Media of Poland

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The Media of Poland consist of several different types of communications media including television, radio, cinema, newspapers, magazines, and Internet. During the communist regime in Poland the Stalinist press doctrine dominated and controlled Polish media.[1] The country instituted freedom of press since the fall of communism. The Polish media system's main features are the product of the country's socio-political and economic post-communist transition. These features include: the privatisation of the press sector; the transformation of the state radio and television into public broadcasting services; influx of foreign capital into the media market and European integration of audiovisual media policies.[2] Today the media landscape is very plural but highly polarized along political and ideological divides.[3]

The media landscape[edit]

Since the fall of Communism, Poland has developed a plural but highly polarized media environment.[3] The media landscape comprises, in addition to the public radio and television broadcasters, a verity of private media outlets, encompassing a broad political spectrum, from socially liberal to ultraconservative.[3]

In sector of print media, the newspaper with the largest circulation is Gazeta Wyborcza, founded in 1989 ahead of parliamentary elections. It is managed by Adam Michnik, a Communist-era’s dissident. The daily has a critical stance towards the Law and Justice Party (PiS) government. The second largest paper is Rzeczpospolita, which has a conservative tradition.[3]

The two main business-oriented dailies are Dziennik Gazeta Prawna and Puls Biznesu: they have a narrow, professional readership and are typically not engaged in the country’ political conflict. The two leading tabloids are Fakt, owned by the Swiss-German media conglomerate Ringier Alex Springer, and Super Express, owned by ZPR Media (Poland). These tabloids have a remarkable impact on public opinion.[3]

In additional to national publications, there are several regional dailies: in this sector, the top competitors have sales comprised between 20,000 and 40,000 daily copies sold.[3]

In the last years, sales of both national and regional dailies have been declining.[3]

Political polarization also characterizes the weekly newsmagazine market. On the liberal side there is the Polish edition of Newsweek, followed by Polityka, both critical of the PiS’s government. On the right side, there are wSieci, Do Rzeczy (both recently established) and the older Gazeta Polska. The right-wing weeklies do not form a uniform bloc.[3]

Radio is a popular medium in Poland. In addition to the public radio broadcaster, Polskie Radio (PR), there are over 200 licensed private radio outlets, including the ultraconservative Radio Maryja. The two most popular radio stations are Radio RMF FM and Radio Zet.[3]

The reach of television is very widespread. In 2016, the Poles on average watched television for over 4 hours and 20 minutes a day.[3] The public television broadcaster is Telewizja Polska (TVP), which runs three terrestrial channels, one regional channel and several thematic channels. The TVP is an importante source of information for many Poles, in particular in small cities, though its popularity has been declining in recent years.[3] In the private sector there are over 200 commercial TV broadcasters: the two leading one are Polsat and TVN.[3]

In 2016, three-quarters of the Polish population had internet access. The government is working to increase broadband internet service. The major print, radio and television outlets have online editions. Online-only portals publishing a mix of news and entertainment content are among the country’s most-visited websites (examples are: onet.pl; wp.pl; interia.pl; gazeta.pl).[3]

Legal framework[edit]

The Polish constitution of 1997 guarantees freedom of the press and prohibits both preventive censorship and licensing requirements for the press. The media sector is regulated by the 1984 Polish Press Law and the 1992 Broadcasting Act, which have both been amended since then. The Broadcasting Act defines the rules for appointing the members of the National Broadcasting Council (Krajowa Rada Radiofonii i Telewizji, KRRRiT) and its powers. According to the Constitution, the KRRiT’s role is to “safeguard the freedom of speech, the right to information, and the public interest in radio and television broadcasting”.[3]

Even is its members are not allowed to belong to political party or perform public activities, the KRRiT in practice has been politicized, with members somehow affiliated with political parties. Also the governments’ reform attempts of the KRRiT have been largely politically driven. These attempts have been strengthened by the right-wing Law and Justice Party (PiS) government which, after winning the parliamentary elections in October 2015, partly replaced the management at the public television and radio broadcasters.[3]

Media polarisation[edit]

The Polish media environment is highly polarized. Since 2015 elections, this polarization has become ever stronger. The cleavage concerns both PiS’s controversial decisions and policies and diverging attitudes towards issues such as equal rights for LGBT people, refugees, the EU.[3]

Poland lacks the tradition of an editorially independent public service media: public and radio television broadcasters tend to favor those in power.[3]

Partisanship in the Polish media system goes hand in hand with bias among the journalists themselves. This bias is mirrored in the two major journalists’s organizations that have different orientations: the Association of Polish Journalists (SDP), sympathetic toward the PiS government, and the Association of Journalists (TD), which is against the PiS's government.[3]

Media ownership[edit]

Foreign companies hold a dominate position in the Polish media market. This fact entered into the political debate, in particular since the PiS's government took office. To contrast this, Jarosław Aleksander Kaczyński, founder of the PiS and former Prime Minister, called for the media to be “repolonized” [3] PiS politicians argue that foreign-owned media outlets pursue deliberately unfavorable coverage of the PiS’s government with the aim of undermining it.[3]

Polish print media and radio outlets are mainly private and diversified in terms of ownership, however foreign, especially German ones, control around three-quarters of the Polish media market. The main domestic competitor is Agora, which owns Gazeta Wyborcza and a number of magazines, radio stations, internet platforms and a publishing house.[3]

Foreign ownership is very strong also in the regional media which are largely owned by the German Polska Press.[3]

Media freedom and pluralism[edit]

In recent years, in particular since the PiS went to power in 2015, media freedom in Poland has been significantly deteriorating. Just weeks after winning the 2015 parliamentary elections, the PiS passed a media law which gave the government direct control over public broadcasting. It also replaced journalists working in the public radio and TV stations and tried to throttle several independent print media outlets, such as Gazeta Wyborcza, Polityka and Newsweek Polska by restricting public advertising.[3][4] According to Freedom House, this effort is part of a broader attempt to weaken checked and balances, silence independent voices and control the public sphere.[5] PiS’s control on the executive branch and the executive can undermine the independence of the judiciary and its aggressive attitude towards the Constitutional Tribunal has prompted accusations that it is undermining the rule of law in Poland.[3] In January 2016, the European Commission launched a procedure in order to impose the respect of the rule of law in the country.[6]

Poland is rated “Free” in the Freedom House’s indexes “Freedom in the World 2017” and “Partly Free” in “Freedom of the Press 2017” [5] It scores 54 in the 2017 World Press Freedom index by Reporters Without Borders, losing 7 positions if compared with 2016.[6]

The case of the public television and radio broadcasters[edit]

After winning parliamentary elections in October 2015, the PiS party replaced the management positions at the public television and radio broadcasters. This effort was not limited to public broadcasters since the party leadership tried to control also private media outlets for instance by advancing a proposal to restrict reporters’ access to the parliament. [3]

On December 2015 the so-called “small media law” prepared by PiS was sent to the Polish parliament. The proposal, which was conceived as a temporary measure before the adoption of a more comprehensive media law, provided for the termination of the mandates of the current members of the national television and radio broadcasters’ management and supervisory boards and their replacement through the direct appointment by the treasury minister. The law created great turmoil in public media: the directors of several public channels left their position in protest. Public protests occurred across Poland as well as abroad in the environment connected the community of Poles living abroad.[3]

The staffing changes were not limited to the managing positions. According to the Association of Journalists, 225 journalists left the public media during 2016, due to either layoffs or resignations.[3] The new law and its effects were widely criticized also abroad: the European Federation of Journalists, the European Broadcasting Union, the Association of European Journalists, Reporters Without Borders, the Committee to Protect Journalists and Index on Censorship denounced this decision. On January 2016, the European Commission discussed the “small media law” in the frame of its assessment of the situation in Poland under the Rule of Law Framework.[3]

In December 2016, the Constitutional Tribunal declared parts of the “small media law” unconstitutional, calling for the need to constitutional rules on the KRRiT which should have played a decisive role in appointing its management and supervisory boards.[3]

In the first months of 2016 the PiS’s government worked on a “big media law”, a more comprehensive reform of the media system. On April 2016, a draft Law on National Media was presented to the Parliament. The draft wanted to transform the public radio and television broadcasters into “national media”, thus shifting away from the model of editorially independent public service. The bill obliged the public media to disseminate the views of the prime minister, the president, and the speakers of the parliament and stated that the public media should preserve national traditions, patriotic and Christian values and strengthen the national community. The Council of Europe criticized the draft, describing it a move towards a “State broadcasters”.[7] The law was not adopted: the government decided to pursue a less ambitious approach and proposed the Parliament a “bridge law” to go into force at the expiration of the “small media law”. The “bridge law” was approved in June 2016: the law stated that a newly established National Media Council have to be responsible for the appointment of the management and supervisory boards of the public media. The arrangement stablished by the law effectively guarantees the rule party a key role in appointing the members of the national Media Council.[3] The law also does not forbid the new council’s members from belonging to political party.[3]

List of Polish media outlets[edit]

TV stations[edit]

TVP – public broadcaster

Polsat – private

Grupa ITI (International Trading and Investments Holdings SA Luxembourg)

*TTV belongs to Stavka (51% - TVN, 49% - Besta Film)

Polcast Television

Minor players and joint-ventures:

Many major players are also present on the market, among them: Canal+ Polska, Canal+ Sport, Canal+ Film, Canal+ Sport2, HBO, HBO2, EuroSport, EuroSport2, Discovery Channel, Discovery Travel & Living, Discovery Science, Discovery World, MTV Poland, VIVA Poland, VH1 Poland

Digital TV platforms (all private)[edit]

Radio stations[edit]

Polskie Radio (public broadcaster)[edit]

Privately owned stations[edit]

Broker FM group:

Eurozet group:

Agora group:

Time group:

other:

  • Radio Maryja (religious, conservative, political)
  • local radio stations

Polish radio stations in other countries[edit]

Press (all private)[edit]

Daily papers[edit]

Weekly magazines[edit]

Internet[edit]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ Sasinska-Klas, Teresa (1994). "The transition of mass media in Poland: The road to liberalization". EJC/REC. 4 (1). Retrieved 6 October 2013.
  2. ^ Lara, Ania (2008). "Poland. Media landscapes". European Journalism Centre. Retrieved 13 October 2017.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae Chapman, Annabella (June 2017). "Pluralism under attack: the assault on press freedom in Poland". FreedomHouse.org. Retrieved 13 October 2017.
  4. ^ "Poland continues plummet in Press Freedom Index | The Krakow Post". The Krakow Post. 2017-05-01. Retrieved 2018-02-16.
  5. ^ a b "New Report: Pluralism under Attack — The Assault on Press Freedom in Poland". freedomhouse.org. Retrieved 2018-02-16.
  6. ^ a b "Poland : Media freedom and pluralism in jeopardy | Reporters without borders". RSF (in French). Retrieved 2018-02-16.
  7. ^ "Opinion of Council of Europe experts on the three draft acts regarding Polish public service media". Council of Europe. 6 June 2016.
  8. ^ a b Calculated using penetration rate and population data from "Countries and Areas Ranked by Population: 2012", Population data, International Programs, U.S. Census Bureau, retrieved 26 June 2013
  9. ^ "Percentage of Individuals using the Internet 2000-2012", International Telecommunications Union (Geneva), June 2013, retrieved 22 June 2013
  10. ^ "Fixed (wired)-broadband subscriptions per 100 inhabitants 2012", Dynamic Report, ITU ITC EYE, International Telecommunication Union. Retrieved on 29 June 2013.
  11. ^ "Active mobile-broadband subscriptions per 100 inhabitants 2012", Dynamic Report, ITU ITC EYE, International Telecommunication Union. Retrieved on 29 June 2013.
  12. ^ "Internet hosts", World Factbook, U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, 2012. Retrieved 17 June 2013.

Bibliography[edit]

External links[edit]