMC 3283435. PMID 22229730.
- Sack, W. H. (May 1977). "Children of imprisoned fathers". Psychiatry. 40 (2): 163–174. ISSN 0033-2747. PMID 870921.
- Petsch, P., & Rochlen, A. B. (2009). Children of Incarcerated Parents: Implications for School Counselors. Journal of School Counseling, 7(40), n40.
- Dacass, Tennecia (July 25, 2017). "Intergenerational Effects of Mass Incarceration" (PDF).
- Shaw, Marcus (December 2016). "The racial implications of the effects of parental incarceration on intergenerational mobility". Sociology Compass. 10 (12): 1102–1109. doi:10.1111/soc4.12440. ISSN 1751-9020.
- Children of incarcerated parents. Gabel, Katherine., Johnston, Denise, 1947-. New York: Lexington Books. 1995. ISBN 978-0029110423. OCLC 31739788.
- Peterson, Bryce (June 2015). "Children of Incarcerated Parents Framework Document" (PDF). Urban Institute. Retrieved October 2, 2018.
- N.M. Stat. Ann. §29-7-7.3
- "Safeguarding Children of Arrested Parents" (PDF). Bureau of Justice Assistance. Retrieved November 12, 2018.
- Okla. Stat. tit. 22, §22-20
- N.Y. Corrections Law §611
- Winston, Robert; Chicot, Rebecca (2016). "The importance of early bonding on the long-term mental health and resilience of children". London Journal of Primary Care. 8 (1): 12–14. doi:10.1080/17571472.2015.1133012. ISSN 1757-1472. PMC 5330336. PMID 28250823.
- Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §5120.65
- Cal. Penal Code §§3410-3424
- Perry, Bruce (2013). "Bonding and Attachment in Maltreated Children" (PDF). The ChildTrauma Academy. Retrieved October 4, 2018.
- "Deputy Attorney General Sally Q. Yates Announces Family-Friendly Prison Policies to Strengthen Inmate-Familial Bonds". 2016-04-26. Retrieved 2018-11-12.
- Naser, Rebecca L.; La Vigne, Nancy G. (March 2006). "Family Support in the Prisoner Reentry Process". Journal of Offender Rehabilitation. 43 (1): 93–106. doi:10.1300/j076v43n01_05. ISSN 1050-9674.
- Serin, Ralph C.; Lloyd, Caleb D.; Hanby, Laura J. (August 2010). "Enhancing Offender Re-Entry an Integrated Model for Enhancing Offender Re-Entry". European Journal of Probation. 2 (2): 53–75. doi:10.1177/206622031000200205. ISSN 2066-2203.
- 2007 Okla. Sess. Laws, Chap. 274
- Turanovic, Jillian J.; Rodriguez, Nancy; Pratt, Travis C. (2012). "The Collateral Consequences of Incarceration Revisited: A Qualitative Analysis of the Effects on Caregivers of Children of Incarcerated Parents". Criminology. 50 (4): 913–959. doi:10.1111/j.1745-9125.2012.00283.x.
- "Having a Parent Behind Bars Costs Children, States". www.pewtrusts.org. Retrieved 2018-11-12.
- Pager, Devah (March 2003). "The Mark of a Criminal Record" (PDF). American Journal of Sociology. 108 (5): 937–975. doi:10.1086/374403.
- "Marked: Race, Crime, and Finding Work in an Era of Mass Incarceration by Devah Pager, an excerpt". press.uchicago.edu. Retrieved 2017-04-09.
- Western, Bruce (August 2002). "The Impact of Incarceration on Wage Mobility and Inequality" (PDF). American Sociology Review. 67 (4): 526–546. doi:10.2307/3088944. JSTOR 3088944.
- "The Psychological Impact of Incarceration: Implications for Post-Prison Adjustment". ASPE. 2015-11-23. Retrieved 2017-04-09.
- Schmitt, John; Warner, Kris (2010). Ex-Offenders and the Labor Market (PDF). Center for Economic and Policy Research.
- Decker, Scott; Spohn, Cassia; Ortiz, Natalie; Hedberg, Eric (2014). Criminal Stigma, Race, Gender, and Employment: An Expanded Assessment of the Consequences of Imprisonment for Employment (PDF). National Institute of Justice.
- Carson, E. Ann (2014). Prisoners in 2013 (PDF). U.S. Department of Justice.
- Davis, Angela. Freedom is a Constant Struggle. Haymarket Books.
- SpearIt (2016-01-06). "Keeping It REAL: Why Congress Must Act to Restore Pell Grant Funding for Prisoners". Rochester, NY: Social Science Research Network. SSRN 2711979.
- "11 Facts About Education and Poverty in America | DoSomething.org | Volunteer for Social Change". www.dosomething.org. Retrieved 2017-02-18.
- Initiative, Prison Policy. "Prisons of Poverty: Uncovering the pre-incarceration incomes of the imprisoned | Prison Policy Initiative". www.prisonpolicy.org. Retrieved 2017-02-18.
- SpearIt (2014-01-01). "Economic Interest Convergence in Downsizing Imprisonment". Rochester, NY: Social Science Research Network. SSRN 2608698.
- "The effect of prison on criminal behavior". Public Safety Canada. November 1999. Retrieved 2009-08-28.
- Fellner, Jamie (November 30, 2006). "US Addiction to Incarceration Puts 2.3 Million in Prison". Human Rights Watch. Retrieved 2007-06-02.
- Abramsky, Sasha (January 22, 2002). Hard Time Blues: How Politics Built a Prison Nation. Thomas Dunne Books. ISBN 978-0-312-26811-4.
- "America's One-Million Nonviolent Prisoners" (PDF). Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice. March 1999.
- Slevin, Peter (June 8, 2006). "U.S. Prison Study Faults System and the Public". The Washington Post.
- READ: Matt Taibbi on "The Divide: American Injustice in the Age of the Wealth Gap". Democracy Now! April 14, 2014. Retrieved April 18, 2014.
- Meranze, Michael (February 4, 2015). Pathology of the Carceral State. Los Angeles Review of Books. Retrieved February 16, 2015.
- Alston, Philp (December 15, 2017). "Statement on Visit to the USA, by Professor Philip Alston, United Nations Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights". OHCHR. Retrieved December 21, 2017.
In many cities and counties the criminal justice system is effectively a system for keeping the poor in poverty while generating revenue to fund not only the justice system but diverse other programs. The use of the legal system, not to promote justice, but to raise revenue, as documented so powerfully in the Department of Justice’s report on Ferguson, is pervasive around the country.
- Hadar Aviram (September 7, 2014). Are Private Prisons to Blame for Mass Incarceration and its Evils? Prison Conditions, Neoliberalism, and Public Choice. University of California, Hastings College of the Law. Retrieved December 27, 2014.
- Loïc Wacquant. Prisons of Poverty. University of Minnesota Press (2009). ISBN 0816639019.
- David Jaffee (December 29, 2014). Guest column: Real reason behind prison explosion. The Florida Times-Union. Retrieved January 8, 2015.
- Marie Gottschalk. Caught: The Prison State and the Lockdown of American Politics. Princeton University Press, 2014. p. 10
- Loïc Wacquant. Punishing the Poor: The Neoliberal Government of Social Insecurity. Duke University Press, 2009. ISBN 082234422X
- Frances Goldin, Debby Smith, Michael Smith (2014). Imagine: Living in a Socialist USA. Harper Perennial. ISBN 0062305573 pp. 59-60.
- Bernard Harcourt (April 30, 2012). Laissez-faire with strip-searches: America's two-faced liberalism. The Guardian. Retrieved December 27, 2014.
- "There is nothing inevitable about America's over-use of prisons". The Economist. Retrieved 2018-10-25.
- Chris Hedges. The Shame of America's Gulag. Truthdig. March 17, 2013.
- Schwarz, Joel (August 3, 2008). "Bulging Prison System Called Massive Intervention in American Family Life" (Press release). University of Washington.
- Fields, Gary (September 24, 2012). "Federal Guilty Pleas Soar As Bargains Trump Trials". Wall Street Journal. New York City. pp. A1.
- "Federal judge blocks Alabama policy of segregating HIV inmates". Washington Post. December 21, 2012. Retrieved December 21, 2012.
- Carter, Terry (August 12, 2013). "Sweeping reversal of the War on Drugs announced by Atty General Holder". ABA's 560-member policy making House of Delegates. American Bar Association. p. 1. Retrieved August 16, 2013.
- "Smart on Crime: Reforming The Criminal Justice System" (PDF). Remarks to American Bar Association's Annual Convention in San Francisco, CA. US Department of Justice. August 12, 2013. p. 7. Retrieved August 16, 2013.
- "Prison Strip Search is Sexually Abusive". ACLU. Retrieved December 24, 2013.
- Tibbs, Donald F. (Fall 2015). "HIP HOP AND THE NEW JIM CROW: RAP MUSIC'S INSIGHT ON MASS INCARCERATION". University of Maryland Law Journal of Race, Religion, Gender & Class.
- Butler, Bethonie (October 6, 2016). "Ava DuVernay's Netflix film '13th' reveals how mass incarceration is an extension of slavery". Washington Post. Retrieved 23 April 2017.
- Garza, Alicia (October 7, 2014). "A Herstory of the #BlackLivesMatter Movement by Alicia Garza". The Feminist Wire. Archived from the original on 2014-10-09. Retrieved June 6, 2017.
- Johnson, Kevin (March 31, 2014). "Toughness on Crime gradually gives way to fairness". USA Today. pp. 1B, 2B. Retrieved March 31, 2014.
- Alexander, Michelle (2012). The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. The New Press. ISBN 1595586431
- Davis, Angela (2003). Are Prisons Obsolete?. Seven Stories Press. ISBN 9781583225813
- Enns, Peter K. (2016). Incarceration Nation: How the United States Became the Most Punitive Democracy in the World. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781316500613
- Gottschalk, Marie (2014). Caught: The Prison State and the Lockdown of American Politics. Princeton University Press. Book Hardcover ISBN 9780691164052, eBook ISBN 9781400852147.
- Harcourt, Bernard (2012). The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0674066162
- Hinton, Elizabeth (2016). From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime: The Making of Mass Incarceration in America. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0674737237
- Selman, Donna and Paul Leighton (2010). Punishment for Sale: Private Prisons, Big Business, and the Incarceration Binge. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. ISBN 1442201738
- Taibbi, Matt (2014). The Divide: American Injustice in the Age of the Wealth Gap. Spiegel & Grau. ISBN 081299342X
- Wacquant, Loïc (2009). Prisons of Poverty. University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 0816639019
- ——— (2009). Punishing the Poor: The Neoliberal Government of Social Insecurity. Duke University Press. ISBN 082234422X
- Wang, Jackie. (2018). Carceral Capitalism. Semiotext(e). ISBN 978-1635900026
- Western, Bruce (2007). Punishment and Inequality in America. Russell Sage Foundation. ISBN 087154895X
- DeConde, A. (2001). Gun Violence in America. 1st ed. Boston: Northeastern University Press.
- Todd R. Clear; Natasha A. Frost (2015). The Punishment Imperative: The Rise and Failure of Mass Incarceration in America. NYU Press. ISBN 978-1479851690.
Articles and interviews
- The Prison State of America (2014-12-28), Chris Hedges, Truthdig
- How Prisons Rip Off and Exploit the Incarcerated, Part I (2015-01-04) and Part II (2015-01-07), Marshall "Eddie" Conway and Chris Hedges, The Real News
- Do Prisons and Mass Incarceration Keep Us Safe? Part I (2015-01-11) and Part II (2015-01-13), Marshall "Eddie" Conway and Maya Schenwar, author of Locked Down and Locked Out. The Real News. See also Tomgram: Maya Schenwar, Prison by Any Other Name (2015-01-18), TomDispatch
- "Carceral Conglomerate" Makes Millions From Incarcerated, Their Friends and Families (February 2015), James Kilgore and Brian Dolinar, Truthout
- Prison Industries: "Don't Let Society Improve or We Lose Business" (April 2012), Dina Rasor, Truthout
- Immigrants mistreated in 'inhumane' private prisons, finds report. Al Jazeera America. June 10, 2014.
- Watch John Oliver Explain the Insanity of Our Prison System With Puppets. Mother Jones. July 21, 2014.
- Locked Up for Being Poor: How private debt collectors contribute to a cycle of jail, unemployment, and poverty. The Atlantic. February 25, 2015.
- Why does the US imprison so many people? Al Jazeera America. May 14, 2015.
- Why Isn't More Happening to Reduce America's Bloated Prison Population? Rolling Stone. June 24, 2015.
- Cruel and All-Too-Usual. The Huffington Post. July 1, 2015.
- Big business built the prison state. Why should we trust them to tear it down? The Guardian. July 17, 2015.
- SpearIt, Economic Interest Convergence in Downsizing Imprisonment (2014). University of Pittsburgh Law Review, Vol. 25, 2014. Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2608698
- "My Four Months as a Private Prison Guard": Shane Bauer Goes Undercover to Expose Conditions. Democracy Now! June 27, 2016.
- Inside America's biggest prison strike: 'The 13th amendment didn't end slavery'. The Guardian. October 22, 2016.
-  "CNN"'Drew Kann' July 10,2018