Islam in Uttar Pradesh

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
  (Redirected from Muslims of Uttar Pradesh)
Jump to: navigation, search
For Uttar Pradeshi Muslims who settled in Pakistan, see Muhajir people.

Islam in Uttar Pradesh (Urdu: اتر پردیشی مسلمان‎) numbers about 38,483,967 (19.26%), according to 2011 census, and forms the largest religious minority in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. Muslims of Uttar Pradesh have also been referred to as Hindustani Musalman[1] ( ہندوستانی مسلمان). In the strict sense, the Uttar Pradesh Muslims do not form a single ethnic community. They are differentiated by sectarian and Baradari divisions, as well as by dialect and geographical distribution. Nevertheless, the Uttar Pradesh Muslims possess a sense of group identity based on cultural and historic factors. These include the Islamic religion, a Persian cultural tradition and its Indian offspring, the Urdu language.[2] They are also a disproportionately urban community, reflecting an old historic legacy. Muslims are majority in Rampur district and cities of Sambhal, Rampur, Amroha and Bahraich according to 2011 census.

History[edit]

Early History[edit]

Much of Uttar Pradesh formed part of the various Sultanate after 1000 CE and was ruled from their capital, Delhi. As a consequence of these invasions, their arose a community in what is now Uttar Pradesh, which was referred to as Hindustani Musalmans. Early settlement of Northern Muslims was due to the invasions and then establishment of Turkish Sultanate. Most Muslim in Northern India, particularly in Delhi and adjoining areas were of Turkish Origin or Turks. These Turks remained part of the establishment for few centuries until very late in the Mughal Empire, when there was mass migration from Persia and Afghan regions to Delhi. Consequently, Turks were pushed down the ladder as the Rulers and Courtesians of Delhi and became involved in farming and semi-skilled work. Famous Turkish Sufis include Nizamuddin Auliya, Amir Khusro etc. Mehroli was the first organised township of Turks who had built numerous Turkish Monuments such as Qutib Minar, Puran Qila, Turkman Darwaza etc. Turkish communities in India are currently recognised by their trades such as Turks Jhojhey, Turk Kalal, Turk Khayyat, Turk farmers etc. They mainly live in Muzzafarnagar, Shahjahanpur, Moradabad, BulandShahar, Ghaziabad, Hapur, Meerut etc. In medieval times, the term Hindustani Musalman was applied to those Muslims who were either converts to Islam or who had a long settled in India. These Hindustani Musalmans did not form a single community, as they were divided by ethnic, linguistic and economic differences. Often these early settlers lived in fortified towns, known as Qasbahs. Important qasbas include Kakori in Lucknow District, Sandhila in Hardoi District and Zaidpur in Barabanki District. With the rise of the Mongols under Genghis Khan, there was an influx of Muslim refugees into North India, many of whom settled in the provincial qasbas, bringing with them a Persianized culture. Many of these early settlers are the ancestors of the Sayyid and Shaikh communities. In these qasbas, over time a number of cultural norms arose, which still typify many Uttar Pradesh Muslim traditions.[3] The Turkish Sultans of Delhi and their Mughal successors patronized the émigré Muslim culture: Islamic jurists of the Sunni Hanafi school, Persian literati who were Shia Ithnā‘ashariyyah and Sufis of several orders, including the Chishti, Qadiri and Naqshbandi. These Sufi orders were particularly important in converting Hindus to Islam.[2]

Found among the Salafi are Iraqis who migrated to Ballia and Ghazipur districts of Eastern part of the state in 16th century from Sindh, Pakistan and claim descent from Thaheem people of Sindh who are from the Arab tribe of Bani Tamim who migrated to Sindh during Arab conquest of Sindh in 711 AD.

The Urdu speaking people of Uttar Pradesh has diverse roots. Many Sufi missionaries from Middle East and Central Asia migrated and settled in South Asia. Many natives converted to Islam due to the missionary Sufi saints whose dargahs dot the landscape of South Asia. The Delhi Sultanate and later Mughal Empire ruled the northern India region. During the Delhi Sultanate and later Mughal Empire attracted Muslim refugees, nobles, technocrats, bureaucrats, soldiers, traders, scientists, architects, artisans, teachers, poets, artists, theologians and Sufis from the rest of the Muslim world and they migrated and settled in the South Asia. During the reign of Sultan Ghyasuddin Balban (1266–1286) thousands of Central Asian Muslims sought asylum including more than of 15 sovereigns and their nobles due to the Mongol invasion of Khwarezmia and Eastern Iran. At the court of Sultan Iltemish in Delhi the first wave of these Muslim refugees escaping from the Central Asian genocide perpetrated by the barbaric hordes of Genghis Khan, brought administrators from Iran, painters from China, theologians from Samarkand, Nishapur and Bukhara, divines and saints from all Muslim lands, craftsmen and men and maidens from every region, doctors adept in Greek medicine, philosophers from everywhere. The Muslims from various provinces such as Hyderabad Deccan, Kerala, Balochistan, Sindh, Punjab, Gujarat, Kashmir and other parts of South Asia also moved to capitals of Muslim empire in Delhi and Agra. Millions of natives converted to Islam during the Muslim rule. Lodi dynasty was dominated by the Pashtuns soldiers from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Afghanistan who settled in the northern India. After the Battle of Panipat (1526) Mughal Emperor Babur defeated the Lodi dynasty with Tajik, Chagatai and Uzbek soldiers and nobility. Theses Central Asian Turk soldiers and nobles were awarded estates and they settled with their families in the northern India. Safavi Emperor Shah Tahmasp provided financial aid, 12,000 choice of cavalry and thousands of infantry soldiers to Mughal Emperor Humayun to regain his Empire. Persians nobles, technocrats and bureaucrats, also joined Mughal Emperor Humayun and his Persian and Pashtun soldiers in the reconquest of South Asia. Theses soldiers were awarded estates and they settled with their families in the northern India. These diverse ethnic, cultural and linguistic groups merged over the centuries to the form Urdu speaking Muslims of South Asia.

The Rohilla leader Daud Khan was awarded the Katehar (later called Rohilkhand) region in the then northern India by Mughal emperor Aurangzeb Alamgir (ruled 1658–1707) to suppress the Rajput uprisings, which had afflicted this region. Originally, some 20,000 soldiers from various Pashtun tribes (Yusafzai, Ghori, Ghilzai, Barech, Marwat, Durrani, Tareen, Kakar, Naghar, Afridi and Khattak) were hired by Mughals to provide soldiers to the Mughal armies. Their performance was appreciated by Mughal emperor Aurangzeb Alamgir, and an additional force of 25,000 Pashtuns were recruited from modern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Afghanistan and were given respected positions in Mughal Army. Nearly all of Pashtuns settled in the Katehar region and also brought their families from modern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Afghanistan. During Nadir Shah's invasion of northern India in 1739, the new wave of Pashtuns settled increasing their population to over 100,0000. Due to the large settlement of Rohilla Afghans, the Katehar region gained fame as Rohilkhand. Bareilly was made the capital of the Rohilkhand state and it became Pashtun majority city with Gali Nawaban as the main royal street. Other important cities were Moradabad, Rampur, Shahjahanpur, Badaun, and others.[4][5] After the Third Battle of Panipat fought in 1761 between the Ahmad Shah Durrani and Maratha Empire thousands of Pashtun and Baloch soldiers settled in the northern India. These diverse ethnic, cultural and linguistic groups merged over the centuries to the form the Urdu speaking Muslims of South Asia.

It is estimated that about 35% of Urdu speakers are of Pashtun origin. The provinces such as Uttar Pradesh and Bihar had significant population of Pashtuns. These Pashtuns over the years lost their language Pashto and culture and adopted Urdu as their first language. Sub-groups also includes the Hyderabadi Muslims, Memon Muslims, Bihari Muslims etc. who keep many of their unique cultural traditions.[6] Muslims from what are now the states of Delhi, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh were themselves of heterogeneous origin.

The KayasthaAnd manihar community that has historically been involved in the occupations of land record keeping and accounting. Many Hindu Kayasth found favour with Muslim rulers for whom the acted as Qanungos. This close association, led to the conversion of many members of the Kayastha community to Islam. The Muslim Kayasths speak Urdu and Hindi[7] The Kayasth sometime use Siddiqui, Quraishi, Khan, Shaikh, Usmani and Farooqi as their surnames, and consider themselves belonging to the Shaikh community.[8]

In western Uttar Pradesh, there was conversion to Islam of a number of agrarian castes such as the Tyagi, Ranghar and Muley Jat. Many of these convert communities kept many of their pre-Islamic customs, such as clan exogamy. According to some scholars, this also led to the creeping into Baradari system.[9] This region also saw the settlement of Pashtun soldiers and administrors from what is now Pakistan and Afghanistan. The largest settlement was that of Rohilkhand, which was home to a number of Pashtun principalities. Other immigrants included Kambohs from Punjab, who together with the Pathan formed part of the ruling elite in North India.[10]

Indian converts to Islam ultimately outnumbered the immigrant Muslims, and were also of diverse origin. Many of the converts belonged to the Hindu artisan castes, who were drawn to the new qasbas. Over time, many of these artisan groups evolved into caste like groupings, such as the Momin, who were weavers. Many of these new converts continued to speak their original dialects, such as Awadhi and Khari boli. These groups were sometimes referred to collectively as Ajlaf. Groups that claimed actual or putative foreign ancestry were referred to as Ashrafs. Over time a fourfold division arose among the Ashraf, with the Sayyids, the actual or claimed descendent of the Prophet Mohammad, the Shaikh, communities signifies Arab descent and comes under high Baradari of society, however majority are the native Brahmin, Kshatriya and Vaishya clans who used the title of Sheikh after conversion to Islam, the Mughals, descendents of Central Asian Turks and Mongols and the Pathans, descendents of Pashtun tribesmen from Pakistan and Afghanistan.[10] Occasionally, important convert communities such as the Kayastha Muslim and manihar of eastern Uttar Pradesh, were also granted Ashraf status.

With the collapse of the Sultanate of Delhi, the Mughal established their control, U.P. became the heartland of their vast empire; the region was known as Hindustan, which is used to this day as the name for India in several languages. Agra and Fatehpur Sikri were the capital cities of Akbar, the great Mughal Emperor of India. At their zenith, during the rule of Aurangzeb, the Mughal Empire covered almost the entire South Asia (including present day Afghanistan, Pakistan, India and Bangladesh), which was ruled at different times from Delhi, Agra and Allahabad.

Later History[edit]

When the Mughal Empire disintegrated, their territory remained confined to the Doab region of and Delhi. Other areas of Hindustan (Uttar Pradesh or U.P.) were now ruled by different rulers: Oudh was ruled by the Shia Nawabs of Oudh, Rohilkhand by the Rohillas, Bundelkhand by the Marathas and Benaras by its own king, while Nepal controlled Kumaon-Garhwal as a part of Greater Nepal. The state's capital city of Lucknow was established by the Muslim Nawabs of Oudh in the 18th century. It became an important centre of Muslim culture, and the centre for the development of Urdu literature.[11][12]

Of all the Muslim states and dependencies of the Mughal empire, Awadh had the newest royal family. They were descended from a Persian adventurer called Sa'adat Khan, originally from Khurasan in Persia. There were many Khurasanis in the service of the Mughals, mostly soldiers, and if successful, they could hope for rich rewards. These Khurasanis were Shia, and Lucknow became a centre of Shia culture in Uttar Pradesh. Burhan ul Mulk Sa'adat Khan proved to be amongst the most successful of this group. In 1732, he was made governor of the province of Awadh. His original title was Nazim, which means Governor, but soon he was made Nawab. In 1740, the Nawab was called Wazir or vizier, which means Chief Minister, and thereafter he was known as the Nawab Wazir. In practice, from Sa'adat Khan onwards, the titles had been hereditary, though in theory they were in the gift of the Mughal emperor, to whom allegiance was paid. A nazar, or token tribute, was sent each year to Delhi, and members of the imperial family were treated with great deference; two of them actually lived in Lucknow after 1819, and were treated with great courtesy.[12]

By the early 19th Century, the British had established their control over what is now Uttar Pradesh. This led to an end of almost eight centuries of Muslim rule over Uttar Pradesh. The British rulers created a class of feudal landowners who were generally referred to as zamindars, and in Awadh as taluqdars. Many of these large landowners provided patronage to the arts, and funded many of the early Muslim educational institutions. A major educational institution was the Aligarh Muslim University, which gave its name to the Aligarh movement. Under the guidance of Sir Sayyid Ahmed Khan, the Urdu speaking Muslim elite sought to retain their position of political and administrative importance by reconciling their Mughal and Islamic culture with English education. A somewhat different educational movement was led by the Ulema of Deoband, who founded a religious school or Dar-ul-Uloom designed to revitalize Islamic learning. The aim of the Deobandis, as the movement became known as was to purge the Muslims of all strata of traditions and customs that were claimed to be Hindu. Most of the early proselytization was concentrated in the Doab region where Deoband is located, which was home to a number of peasant castes, such as the Rajput Muslim, Gujjar, Tyagi and Jat, who had maintained a number of pre-Islamic customs. A reaction to the growth of the Deobandi movement was the rise of the Barelvi sub-sect, which was much more tolerant of the customs and traditions of the local population.[2]

The role of Urdu language played an important role in the development of Muslim self-consciousness in the early twentieth century. Uttar Pradesh Muslims set up Anjumans or associations for the protection and promotion of Urdu. These early Muslim associations formed the nucleus of the All India Muslim League in Dhaka in 1905. Many of the leaders belonged to the Ashraf category. Uttar Pradesh Muslims formed the core of the movement for a separate Muslim state, later known as Pakistan. The eventual effect of this movement led to the partition of India, and creation of Pakistan. This led to an exodus of many Muslim professionals to Pakistan, and the division of the Uttar Pradeshi Muslims, with the formation of the Muhajir ethnic group of Pakistan. The role of the Aligarh Muslim University was extremely important in the creation of Pakistan.[13]

Modern history[edit]

The net result of partition and independence in 1947, was the division of the Urdu speaking Uttar Pradesh Muslims. It also led to major social, political and cultural changes, for example Urdu lost its status. The abolishment of the zamindari system also had a profound impact, as these large landowners provided patronage to local artisans. This was especially true of the Awadh region. But Muslim artisan communities have held their own, with the growth of specialized industries such as lock manufacturing in Aligarh. The Muslim peasantry in western Uttar Pradesh benefited from the Green Revolution, while those in eastern Uttar Pradesh did poorly. Another important event was the demise of the Muslim League, with most Muslims initially supporting the Indian National Congress.[14] The post partition period also saw a reduction in communal violence between Hindus and Muslims. This was also a period where Muslim leadership was still in the hands of Ashraf leaders such as Abdul Majeed Khwaja in Aligarh and Rafi Ahmed Kidwai in Barabanki. However, from the late 1960s onwards, there has been an increase in the number of communal riots, culminating in the destruction of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya in December 1992. This period has also seen the decline of Muslim support for the Congress Party.[15]

The last three decades have seen two issues confronting the Muslim community, often referred to as Mandir and Mandal. Mandir refers to the building of a Hindu temple in the town of Ayodhya in eastern Uttar Pradesh, on the site of Babri Mosque. This cause has been championed by the Bharatiya Janata Party, and as a consequence, there has been an increase in communal violence.[15] The other issue is commonly referred to as Mandal, a reference to the Mandal Commission, which was set up to consider the question of seat reservations and quotas for people to redress caste discrimination. Among the groups identified for reservation included a number of ajlaf communities. This has led to greater assertion of ajlaf political power, and a decline in the ashraf leadership. A major controversy is a demand for the Muslim community to receive reservation as a whole, which is being opposed by many Ajlaf communities. There are also demands to extend the scheduled caste status, which the Indian Constitution restricts to Hindu castes only, to Muslim Ajlaf groups like the Halalkhor and Lal Begi.[16]

Famous Muslims from Uttar Pradesh include the famous writer and poet Javed Akhtar, actress Shabana Azami, Vice President of India Mohammad Hamid Ansari, Suhaib Ilyasi of India's Most Wanted fame, Maolana Dr. Kalbe Sadiq Vice President of Muslim Personal Law Board, actor and director Muzaffar Ali, Journalist Saeed Naqvi, Persian Scholar Dr. Naiyer Masud Rizvi, linguist Prof. Masud Husain Khan, Governor Syed Sibtey Razi, historian Irfan Habib, politician Salman Khursheed and cricketer Mohammad Kaif.

Controversy over Reservation[edit]

Studies including the now famous Sachar Report have identified that the Muslim community in Uttar Pradesh lags behind in terms of economics, educational attainment and political representation. The general political consensus in India has been for a number of historic reasons, that the Muslim community as whole should not be subject to any affirmative action policies, such as other socially deprived groupings, for example the Scheduled Castes. However, the state has conceded that certain Baradaris within the larger Muslim community of UP do deserve reservations in jobs and quotas in educational institutions. This principle has been established by the Mandal Commission.[17]

Many of these Baradaris that have been traditionally associated with a particular craft have been granted Other Backward Class status, which in theory makes them eligible for a number of affirmitave action schemes.[18] There has been some criticism as the selection of criteria, which many disadvantaged Muslim Baradaris excluded from the lists drawn up by the Government of India. For example, certain Baradaris whose Hindu counterparts were lists as Scheduled Castes were omitted from the first Uttar Pradeh list. This was part dealt with by including Muslim Nats, Muslim Mochis and Muslim Dhobis, whose Hindu counterparts have Scheduled Caste status as backward communities.[19] However, a number of extremely marginalized Muslim communities such as the Muslim Dabgar. Muslim Bandhmatis. Muslim Dom and Muslim Bansphor remain excluded despite the fact that there Hindu counterparts are on the Scheduled Caste list. Other economically deprived groups such as the Kankali, Kanmailia and Kingharia have also been excluded, while groups such the Kayastha Muslims and Muslim Kamboh have been included. All in all, approximately 44 communities have been included in the Uttar Pradesh OBC list.[20]

The Government of India has recently made an announcement of the establishment of a sub-quota of 4.5% for minorities within the existing 27% reservation meant for the Other Backward Classes. This decision has been said to be made as it is alleged that those Muslim communities that have been granted OBC status are unable to compete with wealthier section of the Hindu OBC community.[21] However, Justice Sachar who headed Sachar Committee criticized the government decision saying, "Such promises will not help the backward section of minorities. It is like befooling them. These people are making tall claims just to win elections" [22]

Here is a breakdown of the Muslim population by district according to the 2001 Census of India.[23]

Sufi Orders[edit]

Tomb of Sufi saint Shaikh Salim Chisti in Fatehpur Sikri, Uttar Pradesh

Sufis (Islamic mystics) played an important role in the spread of Islam in India. They were very successful in spreading Islam, as many aspects of Sufi belief systems and practices had their parallels in Indian philosophical literature, in particular nonviolence and monism. The Sufis' orthodox approach towards Islam made it easier for Hindus to practice. Hazrat Khawaja Muin-ud-din Chishti, Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki, Nizam-ud-din Auliya, Shah Jalal, Amir Khusro, Sarkar Sabir Pak, Shekh Alla-ul-Haq Pandwi, Ashraf Jahangir Semnani, Sarkar Waris Pak, Ata Hussain Fani Chishti trained Sufis for the propagation of Islam in different parts of India. Once the Islamic Empire was established in India, Sufis invariably provided a touch of colour and beauty to what might have otherwise been rather cold and stark reigns. The Sufi movement also attracted followers from the artisan and untouchable communities; they played a crucial role in bridging the distance between Islam and the indigenous traditions. Ahmad Sirhindi, a prominent member of the Naqshbandi Sufi advocated the peaceful conversion of Hindus to Islam. Ahmed Rida Khan contributed a lot by defending traditional and orthodox Islam in India through his work Fatawa Razvia.

Social system[edit]

Some South Asian Muslims have been known to stratify their society according to quoms.[24] These Muslims practise a ritual-based system of social stratification. The quoms who deal with human emissions are ranked the lowest. These quams are further divided into biradaris, which claim descent from an actual or putative common male ancestor. For example, an individual will belong to the Shaikh quom and Behlim or Fareedi biradari.[25]

It is commonly believed[by whom?] that Muslims in Uttar Pradesh are divided into the Ashraf and Ajlaf categories which are distinguished by ethnic origin and descent. However, a number of students making empirical studies of Muslim communities in different parts of India have found that this distinction is not really meaningful in understanding the existing pattern among the diverse social groups in any locality. It may be asked, therefore, if the 'ashraf' and 'ajlaf' categories constitute meaningful units of distinction for the study of social stratification among Indian Muslims. Technically, the ashraf are descendents of groups with foreign ancestry, while the ajlaf are those whose ancestors are said to have converted to Islam. The Ashraf are further divided into four groupings, the Sayyid, the supposed descendants of the Prophet Mohammed, the Shaikh and siddiqui manihar claiming descents from early Arab or Persian settlers, the Mughal who claim descent from the Mughal Dynasty and finally the Pathan, who claim descents from Pashtun groups that have settled in India. Technically the first two groups intermarry with each other, while the latter two intermarry. Included sometimes in the Ashraf category are Muslim Rajput groups such as the Rangharmanihar and Khanzada. A third category, arzaal are supposed to be converts from Hindu Dalit communities. However, the term arzaal is never used in Uttar Pradesh. Groups that tend to fall in this category include the Halalkhor and Lal Begi.[26] The reality is more complicated, with UP Muslims identifying themselves in smaller units called biradaris, which are localized lineage groupings. For example, the Qidwai Shaikh are one such localized lineage group, concentrated in Barabanki District.[27]

Those communities falling within the ajlaf category were traditionally associated with the practice of a particular craft, for example the Ansari were weavers, while the Saifi were blacksmiths. These artisan communities also call themselves biradaries or brotherhoods in English, and each biradari is characterised by strict endogamy. In the older parts of town and cities in Uttar Pradesh, they are also characterised by residential segration.[28] Among other traditional artisan biradaris in UP are the Behna, Bhatiara, Bhisti, Dhobi, Muslim Halwai, Teli and Raj, which were at one time associated with a particular craft or trade. [29]

In addition to occupational specialization, both biradaris are also concentrated in a particular geographic area. For example, the Doab region to home to number of biradaris of peasant cultivators, such as the Baloch, Dogar, Garha, Gujjar, Jat, Jhojha, Kamboh, Rajput and Muslim Tyagi, often living in their own villages, and following distinct customs. Almost all these groups are Sunni, and speak Khari boli. While the region of Awadh is home to both large communities of Ansaris, Khanzadas and Shaikh, some of whom are Shia, and most speak Awadhi.[30]

The population is also further divided by linguistic division. Muslims in Uttar Pradesh speak Urdu, as well as also local Hindi dialects, such as Bhojpuri, Awadhi, Khari Boli and Braj Bhasha.

Language[edit]

The phrase Zaban-e Urdu-e Mualla ("The language of the exalted camp") written in Nastaʿlīq script.

What unites the various Muslim communities in Uttar Pradesh is the use of the Urdu language. Urdu has much in common with the Hindustani, as is thus mutually intelligible with Standard Hindi. The grammatical description in this article concerns this standard Urdu. The original language of the Mughals was Chagatai, a Turkic language, but after their arrival in South Asia, they came to adopt Persian. Gradually, the need to communicate with local inhabitants led to a composition of Sanskrit-derived languages, written in the Perso-Arabic script and with literary conventions and specialized vocabulary being retained from Persian, Arabic and Turkic; the new standard was eventually given its own name of Urdu.[31]

Urdu is often contrasted with Hindi, another standardised form of Hindustani. The main differences between the two are that Standard Urdu is conventionally written in Nastaliq calligraphy style of the Perso-Arabic script and draws vocabulary from Persian, Arabic, Turkish and local languages[32] while Standard Hindi is conventionally written in Devanāgarī and draws vocabulary from Sanskrit comparatively[33] more heavily. Most linguists nonetheless consider Urdu and Hindi to be two standardized forms of the same language;[34][35] others classify them separately,[36] while some consider any differences to be sociolinguistic.[37] It should be noted, however, that mutual intelligibility decreases in literary and specialized contexts. Furthermore, due to religious nationalism since the partition of British India and consequent continued communal tensions, native speakers of both Hindi and Urdu increasingly assert them to be completely distinct languages.

Later on, during the Mughal Empire, the development of Urdu was further strengthened and started to emerge as a new language.[38] The official language of the Ghurids, Delhi Sultanate, the Mughal Empire, and their successor states, as well as the cultured language of poetry and literature, was Persian, while the language of religion was Arabic. Most of the Sultans and nobility in the Sultanate period were Turks from Central Asia who spoke Turkic as their mother tongue. The Mughals were also from Central Asia, they spoke Turkish as their first language; however the Mughals later adopted Persian. Persian became the preferred language of the Muslim elite of north India before the Mughals entered the scene. Babur's mother tongue was a Turkic language and he wrote exclusively in Turkish. His son and successor Humayun also spoke and wrote in this Turkic language. Muzaffar Alam, a noted scholar of Mughal and Indo-Persian history, asserts that Persian became the lingua franca of the empire under Akbar for various political and social factors due to its non-sectarian and fluid nature.[39]

Urdu's vocabulary remains heavily influenced by the Persian language.[40] Since the 1800s, English started to replace Persian as the official language in India and it also contributed to influence the Urdu language. As of today, Urdu's vocabulary is strongly influenced by the English language.

Cuisine[edit]

Traditional North Indian Muslim cuisine

The Uttar Pradesh Muslims clung to their old established habits and tastes, including a numberless variety of dishes and beverages. The Mughal and Indo-Iranian heritage played an influential role in the making of their cuisine, having taste vary from mild to spicy and is often associated with aroma. There cuisine tends to use stronger spices and flavors. Most of a dastarkhawan dining table include chapatti, rice, dal, vegetable and meat (beef, lamb, chicken, fish) dishes. Special dishes include biryani, qorma, kofta, seekh kabab, Nihari and Haleem, Nargisi Koftay, Kata-Kat, Roghani Naan, Naan, Sheer khurma (sweet), qourma, chai (sweet, milky tea), paan, and other delicacies associated with North Indian Muslim culture.

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ Indian Census 2001 - Religion
  2. ^ a b c Muslim Peoples: volume 2: A World Ethnographic Survey edited by Richard Weekes pages 823 to 828
  3. ^ Muslims in India edited by Zafar Imam Orient Longman
  4. ^ An Eighteenth Century History of North India: An Account Of The Rise And Fall Of The Rohilla Chiefs In Janbhasha by Rustam Ali Bijnori by Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui Manohar Publications
  5. ^ Imperial Gazetteer of India by W M Hunter
  6. ^ Karen Isaksen Leonard, Locating home: India's Hyderabadis abroad
  7. ^ People of India Uttar Pradesh page 1047
  8. ^ Endogamy and Status Mobility among Siddiqui Shaikh in Social Stratication edited by Dipankar Gupta
  9. ^ Muslim Caste in Uttar Pradesh: A Study in Culture Contact by Ghaus Ansari
  10. ^ a b The Caste System of North India by E A H Blunt, first edition in 1931 by Oxford University Press
  11. ^ The Rise and Decline of the Ruhela by Iqbal Hussain
  12. ^ a b The crisis of empire in Mughal north India : Awadh and the Punjab, 1707-48 / Muzaffar Alam
  13. ^ Separatism among Indian Muslims : the politics of the United Provinces' Muslims 1860–1923 / Francis Robinson
  14. ^ Legacy of a divided nation: India's Muslims since independence By Mushirul Hasan
  15. ^ a b The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India By Paul R. Brass
  16. ^ Identity and Identification in India: Defining By Laura Dudley Jenkins
  17. ^ Politics of inclusion : caste, minority, and representation in India / Zoya Hasan Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2009. ISBN/ISBN 9780195696950
  18. ^ Basic problems of OBC & dalit Muslims / edited by Ashfaq Husain Ansari. ISBN 8183870880
  19. ^ http://www.ncbc.nic.in/Pdf/Uttar%20Pradesh/Uttanpradesh-Vol1/5.pdf
  20. ^ "Islam and Muslim Societies - The Journal | Vol. 4 No. 1 - 2011 | Scheduling the OBCs Among the Muslims in Uttar Pradesh: Discrepancies and Irregularities". muslimsocieties.org. Retrieved 2016-05-30. 
  21. ^ "4.5% quota fails to impress Muslims in Uttar Pradesh". The Times Of India. 2011-12-23. 
  22. ^ "Govt trying to befool minorities with quota: Sachar". Feb 19, 2012. Retrieved 2012-02-20. 
  23. ^ "Error Value". censusindia.gov.in. Retrieved 2016-05-30. 
  24. ^ Barth, Fredrik (1962). "The System Of Social Stratification In Swat, North Pakistan". In E. R. Leach. Aspects of Caste in South India, Ceylon, and North-West Pakistan. Cambridge University Press. p. 113. Retrieved 2007-06-12. 
  25. ^ Caste and social stratification among Muslims in India, edited by Imtiaz Ahmad.
  26. ^ Basic problems of OBC & Dalit Muslims / edited by Ashfaq Husain Ansari.
  27. ^ Muslim Caste in Uttar Pradesh (A Study of Culture Contact), Ghaus Ansari, Lucknow, 1960
  28. ^ Boundaries and identities : Muslims, work and status in Aligarh / E. A. Mann. ISBN 0-8039-9422-2
  29. ^ People of India. Uttar Pradesh, general editor, K.S. Singh; editors, Amir Hasan, B.R. Rizvi, J.C. Das. I SBN/ISSN 8173041148 (set)
  30. ^ People of India. Uttar Pradesh / general editor, K.S. Singh; editors, Amir Hasan, B.R. Rizvi, J.C. Das. I SBN/ISSN 8173041148 (set)
  31. ^ Hindi By Yamuna Kachru http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=ooH5VfLTQEQC&pg=PA2&lpg=PA2&dq=urdu+heavy+persian&source=bl&ots=dG3qgmaV95&sig=WivP7AW9eRlTcp4oscBoHCBFEE0&hl=en&ei=9sp8SqzpLI6y-AaM5vxG&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=9#v=onepage&q=urdu%20heavy%20persian&f=false
  32. ^ "Bringing Order to Linguistic Diversity: Language Planning in the British Raj". Language in India. Retrieved 2008-05-20. 
  33. ^ "A Brief Hindi - Urdu FAQ". sikmirza. Archived from the original on 2007-12-02. Retrieved 2008-05-20. 
  34. ^ "Hindi/Urdu Language Instruction". University of California, Davis. Archived from the original on 2008-04-05. Retrieved 2008-05-20. 
  35. ^ "Ethnologue Report for Hindi". Ethnologue. Retrieved 2008-02-26. 
  36. ^ The Annual of Urdu studies, number 11, 1996, "Some notes on Hindi and Urdu, pp.204
  37. ^ "Urdu and it's Contribution to Secular Values". South Asian Voice. Retrieved 2008-02-26. 
  38. ^ [1]
  39. ^ Alam, Muzaffar. "The Pursuit of Persian: Language in Mughal Politics." In Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 2. (May, 1998), pp. 317–349.
  40. ^ "theurdulanguage.com -&nbspThis website is for sale! -&nbsptheurdulanguage Resources and Information.". theurdulanguage.com. Retrieved 2016-05-30.