Microaggression

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A microaggression is a term used for brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioural, or environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults toward any marginalized group.[1] The term was coined by psychiatrist and Harvard University professor Chester M. Pierce in 1970 to describe insults and dismissals which he regularly witnessed non-black Americans inflicting on African Americans.[1][2][3][4] By the early 21st century, use of the term was applied to the casual degradation of any socially marginalized group, including LGBT, the poor and the disabled.[5] Psychologist Derald Wing Sue defines microaggressions as "brief, everyday exchanges that send denigrating messages to certain individuals because of their group membership". The persons making the comments may be otherwise well-intentioned.[6]

A number of scholars and social commentators have critiqued the microaggression concept on various grounds, including that it is not well substantiated scientifically, that it is overly dependent on anecdotal evidence, and it assumes without sufficient evidence that slights perceived by the listener or recipient are always due to bias. Some of these critics suggest that the concept is not yet developed well enough to be applied in the real world and that its current applications may be harmful to individuals and society.

Description[edit]

Microaggressions have been defined as brief and common daily verbal, behavioral, and environmental communications, whether intentional or unintentional, that transmit hostile, derogatory, or negative messages to a target person because they belong to a stigmatized group.[7] Although these communications typically appear harmless to observers, they are considered a form of covert racism or everyday discrimination.[8] Microaggressions, differ from what Pierce referred to as “macroaggressions” which are more extreme forms of racism (such as lynchings or beatings) due to their ambiguity, size and commonality.[9] Microaggressions are experienced by most stigmatized individuals and occur on a regular basis. These can be particularly stressful for people on the receiving end as they are easily denied by those committing them. They are also harder to detect by members of the dominant culture,[10] as they are often unaware they are causing harm.[7] Sue describes microaggressions as including statements that repeat or affirm stereotypes about the minority group or subtly demean its members. Such comments also position the dominant culture as normal and the minority one as aberrant or pathological, express disapproval of or discomfort with the minority group, assume that all minority group members are the same, minimize the existence of discrimination against the minority group, seek to deny the perpetrator's own bias, or minimize real conflict between the minority group and the dominant culture.

Categories[edit]

In conducting two focus groups with Asian-Americans, for instance, Sue proposed eight distinct themes of racial microaggression:[7][11]

  • Alien in own land: When people assume People of Color (POC) are foreigners or from a different country.
    • E.g.: "So where are you really from?" or "Why don't you have an accent?"
  • Ascription of intelligence: When POC are stereotyped as being intelligent or assumed to be at a certain level of intelligence based on their race.
    • E.g.: "You people always do well in school." or "If I see a lot of Asian students in my class, I know it's going to be a hard class."
  • Denial of racial reality: This is when a person emphasizes that a POC does not suffer any discrimination, thus implying they do not face inequality. It correlates to the idea of model minority.
  • Exoticization of non-white women: It stereotypes these Americans as being in the "exotic" category. They are stereotyped by their physical appearance and gender based on media and literature. One example is Asian-American women portrayed as the submissive or obedient type; alternatively, they may be portrayed or described as Dragon Lady or Lotus Blossom, using symbols from their cultures. On the other hand, Asian-American men are portrayed as being emasculated or are seen as nerdy, weak men.
  • Refusal to acknowledge intra-ethnic differences: The homogeneity of broad ethnic groups is emphasized and assumed; the speaker ignores intra-ethnic differences. The focus groups identified the statement that "all Asian-Americans look alike" as a main assumption for this theme. Similarly, thinking that all members of an ethnic minority group speak the same language or have the same values or culture falls under this theme.
  • Pathologizing cultural values/communication styles: When Asian Americans' cultures and values are viewed as less desirable. For example, many people from the focus groups felt disadvantaged by the expectation in school and higher education of verbal participation in class, when Asian cultural norms value silence. Because of this discrepancy, many Asian-Americans felt that they were being forced to conform to Western cultural norms in order to succeed academically.
  • Second-class citizenship: This theme emphasizes the idea that People of color  are being treated as lesser beings, and are not treated with equal rights or presented as a first priority.
    • E.g.: A Korean man walks into a bar and asks for a drink, but the bartender ignores the man when he serves a white man first.
  • Invisibility: This theme focuses on the idea that Asian Americans are considered invisible or outside discussions of race and racism. According to some focus group members, recent dialogues on race in the United States have often focused only on issues between whites and blacks, excluding Asian-Americans.

In a 2017 peer-reviewed review of the literature, Scott Lilienfeld critiqued microaggression research for hardly having advanced beyond taxonomies such as the above, which was proposed by Sue nearly ten years ago.[12] While acknowledging the reality of "subtle slights and insults directed toward minorities", Lilienfeld concluded that the concept and programs for its scientific assessment are "far too underdeveloped on the conceptual and methodological fronts to warrant real-world application".[12] He recommended abandonment of the term microaggression since "the use of the root word 'aggression' in 'microaggression' is conceptually confusing and misleading". In addition, he called for a moratorium on microaggression training programs until further research can develop the field.[12]

In 2017 Althea Nagai, who works as a research fellow at the conservative Center for Equal Opportunity, published an article criticizing microaggression research as pseudoscience.[13] Nagai said that the prominent critical race researchers behind microaggression theory "reject the methodology and standards of modern science."[13] She lists various technical shortcomings of microaggression research, including "biased interview questions, reliance on narrative and small numbers of respondents, problems of reliability, issues of replicability, and ignoring alternative explanations."[13][14]

Race or ethnicity[edit]

Social scientists Sue, Bucceri, Lin, Nadal, and Torino (2007) described microaggressions as "the new face of racism", saying that the nature of racism has shifted over time from overt expressions of racial hatred and hate crimes, toward expressions of aversive racism, such as microaggressions, that are more subtle, ambiguous, and often unintentional. Sue says this has led some Americans to believe wrongly that non-white Americans no longer suffer from racism.[15] One example of such subtle expressions of racism is Asian students being either pathologized or penalized as too passive or quiet.[7] Another is a teacher correcting a student's use of "indigenous" in a paper by changing it from upper- to lowercase.[16]

According to Sue et al.,[7] microaggressions seem to appear in three forms:

  • Microassault: an explicit racial derogation; verbal/nonverbal; e.g. name-calling, avoidant behavior, purposeful discriminatory actions.
  • Microinsult: communications that convey rudeness and insensitivity and demean a person's racial heritage or identity; subtle snubs; unknown to the perpetrator; hidden insulting message to the recipient of color.
  • Microinvalidation: communications that exclude, negate, or nullify the psychological thoughts, feelings, or experiential reality of a person belonging to a particular group.

Some psychologists have criticized microaggression theory for assuming that all verbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities are necessarily due to bias.[17][18][19] Thomas Schacht says that it is uncertain whether a behavior is due to racial bias or is a larger phenomenon that occurs regardless of identity conflict.[20] However, Kanter and colleagues found that microaggressions were robustly correlated to five separate measures of bias.[8] In reviewing the microaggression literature, Scott Lilienfeld suggested that microassaults should probably be struck from the taxonomy because the examples provided in the literature tend not to be "micro", but are outright assaults, intimidation, harassment and bigotry; in some cases, examples have included criminal acts.[17] Others have pointed out that what could be perceived as subtle snubs could be due to people have conditions such as autism or social anxiety disorders and assuming ill will could be harmful to these people.[21][22]

Gender[edit]

Explicit sexism in society is on the decline, but still exists in a variety of subtle and non-subtle expressions.[23] Women encounter microaggressions in which they are made to feel inferior, sexually objectified, and bound to restrictive gender roles,[24] both in the workplace and in academia, as well as in athletics.[25] Microaggressions based on gender are applied to female athletes when: their abilities are compared only to men, they are judged on "attractiveness", and individuals are restricted to or requested to wear "feminine" or sexually attractive attire during competition.[24]

Gendered microaggressions and more overt aggression can also be found in violent rape pornography.[26]

Other examples of sexist microaggressions are "[addressing someone by using] a sexist name, a man refusing to wash dishes because it is 'women's work,' displaying nude pin-ups of women at places of employment, someone making unwanted sexual advances toward another person".[27]

Sexuality and sexual orientation[edit]

In focus groups, individuals identifying as bisexual report such microaggressions as others denying or dismissing their self-narratives or identity claims, being unable to understand or accept bisexuality as a possibility, pressuring them to change their bisexual identity, expecting them to be sexually promiscuous, and questioning their ability to maintain monogamous relationships.[28] Transgender people classify being labelled as being of a gender other than the one with which they identify as an example of microagression.[29]

Some LGBT individuals report receiving expressions of microaggression from people even within the LGBT community.[30] They say that being excluded, or not being made welcome or understood within the gay and lesbian community is a microaggression.[28] Roffee and Waling suggest that the issue arises, as occurs among many groups of people, because a person often makes assumptions based on individual experience, and when they communicate such assumptions, the recipient may feel that it lacks taking the second individual into account and is a form of microaggression.[30]

Intersectionality[edit]

People who are members of overlapping marginal groups (e.g., a gay Asian-American man or a trans woman) experience microaggressions based in correspondingly varied forms of marginalization.[31][not in citation given] For example, in one study Asian-American women reported feeling they were classified as sexually exotic by majority-culture men or were viewed by them as potential trophy wives simply because of their group membership.[32] African-American women report microaggressions related to characteristics of their hair, which may include invasion of personal space as an individual tries to touch it, or comments that a style that is different from that of a European-American woman looks "unprofessional".[33][8]

People with mental illnesses[edit]

People with mental illness report receiving more overt forms of microaggression than subtle ones, coming from family and friends as well as from authority figures.[34] In a study involving college students and adults who were being treated in community care, five themes were identified: invalidation, assumption of inferiority, fear of mental illness, shaming of mental illness, and being treated as a second-class citizen.[34]

Media[edit]

Members of marginalized groups have also described microaggressions committed by performers or artists associated with various forms of media, such as television, film, photography, music, and books. Some researchers believe that such cultural content reflects but also molds society,[35] allowing for unintentional bias to be absorbed by individuals based on their media consumption, as if it were expressed by someone with whom they had an encounter.

A study of racism in TV commercials describes microaggressions as gaining a cumulative weight, leading to inevitable clashes between races due to subtleties in the content.[35] As an example of a racial microaggression, or microassault,[7] this research found that black people were more likely than white counterparts to be shown eating or participating in physical activity, and more likely to be shown working for, or serving others.[35] The research concludes by suggesting that microaggressive representations can be omitted from a body of work, without sacrificing creativity or profit.

Pérez Huber and Solorzano[36] start their analysis of microaggressions with an anecdote about Mexican "bandits" as portrayed in a children's book read at bedtime. The article gives examples of negative stereotypes of Mexicans and Latinos in books, print, and photos, associating them with the state of racial discourse within majority culture and its and dominance over minority groups in the US. The personification of these attitudes through media can also be applied to microaggressive behaviors towards other marginalized groups.

A 2015 review of the portrayal of LGBT characters in film says that gay or lesbian characters are presented in "offensive" ways.[37] In contrast, LGBT characters portrayed as complex characters who are more than a cipher for their sexual orientation or identity are a step in the right direction. Ideally, "queer film audiences finally have a narrative pleasure that has been afforded to straight viewers since the dawn of film noir: a central character who is highly problematical, but fascinating."[37]

Ageism and intolerance[edit]

Microaggression can target and marginalize any definable group, including those who share an age grouping or belief system. Microaggression is a manifestation of bullying that employs micro-linguistic power plays in order to marginalize any target with a subtle manifestation of intolerance by signifying the concept of "other".[38][39]

Perpetrators[edit]

Because perpetrators may be well-meaning and microaggressions are subtle, the recipients often experience attributional ambiguity, which may lead them to dismiss the event and blame themselves as overly sensitive to the encounter.[40] If challenged by the minority person or an observer, perpetrators will often defend their microaggression as a misunderstanding, a joke, or something small that should not be blown out of proportion.[41]

Effects[edit]

A 2013 scholarly review of the literature on microaggressions concluded that "the negative impact of racial microaggressions on psychological and physical health is beginning to be documented; however, these studies have been largely correlational and based on recall and self-report, making it difficult to determine whether racial microaggressions actually cause negative health outcomes and, if so, through what mechanisms".[42] A 2017 review of microaggression research pointed out that as scholars try to understand the possible harm caused by microaggressions, they have not conducted much cognitive or behavioural research, nor much experimental testing, and they have overly relied on small collections of anecdotal testimonies from samples who are not representative of any particular population.[17]

Recipients of microaggressions may feel anger, frustration, or exhaustion. African-Americans have reported feeling under pressure to "represent" their group or to suppress their own cultural expression and "act white".[43] Over time, the cumulative effect of microaggressions is thought by some to lead to diminished self-confidence and a poor self-image for individuals, and potentially also to such mental-health problems as depression, anxiety, and trauma.[41][43][44][45] Many researchers have argued that microaggressions are more damaging than overt expressions of bigotry precisely because they are small and therefore often ignored or downplayed, leading the victim to feel self-doubt for noticing or reacting to the encounter, rather than justifiable anger, and isolation rather than support from others about such incidents.[46][47][48] Studies have found that in the U.S. when people color perceived microaggressions from mental health professionals, client satisfaction with therapy is lower.[49][50] Some studies suggest that microaggressions represent enough of a burden that some people of color may fear, distrust, and/or avoid relationships with white people in order to evade such interaction.[44] On the other hand, some people report that dealing with microaggressions has made them more resilient.[45] Scholars have suggested that, although microaggressions "might seem minor", they are "so numerous that trying to function in such a setting is 'like lifting a ton of feathers.'"[51]

Reactions[edit]

Public discourse and harm to speakers[edit]

Kenneth R. Thomas claimed in American Psychologist that recommendations inspired by microaggression theory, if "implemented, could have a chilling effect on free speech and on the willingness of White people, including some psychologists, to interact with people of color."[18] Sociologists Bradley Campbell and Jason Manning have written in the academic journal Comparative Sociology that the microaggression concept "fits into a larger class of conflict tactics in which the aggrieved seek to attract and mobilize the support of third parties" that sometimes involves "building a case for action by documenting, exaggerating, or even falsifying offenses".[52] The concept of microaggressions has been described as a symptom of the breakdown in civil discourse, and that microaggressions are "yesterday's well-meaning faux pas".[53]

One suggested type of microaggression by an Oxford University newsletter was avoiding eye contact or speaking directly to people. This spurred a controversy when it was pointed out that such assumptions are insensitive to autistic people who may have trouble making eye contact.[21][22]

Culture of victimhood[edit]

In their article "Microaggression and Moral Cultures", sociologists Bradley Campbell and Jason Manning[52] say that the discourse of microaggression leads to a culture of victimhood. Social psychologist Jonathan Haidt states that this culture of victimhood lessens an individual's "ability to handle small interpersonal matters on one's own" and "creates a society of constant and intense moral conflict as people compete for status as victims or as defenders of victims".[54] Similarly, John McWhorter, linguist and social commentator suggests that "it infantilizes black people to be taught that microaggressions, and even ones a tad more macro, hold us back, permanently damage our psychology, or render us exempt from genuine competition."[55][56][57]

Emotional distress[edit]

In The Atlantic, Greg Lukianoff and Jonathan Haidt expressed concern that the focus on microaggressions can cause more emotional trauma than the experience of the microaggressions at the time of occurrence. They believe that self-policing by an individual of thoughts or actions in order to avoid committing microaggressions may cause emotional harm as a person seeks to avoid becoming a microaggressor, as such extreme self-policing may share some characteristics of pathological thinking.[58] Referring especially to prevention programs at schools or universities, they say that the element of protectiveness, of which identifying microaggression allegations are a part, prepares students "poorly for professional life, which often demands intellectual engagement with people and ideas one might find uncongenial or wrong".[58] They also said that it has become "unacceptable to question the reasonableness (let alone the sincerity) of someone's emotional state", resulting in adjudication of alleged microaggressions having characteristics of witch trials.[58]

Writing for The Federalist, Paul Rowan Brian argued that microaggression theory pools trivial and ignorable instances of racism with real, genuine prejudice and exclusion.[59] Amitai Etzioni, writing in The Atlantic, suggested that attention to microaggressions distracts individuals and groups from dealing with much more serious acts.[60]

Political correctness[edit]

Ralph Nader has similarly criticized the concepts of announcement of trigger warnings and political correctness on campuses as creating too much sensitivity.[61] Viv Regan, writing for Spiked Online, wondered whether the comfort provided by having a convenient label for alleged rudeness outweighs the damage caused by overreaction.[62]

According to Derald Wing Sue, whose works popularized the term, many critiques are based on the term being misunderstood or or misused. He said that his purpose in identifying such comments or actions was to educate people and not to silence or shame them. He further notes that, for instance, identifying that someone has used racial microaggressions is not intended to imply that they are racist.[63]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

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