Momir Bulatović

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Momir Bulatović
Момир Булатовић
Momir Bulatović (cropped).jpg
1st President of the Republic of Montenegro
In office
23 December 1990 – 15 January 1998
Preceded byPosition established
Succeeded byMilo Đukanović
3rd Prime Minister of the FR Yugoslavia
In office
19 May 1998 – 4 November 2000
PresidentSlobodan Milošević
Vojislav Koštunica
Preceded byRadoje Kontić
Succeeded byZoran Žižić
Leader of the Opposition
In office
31 May 1998 – 24 September 2000
Preceded byNovak Kilibarda
Succeeded byPredrag Bulatović
Personal details
Born (1956-09-21) 21 September 1956 (age 62)
Belgrade, PR Serbia, Yugoslavia
NationalityMontenegrin (by citizenship)
Serb (by ethnicity)
Political partySKJ (1980s–1991)
DPS (1991–1997)
SNP (1997–2001)
NSS (2001–2009)

Momir Bulatović (Cyrillic: Момир Булатовић; born 21 September 1956, Belgrade, FPR Yugoslavia) is a retired Montenegrin politician. He was the leader of the Montenegro's Democratic Party of Socialists from 1989 to 1997, when he split from DPS after a conflict with Milo Đukanović. Bulatović was President of Yugoslavia's Republic of Montenegro from 1990 to 1998, after which he became Prime Minister of the Yugoslavia.[1] He resigned as Prime Minister after the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević.

During his mandate as President of Montenegro within Yugoslavia, he oversaw the engagement of Montenegrin reservists in the Yugoslav People's Army in the Siege of Dubrovnik as well as in the Bosnian War. According to Florence Hartmann, Bulatović was subject to an investigation by the ICTY for war crimes in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but was not charged.[2] He was a defense witness in the trials of Slobodan Milošević,[3] Radovan Karadžić,[4] and Nikola Šainović[5] at the ICTY.

Early life[edit]

Bulatović was born in Belgrade as the son of a Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) officer who originated from Montenegro. The family lived in the Voždovac neighbourhood. Due to the nature of his father's job his family frequently relocated throughout Yugoslavia. When Momir was five years old, the family moved to Zadar in Croatia, where he completed his primary and secondary education.[citation needed]

In 1975 the 18-year-old Bulatović moved to Titograd to study at the Veljko Vlahović University's Faculty of Economics. According to Bulatović, he wanted to return to Belgrade for university studies, but his family didn't have enough money to send him there, so he ended up in Titograd.[6] Upon graduating he continued as an assistant at the same university and soon earned a master's degree.

Anti-bureaucratic revolution[edit]

In November 1988, while working as an assistant at the Faculty of Economics in Podgorica, Bulatović was named coordinator of the League of Communists of Montenegro.[7] After the anti-bureaucratic revolution in January 1989, Bulatović was promoted to the presidency of the League of Communists of Montenegro.[7]

With the breakup of Yugoslavia, Bulatović became President of Yugoslavia's Republic of Montenegro, serving in that position from December 23, 1990, to January 15, 1998. During his tenure, he was a loyal ally to Slobodan Milošević, and oversaw the Montenegrin reserve of the Yugoslav People's Army in the Croatian and Bosnian wars.

In the 1990 Yugoslav Communist party's congress, Bulatović supported Milošević's agenda of changing the party's voting system to a one-member-one-vote system which would give a numerical majority to Serbs. Montenegro also supported Serbia in opposing all reforms proposed by Slovenia that were deemed to be intended to devolve power to the republics. The Slovenian and Croatian communist factions abdicated the party in what they saw as an attempt by Milošević to create Serb hegemony in the party. The League of Communists collapsed, Bulatović followed the political changes in the other republics and made Montenegro a multi-party democracy and formed the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) with former communists.

President of Montenegro (1990-1998)[edit]

Siege of Dubrovnik[edit]

On October 1, 1991, Peter Carington, 6th Baron Carrington came to Titograd and asked Bulatović if Dubrovnik is in danger of an attack by the Yugoslav People's Army.[8] According to a testimony by Nikola Samardžić to the ICTY, a member of Bulatović's cabinet, Bulatović promised Carrington that Dubrovnik would not be attacked.[8] Just a few hours after meeting Carrington, Bulatović attended a meeting with several generals of the Yugoslav People's Army, including Pavle Strugar, after which Bulatović told Samardžić that "30,000 Ustashe are coming from Dubrovnik to seize the Bay of Kotor", and that a response was urgent.[8] Bulatović ultimately participated in ordering an attempted annexation of Dubrovnik to Montenegro, additionally claiming that it was historically linked to Montenegro.[9] After the war ended, Bulatović claimed that the attack on Dubrovnik was "the only way to prevent the conflict from spreading into Montenegro", but also asserted that the military gave the government of Montenegro "false information".[8]

Carrington's proposal (1991)[edit]

The siege of Dubrovnik, in addition to war crimes committed, had enormous consequences for Yugoslavia's international standing. The European Economic Community invited Carrington and representatives from Yugoslavia to negotiate a peace accord known as the Carrington plan on October 19, 1991, in The Hague. The proposal of a "loose federation of independent states" was a non-starter for Milošević, who preferred a centralized Yugoslavia with institutional powers in Belgrade. Bulatović, to the shock of Milošević and his own party members, agreed to Carrington's terms and even signed a draft of the plan during an overnight session of the Montenegrin parliament on October 17, arguing that it would secure Montenegro's interests and end the Yugoslav wars.[11] Bulatović's signature potentially guaranteed Montenegro's legal right to secede from Yugoslavia, resulting in an almost explosive rift with the Yugoslav leadership in Belgrade.[12] Borisav Jović contacted Bulatović about his support for the Carrington plan in disbelief, asking him if he had been paid off by the Croats, Austrians, or Italians.[12] Bulatović claimed that the Carrington proposal offered Montenegro the Prevlaka peninsula, and that it guaranteed Montenegro would not be subject to sanctions.[12] Furthermore, Italian foreign minister Gianni De Michelis claimed that Bulatović told him that he "wanted to chart an independent course from Belgrade."[12] In a follow-up session of the Montenegrin parliament on October 24-25, parliament and party members ratified Bulatović's signature on the Carrington plan, making the accord more imminent.[12]

However, in a sharp turn, the Narodna Stranka (People's Party) called for an emergency session in the Montenegrin parliament, during which Bulatović was accused of treason.[13] Milo Đukanović defended Bulatović in the parliamentary hearing.[13] Bulatović tried to make his own case, telling the parliament members "if servility and acceptance of everything coming from Belgrade is the criteria for good governance in Montenegro, then this nation doesn't need a government, elections, or political parties."[13] Subsequently, Bulatović was invited to a meeting with Milošević and Jović in Belgrade; Bulatović described the meeting as "very explosive".[14] As a result of the meeting, Milošević added a clause to Bulatović's Carrington commitment, such that a republic could decide to stay in Yugoslavia through a referendum.[14] This resulted in the 1992 independence referendum, where voters in Montenegro decided to remain in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

Muslim communities and the Bosnian War[edit]

"...yesterday in Pljevlja we were on the edge of an international conflict and all that negative energy could have turned against the Muslims such that the fate and existence of Muslims in Pljevlja could have ended that night. What a catastrophe that would be, from the point of our international position, there's absolutely no need to explain."

Momir Bulatović on August 7, 1992.[15]

With the war raging in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulatović faced the first serious threat of "spill-over" in the summer of in 1992, when Muslims in Pljevlja were subject to intimidation and violence. On August 6, 1992, a local warlord named Milika "Čeko" Dačević walked into Pljevlja's police headquarters to ask that a vehicle which was seized be returned to his personal envoy, threatening to "declare war" on Pljevlja.[15] Although Bulatović described Dačević as someone "who hardly can be characterized as sane",[15] over half of the police force turned themselves over to Dačević during his custody, essentially turning over the police station to Dačević's militia.[15][16][17] In addition to the stand-off with Dačević, his militia included forces of the Kornjača brothers from Čajniče, who helped blocked off the town from a garrison of the Yugoslav People's Army.[16] Duško Kornjača threatened to kill all of the Muslims in Pljevlja unless Dačević was released.[15] The militia's control over Pljevlja was strong enough that the Yugoslav People's Army garrison in Pljevlja, composed of only 73 soldiers,[15] refused to confront them.[16] As a result, on August 7, 1992, Bulatović, Đukanović, Dobrica Ćosić and Života Panić came to Pljevlja to negotiate with all parties involved.[15] During the negotiations, a representative of Pljevlja's Islamic community named Hakija Ajanović asked Bulatović to tighten border controls to prevent Serbian paramilitaries from Bosnia entering Montenegro.[17] In contrast, Bulatović had been told by the police that "the border with Bosnia and Herzegovina was not possible to secure".[16] In the end, Bulatović and his colleagues promised the Islamic community in Pljevlja that they would attempt to disarm the paramilitaries[18] and add reinforcements of the Yugoslav People's Army to patrol the town.[16] To satisfy the militia, Bulatović asked the local Muslims not to seek autonomy, although they had not done so over the course of the meeting.[18]

In spite of Bulatović's reassurances, Pljevlja's Muslim community suffered various incidents up to 1995, particularly in the village of Bukovica where 6 Muslim inhabitants were killed from 1992.[19] Additionally, the first kidnapping of Muslim inhabitants took place in Pljevlja on February 15 1993, where Muslim family members were taken to a prison in Čajniče. After a negotiation leading to the release of Serbian reservists held as prisoners by the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulatović announced the freeing of the Bungur family from the Čajniče prison in 1993, crediting Ćosić and Radovan Karadžić "personal responsibility" for the family's freedom.[19]

In May 1993, Bulatović participated in the negotiations of Vance-Owen Plan, held in Athens in the presence of Greek Prime Minister Konstantinos Mitsotakis.[20] Bulatović along with Ćosić and Milošević collaborated in pressuring Karadžić to sign the plan.[20][21] Karadžić eventually signed the plan, after which Bulatović traveled with Ćosić and Milošević to Pale, where they tried to convince wartime Republika Srpska's parliament to adopt the resolution signed in Athens.[21] The parliament of Republika Srpska in Pale rejected the resolution in defiance of the Milošević-Ćosić-Bulatović team, and the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina continued for another two years.[21]

Loss to Đukanović and departure from the Democratic Party of Socialists[edit]

On July 11, 1997, the national committee ("Glavni odbor", abbreviated as "GO") of DPS, formerly the League of Communists, held a closed doors session after which the committee selected Milica Pejanović-Đurišić to replace Bulatović as the party president.[22] The party split had enormous implications, making a political confrontation between Đukanović and Bulatović inevitable. This manifested in the 1997 Montenegrin presidential election held in October, which Đukanović won by a thin margin. Although the OSCE recognized the result as legitimate, Bulatović claimed that the United States interfered in Đukanović's favor.[23] Bulatović then participated in the mobilization of a large demonstration at Đukanović's inauguration in Podgorica on January 14, 1998. The protest at Đukanović's inauguration was confronted by the police, resulting in the injury of 44 policemen and four civilians.[24]

On March 21, 1998, Bulatović mobilized a large fraction from DPS CG and helped found the Socialist People's Party of Montenegro, abbreviated in Serbian as SNP.[25]

Prime Minister of Yugoslavia (1998-2000)[edit]

On May 21, 1998, Bulatović was named the new Prime Minister of Yugoslavia by the country's parliament, replacing Đukanović-loyalist Radoje Kontić.[1] On March 23, 1999, he signed a declaration of a state of war when NATO began bombing Yugoslavia.[26] He resigned on October 9, 2000, shortly after Milošević was ousted.


  1. ^ a b "Milosevic Ally Becomes Yugoslav Premier". The New York Times. May 21, 1998. Retrieved February 11, 2019.
  2. ^ "Artman: Pod haškom istragom bio i Momir Bulatović" (in Serbian). Blic. November 30, 2012. Retrieved February 11, 2019.
  3. ^ Janet Anderson and Michael Farquhar (September 18, 2007). "Serb Leader's Death "Tragic for Victims"". Balkan Insight. Retrieved February 11, 2019.
  4. ^ "MOMIR BULATOVIĆ I "VREME LUDAKA"" (in Serbian). Sense Tribunal. March 1, 2013. Retrieved February 11, 2019.
  5. ^ "MOMIR BULATOVIC: 'MILOSEVIC SAVED ME FROM THE TRIBUNAL"". Sense Tribunal. August 17, 2007. Retrieved February 11, 2019.
  6. ^ Bulatovic @ Balkanskom ulicom; RTS, 28 March 2010
  7. ^ a b Radenko Šćekić (2011). "„DOGAĐANJE NARODA" U CRNOJ GORI - POLITIČKO-PROPAGANDNI OKVIR" (PDF). Matica Crnogorska (in Serbian). Retrieved February 11, 2019.
  8. ^ a b c d Veseljko Koprivica (September 30, 2011). "Zločini koji su se Đukanoviću isplatili" (in Serbian). Monitor. Retrieved February 11, 2019.
  9. ^ The 1991 Siege of Dubrovnik and the Consequences of the "War for Peace",; retrieved 31 January 2014.
  10. ^ "Crnogorski vrh promijenio priču o razaranju Dubrovnika". Radio Free Europe (in Serbian). October 1, 2010. Retrieved February 17, 2019.
  11. ^ Morrison 2009, p. 98.
  12. ^ a b c d e Morrison 2009, p. 99.
  13. ^ a b c Morrison 2009, p. 100.
  14. ^ a b Morrison 2009, p. 101.
  15. ^ a b c d e f g h "Kako su se paravojne jedinice otele kontroli". e-novine (in Serbian). May 20, 2011. Retrieved February 12, 2019.
  16. ^ a b c d e K. Radević (September 27, 2010). "CRNOGORSKI ZLOČIN - BULATOVIĆ: PITAO SAM MILA O ČEMU SE RADI". Boš (in Bosnian). Retrieved February 12, 2019.
  17. ^ a b Morrison 2009, p. 120.
  18. ^ a b Morrison 2009, p. 121.
  19. ^ a b Jakub Durgut (February 18, 2017). "Zločini bez kazne" (in Serbian). Danas. Retrieved February 12, 2019.
  20. ^ a b Annika Savill (May 3, 1993). "'Friendly persuasion' nails Karadzic: Vance-Owen peace plan is finally agreed but far from smoke-filled rooms in Greece passions and hatreds bode ill for UN force in Bosnia". The Independent. Retrieved February 17, 2019.
  21. ^ a b c Slobodan Kostić (February 8, 2007). "Raspadanje do Kosova" (in Serbian). Vreme. Retrieved February 17, 2019.
  22. ^ "Kako su se "razveli" Milo i Momir: Dve decenije od sednice na kojoj se pocepao DPS". Nedeljnik (in Serbian). July 11, 2017. Retrieved February 14, 2019.
  23. ^ Morrison 2009, p. 160.
  24. ^ "NOĆ KADA JE PODGORICA GORJELA". (in Serbian). January 13, 2019. Retrieved February 14, 2019.
  25. ^ Morrison 2009, p. 163.
  26. ^ Momir Bulatović (March 24, 2017). "Često sam se pitao koja bi to budala mogla da zarati sa protivnikom koji govori u ime čitavog sveta?". Nedeljnik (in Serbian). Retrieved February 17, 2019.


Morrison, Kenneth (2009). Nationalism, Identity and Statehood in Post-Yugoslav Montenegro. London: I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd. ISBN 978-1-84511-710-8.
Political offices
New office President of Montenegro
Succeeded by
Milo Đukanović
Preceded by
Radoje Kontić
Prime Minister of Yugoslavia
Succeeded by
Zoran Žižić
Party political offices
Preceded by
Milica Pejanović-Đurišić
Leader of the League of Communists/Democratic Party of Socialists
Succeeded by
Milo Đukanović
New political party Leader of the Socialist People's Party
Succeeded by
Predrag Bulatović