Morisco rebellions in Granada

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Principal centers of the Morisco Revolt

In southern Spain, following the conquest of Granada city in 1492 by the "Catholic Monarchs" - Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabel of Castile - the Moorish inhabitants of the city and province twice revolted against Christian rule. The second rebellion led to the expulsion of 80,000 Moriscos from the city and province. The last mass prosecution against Moriscos for crypto-Islamic practices occurred in Granada in 1727, with most of those convicted receiving relatively light sentences. From then on, indigenous Islam is considered to have been extinguished in Spain.[1]

The fall of Granada and the first rebellion of the Moors, 1499-1500[edit]

In the wake of the Reconquista most of the Moors had continued to live in Spain, and until the 16th century were granted religious freedom, albeit subject to some legal discrimination. They became known as Mudéjares.

The Kingdom of Granada was the last Muslim-ruled state in Spain. After a long siege, the city of Granada fell to the Catholic Monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella I, in 1492. The Muslim population was initially tolerated under the terms of the Treaty of Granada. However, pressure on them to convert to Christianity led to the 1499 uprising in Granada city, quickly put down, and in the following year to more serious revolts in the mountain villages of the Alpujarra - the region below the Sierra Nevada; Ferdinand himself led an army into the area. There were also revolts in the western parts of the former Kingdom. Suppression by the Catholic forces was severe; in one village (Andarax) they blew up the principal mosque, in which women and children had taken refuge.

The revolt enabled the Catholics to claim that the Muslims had violated the terms of the Treaty of Granada, which were therefore withdrawn. Throughout the region, Moors were thus forced to choose between conversion to Christianity or exile. They became known as "Moriscos" or "New Christians", though many continued to speak Arabic and to wear Moorish clothing.


A Morisco family walking in the country, by Christoph Weiditz, 1529.

In 1526, Charles I (of Spain - he later became Charles V as Holy Roman Emperor) - issued an Edict under which laws against heresy (e.g. Muslim practices by "New Christians") would be strictly enforced; among other restrictions, it forbade the use of Arabic and the wearing of Moorish dress. The Moriscos managed to get this suspended for forty years by the payment of a large sum (80,000 ducados).

Since now all remaining Moors were officially Christian ("Moriscos"), mosques could be destroyed or turned into churches. Their children had to be baptised; marriage had to be performed by a priest. There was little or no follow-up in terms of explaining Christianity: indeed, the priests themselves were mostly too ignorant to do so. On the other hand, they punished Moriscos were who failed to participate in Sunday Mass; Moriscos had to learn - in Latin, which would have been meaningless to them - the Lord's Prayer, the Ave Maria, the Credo and the Ten Commandments; children had to be baptised and marriage had to be under Christian rites. Inevitably, tension built up.[2]

The archbishop of Granada, convinced that the Moriscos were maintaining their customs and traditions and would never become real Christians, called in 1565 a synod of the bishops of the kingdom of Granada.[3] It was agreed that the policy of persuasion should be replaced by one of repression, and that the measures of 1526 should now be applied. This meant prohibition of all the distinctive Morisco practices: language, clothing, public baths, religious ceremonies, etc. Moreover, in each place where the Moriscos lived at least a dozen “Old Christians” (i.e. not those who had been supposedly converted) should be installed; Morisco houses should be inspected on Fridays, Saturdays and feast-days to ensure that they were not practicing Koranic rites; the heads pf household should be closely watched to ensure that they were setting a good example; their sons should be taken to Old Castile at the cost of their parents, to be brought up learning Christian customs and forgetting those of their origins.[4]

Philip II, who had become King in 1556, gave his approval: the result was the Pragmatica of 1 January 1567. The Moriscos tried to negotiate its suspension, as in 1526, but this King was inflexible. A Morisco leader, Francisco Núnez Muley, made a statement protesting against the injustices committed against the Moriscos: "Day by day our situation worsens, we are maltreated in every way; and this is done by judges and officials… How can people be deprived of their own language, with which they were born and brought up? In Egypt, Syria, Malta and elsewhere there are people like us who speak, read and write in Arabic, and they are Christians like us." [5]

As the failure of their appeals became evident, the Moriscos of Granada began to prepare for rebellion, holding secret meetings in the Moorish quarter, the Albaicín. The authorities arrested Moriscos who they thought might be conspiring; they also made plans to expel Moriscos from the Kingdom and replace them by “Old Christians” (i.e. not recent converts). After a year of fruitless negotiations, in 1558 the Morisco leaders decided to take up arms.[6]

The second rebellion, 1568-71[edit]

Philip's harsh approach sparked the outbreak of armed rebellion throughout the former Kingdom of Granada; it is also known as the War of Las Alpujarras. It began in Granada city on Christmas Eve of 1568, but this failed because only a small number of rebels turned up (heavy snowfall in the mountains had prevented others from arriving).

However, Moriscos of Granada, the Alpujarras, and elsewhere, including many who had fled from their villages under Christian rule and become outlaws (monfies) in the mountains, secretly assembled in the Valle de Lecrin. They repudiated Christianity, and proclaimed Aben Humeya (born Fernando de Valor, and he claimed descent from the former Umayad dynasty) as their king.

The mountain villages had joined the revolt, burning churches, assassinating priests and other Christians. The Marques of Mondejar led an army into the Alpujarra. In the first major battle, despite difficult terrain, he managed to take control of the Poqueira valley, where Aben Humeya had set up his headquarters. From there, his forces continued through the mountain, taking many villages, rescuing Christians whom the Moriscos had imprisoned in churches.

The war however degenerated into massacres and pillage, with atrocities committed by both sides. In the next year, when the number of rebels had greatly increased, Philip II replaced the Marques of Mondejar - considered too lenient - with his own half-brother John of Austria, with a large force of Spanish and Italian troops. The rebels, divided and disorganised, lost to a ruthless enemy whatever gains they had made. Aben Humeya was assassinated by his own followers and replaced by Aben Aboo. The war came to an end in March 1571, when Aben Aboo in his turn was killed by his own people.

Enlarged version (based on Spanish Wikipedia article and additional sources)

In the months following publication of the Pragmatica on 1 January 1567, the Moriscos began to prepare their rebellion. Weapons, flour, oil and other provisions were stored in caves which were inaccessible and safe, enough for six years.[7]

The principal leaders, including some from the Alpujarra, held meetings in private houses in the Albaicín, and from there issued their orders. At a meeting on 17 September 1568 it was proposed that they should elect a chieftain to lead the revolt. Hernando de Córdoba y Valór was named King: in a solemn ceremony, they clothed him in purple according to the old ritual for the kings of Granada, and many rich Moriscos attended, wearing black garments.[8] He was chosen because he descended from the lineage of the caliphs of Córdoba, the Omeyas, and he therefore he took the Moorish name Abén Humeya (or “Omeya”).

The rebellion started on Christmas Eve in the village of Béznar in the Lecrin valley, as the Moriscos declared their allegiance to Aben Humeya as their King. Numerous other places in the tahas (districts) of Órgiva, Poqueira, Juviles and other Morisco villages in the Alpujarra followed suit.

The first action by the rebels was in Granada city: it was led by Aben Humeya’s “grand vizir”, Farax Aben Farax, who on that same night of 24–25 December entered the Albaicín (the Moorish quarter) with a group of monfíes – outlaws who for one reason or another had left the villages and roamed in the mountains. His aim was to persuade the Morisco inhabitants to join the revolt, but he had little success – only a few hundred followed him. This failure in the capital had a decisive effect on the course of the campaign throughout the Kingdom of Granada.[9]

The rebellion took on a fanatic character, with the torturing and murder of priests and sacristans, the destruction and profanation of churches. In this the bands of monfíes played a large part.

In the first phase of the war, the Spanish campaign was led by the Marqués de Mondéjar in the west of the Alpujarra and the Marqués de Los Vélez in the east. Mondéjar, coming from Granada, had quick success, over terrain which should have favoured the defenders. He overcame the first natural obstacle – a bridge at Tablate, which the Moors had partially destroyed – and reached Órgiva in time to rescue Christians held captive in the tower.[10]

Tablate bridge

The first major battle was fought in a river valley east of Órgiva, where the Moors were defeated. An advance detachment then contrived to cross a narrow ravine (picture) and climb a steep mountainside to reach the village of Bubión, in the Poqueira valley, where Aben Humeya had made his headquarters and the Moors had stored equipment and valuables. They were soon joined by the Marqués and the bulk of his army, taking a longer but safer route.

Approach to the Poqueira valley

In the next few days the army crossed the mountains and descended on Pórtugos and Pitres, again freeing Christian captives in the churches. From there the way was open to the villages further east.[11]

The American historian Henry Charles Lea wrote of Mondéjar’s “short but brilliant campaign... Through heavy snows and intense cold and over almost inaccessible mountains he fought battle after battle, giving the enemy no respite and following up every advantage gained. The Moriscos speedily lost heart and sought terms of surrender… By the middle of February [1569] the rebellion was practically suppressed. Aben Humeya was a wanderer, hiding in caves by day and seeking shelter by night in houses which had letters of surety.".[12]

Indeed, at Pórtugos some Moorish leaders had attempted to negotiate surrender terms with Mondéjar, who replied that he would intercede with King Philip, but that in the meantime the punishment of rebels must continue.[13] If he did report to the King, this did him no good as it reinforced charges against him of undue clemency. In fact, the Christian campaign was compromised by a long-standing enmity between the two commanders, and this was fomented by the Chancery in Granada, which on several occasions sent complaints about Mondéjar to King Philip.[note 1]

The subsequent campaign was marked by excesses committed by the troops: this was not a disciplined army but consisted largely of untrained volunteers, who were not paid but counted on the loot they could gather.[14] The chronicler Pérez de Hita wrote that half of them were “the worst scoundrels in the world, motivated only by the desire to steal, sack and destroy the Morisco villages.[15]

There were also many acts of vengeance by Moriscos against “Old Christians”. Some priests were flayed alive, being reminded of their severity towards those who did not attend mass, to women who would not uncover their faces and generally to those continued practicing their old rites. Churches were systematically set on fire and looted; likewise the houses of the priests and those of Christians in general.

Both sides sold as slaves many of their captives. The Moriscos sold Christians to merchants from North Africa, in exchange for weapons. For their part, those whom the Christian soldiers captured, especially women, were regarded as war booty, and they were entitled to keep the takings for themselves as the Crown renounced the fifth part of the proceeds normally due. Chiefs and officers also took prisoners for themselves, including children. The Crown itself did benefit from the sale of slaves, as in the case of many of the Moors from Juviles who were sold at the market in Granada for the benefit of the King. This slavery, including women and children, was one of the reasons why the Morisco resistance persisted...[16]

The second phase of the war was from March 1569 until January 1570. Now the initiative lay with the Morisco rebels, who had gained support as towns in the plain and elsewhere joined the revolt. Thus their number rose from 4,000 in 1569 to 25,000 in 1570, including some Berbers and Turks. Their tactic was to ambush their opponents, avoiding combat on open ground, relying on their knowledge of the intricate terrain of the sierras and occupying the heights from which they could launch audacious attacks.

The Spanish navy was called upon to bring reinforcements to the army, and to protect the Granada coast against Ottoman reinforcements from North Africa.[17]

The third phase began in 1570, when King Philip relieved the Marqués of Mondéjar of his command: in his place, he appointed his own half-brother, Don John of Austria, to take overall command, and the Marquis of Los Vélez to pursue operations in the eastern part of the kingdom. [1]

Lea describes Vélez as '"ambitious, arrogant and opinionated… He thrust himself into the war and mismanaged it at every turn, but he was a favorite of the king, who supported him through it all… Great preparations were made to give Don John a force which befitted his dignity and should speedily crush all resistance. The towns and cities were summoned to furnish their quotas and the Spanish ambassador at Rome was ordered to bring the Italian galleys to Spain, to aid the home squadron in guarding the coast and intercepting succors from Africa, and also to convey the tercio of Naples” (a battalion of about three thousand regular troops).[18]

This seems an extraordinary mobilisation to deal with a revolt by a mountain people, with no military training nor organisation, and ill-equipped with weaponry. But King Philip was obsessed by his troubles abroad and clearly felt he had to eliminate this problem on his doorstep. An Ottoman fleet was raiding the Spanish coasts and it had captured the Balearic Islands in 1558. In the Spanish Netherlands, the preaching of Calvinist leaders had led to riots in 1566 and to open warfare in 1568: Philip did not want trouble in his own backyard. Moreover, like Catholic leaders everywhere in Europe, he was determined to stamp out “heresy” of all kinds – and the Moors had by now been formally classified as heretics.

Don John arrived at Granada in April 1569. Returning to Lea’s account:"Conflicting opinions led to prolonged discussions during which nothing was done; the campaign went to pieces; the pacified Moriscos, reduced to despair by the withdrawal of Mondéjar, sent back their safeguards and withdrew their oaths of allegiance and with them went many places that had previously remained loyal… Granada was virtually besieged, for the Moriscos ravaged the Vega [the plain] up to the gates… The rebellion, which had hitherto been confined to the Alpujarras and Sierra Nevada, spread on the one side to the mountain of Almería and on the other to those of Málaga. The whole land was aflame and it looked as though the power of Spain was inadequate to extinguish the conflagration"[19]

In an attack on Albuñuelas, the Spanish troops killed all the men who did not escape and brought back fifteen hundred women and children who were divided among the soldiers as slaves. In October that year the king proclaimed “a war of fire and blood” (una guerra a fuego y a sangre) – no longer just a matter of punishing a rebellion. He also gave free rein (campo franco) to the soldiers to take whatever plunder they could find, whether slaves, cattle or property.

In January 1570 Don John launched his new campaign with a force of 9000 foot and 700 horse; another contingent led by the Duke of Sesa had 8000 foot and 350 horse. There was renewed fighting in the Pitres-Poqueira area in April 1570. As the campaign went on and villages were captured, the Catholic forces were much reduced by desertions.

On 10 February, after a two-month siege, Don Juan conquered Galera and ordered its destruction; in March he took Serón; and at the end of April he headed for the Alpujarra, setting up his headquarters at Padules. There he was joined by a second army under the Duke of Sesa, which had left Granada in February and had crossed the Alpujarra from west to east. At the same time, a third army had come from Antequera to reach the sierra of Bentomiz, another focus of the rebellion, at the beginning of March.[20]

The fourth phase was from April 1570 until the spring of 1571. Don John’s army invaded the Alpujarra with blood and fire, destroying houses and crops, putting men to the sword and taking prisoner all the women, children and elderly people whom they found in their path.[21]

In May, king Aben Aboo (who had murdered Aben Humeya and taken his place) at last accepted surrender terms, under which those who gave themselves up and handed over their weapons would have their lives spared. But when some Berbers appeared with stories of large reinforcements on their way, Aben Aboo decided to fight on. The reports here are muddled: some say that three galleys which had just arrived from Algiers with arms, munitions and food turned back because they heard Aboo was surrendering. However this may be, no such help reached the rebels, but the Catholics were given an excuse to resume hostilities: “The sierra, in September 1570, was attacked simultaneously from both ends with a war of ruthless devastation, destroying all harvests, killing the men and bringing in women and children by the thousand as slaves. What few prisoners were taken were executed or sent to the galleys.” [22]

This advance by the royal troops opened a breach between those of the Moriscos who wanted to continue the fight and those who argued for seeking terms of surrender. In May, following a meeting at Andarax, many Moriscos fled to North Africa. Soon afterwards, the leader of those who favoured surrender, Hernando El Habaqui, was executed on the order of Aben Aboo.

Although from October 1570 many Moriscos gave themselves up, several thousand went on fighting. Most of them took shelter in caves, but many of these died from suffocation when the Christian troops lit fires at the entrances.

In 1571 John of Austria finally succeeded in supressing the rebellion in the Alpujarra. The last rebels, after losing the fortress of Juviles, were killed in their caves: among them Aben Aboo who was stabbed to death by his own followers in a cave near Bérchules. Resistance then collapsed.

Diego Hurtado de Mendoza – the more enlightened of the contemporary Spanish sources – made a bitter comment: “Day by day we fought our enemies, in the cold or the heat, hungry, lacking munitions, suffering continual injuries and deaths until we could confront our enemies: a warlike tribe, well-armed and confident in terrain which favoured them. Finally they were driven from their houses and possessions; men and women were chained together; captured children were sold to the highest bidder or carried away to distant places… It was a dubious victory, with such consequences that one might doubt whether those whom God wished to punish were ourselves or the enemy.” [23]

[[[The extent of the rebellion]]]

When the rebellion began, the Kingdom of Granada counted barely 150,000 inhabitants, most of them Moriscos. The exact number who rebelled is unknown, but the ambassadors of France and of the Republic of Genoa at the Madrid count estimated that there were 4,000 rebels in January 1569 and 25,000 by the spring of 1570, of whom some 4,000 were Turks or Berbers from North Africa who had come to support the rebellion.

On the other side, the royal army had at the beginning 2,000 foot-soldiers and 200 cavalry under the command of the Marqués de Mondéjar. The number increased substantially when Don John took charge: in the siege of Galera he had 12,000 men, while the Duke of Sesa at the same time commanded between 8,000 and 10,000 men.[24]

From its start in the Alpujarra, the rebellion spread to the plains and to other mountainous regions on the edges of the Kingdom. Moriscos living in the towns and the surrounding area, like those of the capital and the plains around it; Almería, Málaga, Guadix, Baza and Motril did not take part in the uprising, although they sympathised with it.

This distinct attitude of the towns can be explained by the presence of a greater number of “Old Christians” and better integration of the Moriscos in these communities. On the other hand, in the Alpujarra and other regions, where the rebellion caught on, there were villages where the only “Old Christian” was the parish priest.

Dispersal and resettlement[edit]

After the suppression of the revolt, a significant portion of the Morisco population was expelled from the former Kingdom of Granada. First rounded up and held in churches, then in harsh winter conditions, with little food, they were taken on foot in groups, escorted by soldiers; many died on the way. Many went to Cordova, others to Toledo and as far as Leon. Those from the Almería region were taken in galleys as far as Seville. The total number expelled has been estimated at some 80,000, or roughly half of Granada's Moriscos.

The deportations meant a big fall in population, which took decades to offset; they also caused a collapse of the economy, given that the Moriscos were its main motor. Moreover, many fields lay uncultivated, orchards and workshops had been destroyed during the fighting.[25]

The Spanish administration laid down already in 1571 the basis for repopulation. The land left free by the expulsion of the Moriscos would be shared out; settlers would be supported until their land began to bear fruit. Common land would be maintained; the acequias (irrigation channels) and reservoirs would be repaired; the springs would be for general use; pastures would be provided for the livestock; various fiscal advantages were promised. The settlers were assured of bread and flour, seed for their crops, clothing, material for cultivating their land, and oxen, horses and mules. There were various tax concessions.

The authorities in Granada sent officials in search of candidates from as far away as Galicia and Asturias and the mountain areas of Burgos and León. The process was difficult, slow and expensive. The greater number were from western Andalucía, but they came also from Galicia, Castile, Valencia and Murcia.

A property register (Libro de Apeos) for the villages of the Poqueira valley - typical of the Alpujarra in general - provides abundant information. [note 2] It tells us that there were 23 settlers in Bubión plus 5 in Alguastar (later merged with Bubión), 29 in Capileira, 13 in Pampaneira. Of those in Bubión, nine came from Galicia; five were already living in the village, including three widows, two members of the clergy and the first mayor (Cristóbal de Cañabate, a Morisco whose conversion had apparently been reckoned as sincere). The Libro de Apeos gave all the names, some of which are still to be found.

The Libro de apeos, kept in the Bubión town hall

Land began to be distributed in September 1571: most settlers received specified quantities of irrigated land, vineyards, silkworm eggs, and fruit, nut and chestnut trees. Grain and olive mills were to remain as public property for six years. Three grain mills in working order and four in need of repair were attributed to two inhabitants of Pampaneira. These grants were formally announced at a gathering in the plaza of Bubión on 28 June 1573, and the settlers could then start marking out and working on their lands.

Their life was not easy. Houses were in a bad state, irrigation channels (acequias) had been damaged, livestock had mostly disappeared (none are mentioned among the apeos). And those who had come from other regions had no experience of farming in the mountains; many gave up. By 1574 only 59 families were left in the Poqueira out of the original 70.

The resettlement programme never restored the Alpujarra population to anything like its former numbers. Before the Reconquista the Alpujarra probably had a population of about forty thousand, mainly Moors with a few “Old Christians”. After 1492, many had emigrated to North Africa. The war of 1568–71 and the subsequent expulsion left only a handful of converted Moors (“New Christians”): these were estimated to number just over two hundred families in the whole of the Alpujarra, just seven in the Poqueira.

The number of Christian settlers who actually stayed in the Alpujarra was somewhere in the region of seven thousand. Many of these were single or came with only a small family, whereas the Moorish families had averaged five or six persons. Gradually the settler families expanded, bringing the population to a peak by the census of 1591. But then there was an outbreak of plague, infestation of locusts from Africa, and successive years of drought with much-reduced harvests. The population fell drastically and recovered slowly.[26]

Some villages were abandoned. In the Poqueira, the tiny hamlet of Alguástar, mentioned above, was depopulated by the end of the 16th century (probably by the plague). Generally, the settlers kept the houses much as they found them – fortunately for our heritage – and when they built they copied the same flat-roof style. Mosques were destroyed or turned into churches; towers replaced minarets. Wider plazas were opened up around the new churches and public buildings.

[note 3]


  1. ^ The English Wikipedia lacks an article on the Marquis of Mondéjar (Iñigo López de Mendoza y Mendoza) and the Spanish edition has only a brief account. He lived from 1512 till 1580 and was the third in the Mondéjar line. He was capitan general of Granada; in 1590 he became ambassador to the Pope in Rome. After commanding the Spanish troops at the beginning of the Alpujarran war, he became viceroy in Valencia, then in Naples.
  2. ^ The Libro de Apeos is almost illegible (see pîcture) and we are indebted for this ionformation to a former mayor of Bubión, Juan Pérez Ramón. There is much more in his book Bubión en el centro de Poqueira (2012), but this was only distributed locally.
  3. ^ The English Wikipedia lacks an article on the Marquis of Mondéjar (Iñigo López de Mendoza y Mendoza) and the Spanish edition has only a brief account. He lived from 1512 till 1580 and was the third in the Mondéjar line. He was capitan general of Granada; in 1590 he became ambassador to the Pope in Rome. After commanding the Spanish troops at the beginning of the Alpujarran war, he became viceroy in Valencia, then in Naples.


  1. ^ Vínculos Historia: The moriscos who remained. The permanence of Islamic origin population in Early Modern Spain: Kingdom of Granada, XVII-XVIII centuries (In Spanish)
  2. ^ Lea, ch.VI; Falcones, ch.1
  3. ^ Caro Baroja pp.156-7
  4. ^ Dominguez y Vincent, p.32
  5. ^ Kamen, p. 216
  6. ^ Cortazar, p.291
  7. ^ Baroja, p.173
  8. ^ Baroja, pp.173-4
  9. ^ Baroja, p.176
  10. ^ Mondéjar, and Tracy pp.35-36
  11. ^ Mondéjar, and Tracy pp.37-39
  12. ^ Lea pp.241-2
  13. ^ Mármol Libro VI cap.XV, and Tracy p.39
  14. ^ Ortiz & Vincent pp.36-40
  15. ^ Baroja p.194
  16. ^ Baroja pp.188-196
  17. ^ Cortázar p.291
  18. ^ Lea, pp.237 & 247
  19. ^ Lea, p. 249
  20. ^ Ortiz & Vincent, pp. 36-37
  21. ^ Cortázar, p. 291
  22. ^ Lea, p. 261
  23. ^ Hurtado, pp. 57-58
  24. ^ Ortiz & Vincent, pp. 39-40
  25. ^ Cortázar (page not indicated)
  26. ^ Tracy, pp. 49-51


There are three well-known contemporary chroniclers, each of whom participated in the campaign of 1568-71:

  • MÁRMOL CARVAJAL, Luis del: Historia del [sic] Rebelión y Castigo de los Moriscos de Reino de Granada. Written shortly after the war but not published till 1600. Covers the whole campaign, though he personally did not observe it all and was not even present in the early stage (his role was that of managing supplies to the army). This huge work is best accessed in the equally monumental thesis by Javier CASTILLE FERNANDEZ: Luis del Mármol y su Historia, University of Granada 2015, available on-line.
  • PÉRES DE HITA, Ginés: Guerras Civiles de Granada is less complete, first published in two parts, 1570 and 1595. Various recent editions are available in English.
  • HURTADO DE MENDOZA, Diego: Guerra de Granada, published posthumously in 1627.

The following, also a contemporary chronicle, is not referred to in the Spanish Wikipedia article upon which this English version is based, but it is a very valuable account of the first stage of the war, when the Marqués commanded of the Spanish army:

The main sources used by the Spanish Wikipedia article are:

  • CARO BAROJA, Julio: Los Moriscos de Reino de Granada (5th edn. 2000);
  • DOMINGUEZ ORTIZ, Antonio y VINCENT, Bernard: Historia de los Moriscos; vida y tragedia de una minoría(1993).
  • CORTÁZAR, Fernando García de: Atlas de Historia de España' (date not given).
  • KAMEN, Henry: La Inquisition Española – una revisión histórica (3rd edn. 2011) (also available in English – 4th edn. 1999).

Other relevant works are:

  • FALCONES, Ildefonso: The Hand of Fatima (English text 2011) is a historical novel which for the 1568-71 rebellion is closely based on the original sources cited above.
  • FLETCHER, Richard: Moorish Spain (1992, new edition 2001) - one of the best and most readable sources in English.
  • FLORIAN, M.: A History of the Moors in Spain (French original around 1790, English translation of 1840 available in several e-book formats). Probably the first non-Spanish work on the subject.
  • HARVEY, L.P. stands out among Anglophone historians for the depth of his research, which includes Arabic sources. His Islamic Spain, 1250 to 1500 (1990), together with his Muslims in Spain, 1500 to 1614, are brilliant studies, taking into account many original sources, both Spanish and Arabic. He also contributed a useful chapter to The Legacy of Moorish Spain (see above) entitled “The political, social and cultural history of the Moriscos”: this sets the 16th-century revolt in a broader historical context.
  • JAYYUSI, Salma Ishedra (editor): The Legacy of Moorish Spain (1992). A huge volume (1088 pages) consisting of essays by experts in various fields and edited by. Two of the contributors besides the editor are Arabs – an excellent article on 'The political history of Al-Andalus' is written by Mahmoud MAKKI, a professor at Cairo University – and several of the other authors clearly know Arabic.
  • LEA, Henry Charles: The Moriscos of Spain (1901, now an e-book). An impressive pioneering work, carefully documented from original Spanish sources and still very readable.
  • SMITH, Colin, MELVILLE, Charles and UBAYDLI, Ahmad: Christians and Moors in Spain (1988–92). A three-volume work, consisting of extracts from original sources in Latin, Spanish and Arabic, with helpful comments by the editors. All are valuable, the third – on Arab sources – particularly so.
  • TRACY, Michael: Bubión – The story of an Alpujarran village (2nd edn. 2015), uses local sources to illustrate the experiences of a typical village in the Morisco revolt and its subsequent capture by Christian forces and repopulation by Christian settlers.