Spanish general election, 2015
The 2015 Spanish general election will be held on Sunday, 20 December 2015, to elect the 11th Cortes Generales of the Kingdom of Spain. At stake will be all 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies and 208 of 266 seats in the Senate. Being held 4 years and 1 month after the 2011 general election, this will be the longest time-span between two general elections since the Spanish transition to democracy.
The ruling People's Party (PP), led by Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, will seek re-election for a second term in office, while the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) will attempt to return to power after 4 years in opposition. Newer parties Podemos (Spanish for "We can") and Citizens (C's), which won seats in the 2015 regional elections and already have regionally appointed representatives in the Senate, will try to win their first Congress seats.
After the 2015 Spanish municipal and regional elections, once it was confirmed in June 2015 that the 2016 Budget would be passed into law before the Cortes' dissolution, it was strongly implied that Election Day would have to be delayed up until December, as it would allow for time to complete the budgetary parliamentary procedure, with 13 and 20 December being chosen as the most likely days. Finally, during an interview on 1 October, Rajoy announced that the election would be held on 20 December, the latest possible legal date to hold it.
- 1 Overview
- 2 Background
- 3 Opinion polls
- 4 Pre-election
- 5 Results
- 6 References
This bicameral system is regarded as asymmetric, because while legislative initiative belongs to both chambers (as well as to the Government), the Congress of Deputies has greater legislative power than the Senate, and it can also override most of the Senate initiatives by an absolute majority of votes. Also, only Congress has the ability to grant or revoke confidence from a Prime Minister. Nonetheless, the Senate possesses a few exclusive functions which are not subject to the Congress' override, but these are limited.
Settled customary practice has been to dissolve and re-elect both chambers at the same time, thus triggering a "general" election. Article 115 of the Spanish Constitution allows, however, for each chamber to be elected separately. The electoral system in Spain is on the basis of universal suffrage in a secret ballot.
- Congress of Deputies
For the Congress of Deputies 348 members are elected in 50 multi-member districts using the D'Hondt method and closed-list proportional representation for four-year terms. In addition, Ceuta and Melilla elect 1 member each using plurality voting. Each district is entitled to an initial minimum of 2 seats, with the remaining 248 seats being allocated among the 50 provinces in proportion to their populations. Only lists polling above 3% of the total vote in each district (which includes blank ballots—for none of the above) are entitled to enter the seat distribution.
For the 2015 election, seats are distributed as follows:
|Alicante and Seville||12|
|Asturias, Balearic Islands, A Coruña, Las Palmas and Biscay||8|
|Granada, Pontevedra, Santa Cruz de Tenerife and Zaragoza||7|
|Almería, Badajoz, Córdoba, Girona, Gipuzkoa, Tarragona and Toledo||6|
|Cantabria, Castellón, Ciudad Real, Huelva, Jaén, León, Navarre and Valladolid||5|
|Álava, Albacete, Burgos, Cáceres, Lleida, Lugo, Ourense, La Rioja and Salamanca||4|
|Ávila, Cuenca, Guadalajara, Huesca, Palencia, Segovia, Teruel and Zamora||3|
|Ceuta and Melilla||1|
For the Senate, each of the 47 peninsular districts (the provinces) is assigned 4 seats. For the insular provinces, the Balearic Islands and Canary Islands, districts are the islands themselves, with the larger — Mallorca, Gran Canaria, and Tenerife — being assigned 3 seats each, and the smaller — Menorca, Ibiza-Formentera, Fuerteventura, Gomera, Hierro, Lanzarote and La Palma — 1 each. Ceuta and Melilla are assigned 2 seats each, for a total of 208 directly elected seats. The system used is that of limited voting. In districts electing 4 seats, electors may vote for up to three candidates; in those with 2 or 3 seats, for up to two candidates; and for one candidate in single-member constituencies. Electors vote for individual candidates; those attaining the largest number of votes in each district are elected for four-year terms.
In addition, the legislative assemblies of the autonomous communities are entitled to appoint at least 1 senator each, as well as one senator for every million inhabitants, adding a variable number of appointed seats to the 208 directly-elected senators. This appointment usually does not take place at the same time as the general election, but after the autonomous communities hold their elections.
Dual membership of both chambers of the Cortes or of the Cortes and regional assemblies is prohibited, meaning that candidates must resign from regional assemblies if elected. Active judges, magistrates, ombudsmen, serving military personnel, active police officers and members of constitutional and electoral tribunals are also ineligible, as well as CEOs or equivalent leaders of state monopolies and public bodies, such as the Spanish state broadcaster RTVE. Additionally, under the Political Parties Law, June 2002, parties and individual candidates may be prevented from standing by the Spanish Supreme Court if they are judicially perceived to discriminate against people on the basis of ideology, religion, beliefs, nationality, race, gender or sexual orientation, foment or organise violence as a means of achieving political objectives or support or compliment the actions of "terrorist organisations".
Following changes to the electoral law which took effect for the 2007 municipal elections, candidates' lists must be composed of at least 40% of candidates of either gender and each group of five candidates must contain at least two males and two females.
Parties and coalitions of different parties which have registered with the Electoral Commission can present lists of candidates. Groups of electors which have not registered with the commission can also present lists, provided that they obtain the signatures of 1% of registered electors in a particular district. Also since 30 January 2011, political parties without representation in any of the Chambers in the previous general election are required to obtain the signatures of 0.1% of registered electors in the districts they want to stand for in order to present lists for those districts.
Mariano Rajoy became Prime Minister of Spain on 20 December 2011, after his People's Party (PP) landslide victory in the 2011 general election. The PP overall majority of 186 seats gave Rajoy a free hand to handle the country's political and economic situation for the next four years, attaining a parliamentary stability that his predecessor, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, did not enjoy. However, Rajoy's abuse of decree-laws and the blocking of opposition bill amendments and parliamentary committees would earn him strong criticism from both the media and opposition parties throughout the Legislature, because of the perceived undue use his party made of such an absolute majority.
In contrast, the previous ruling Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) had taken the toll from the worsening economic situation, having its worst electoral performance since 1977 and being ousted from power amidst a climate of high unpopularity. Then-Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero had decided to stand down as PM candidate in early 2011, and as party leader once the quadrennial party congress due for March 2012 was held. Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba, PSOE candidate for the 2011 election and former Deputy Prime Minister, was elected as the new party's Secretary-General in a tight fight against former Defence Minister Carme Chacón.
After taking office, Rajoy's government popularity in opinion polls began to erode after its u-turn on economic policy, which included the breaching of many election pledges. After it had promised to lower taxes during the election campaign of 2011, Rajoy's government announced a first austerity package ten days into office, including new tax rises and a spending cut of 9 billion euros, as a result of a larger-than-expected public deficit of 8% (instead of the projected 6%). This was followed by a harsh labor reform, criticised as paving the way to cheapen dismissals and which was met with widespread protests and two general strikes in March and November 2012, and an austere state budget for 2012. The crash of Bankia, one of the largest banks of Spain, in May 2012 resulted in a dramatic rise of the Spanish risk premium, and in June the country's banking system needed a bailout from the IMF. It was later revealed that Bankia, then directed by Rodrigo Rato, had falsified its accounts between 2011 and 2012 in order to create a false illusion that it was creditworthy. A major spending cut of 65 billion euros followed in July 2012, including a VAT rise from 18% to 21% which the PP itself had opposed during its time in opposition, after the previous Socialist government had already risen the VAT to 18%.
At this time, incumbent Finance Minister Cristóbal Montoro came under public scrutiny after being accused of telling other opposition MPs, back in 2010, to "let Spain fall that we will get it up", in reference to a PP political opportunist attempt at forcing the fall of Zapatero's Cabinet in order to have an early election, which the PP would have presumably won. Montoro later recognized this fact, but justified himself in that he "was working in an alternative. If Zapatero had shortened the legislature, he would have saved much suffering to all Spaniards".
New spending cuts and legal reforms followed throughout 2012 and 2013, including cuts in budget credit lines for the health care and education systems, the implementation of a pharmaceutical copayment, a reform of the pension system which stopped guaranteeing the increase of pensioners' purchasing power accordingly to the consumer price index, the suppression of the bonus for public employees, or the withdrawal of public subsidies to the dependent people care system. Other measures, such as a fiscal amnesty in 2012 allowing tax evaders to regularize their situation by paying a 10% tax and no criminal penalty, had been previously rejected by the PP during its time in opposition. Additionally, public funding to rescue the Spanish banking system from bankruptcy amounted to 61 billion euros by late 2013, despite Rajoy having stated during the 2011 campaign that he "would never give public money to help banks". Most of these measures were not included in the PP 2011 election manifesto and, inversely, many of the pledges included within were not fulfilled. Rajoy argued that "reality" prevented him from fulfilling his programme, and that he had been forced to adapt to the new economic situation he found upon his accession to government.
The impact of the government's economic reforms on the Spanish economy was mixed. Unemployment, which peaked in Q1 2013 at 6,202,700 and an unprecedented unemployment rate of 27.16%, had decreased to 2011 levels by late 2015, with 4,850,800 unemployed and 21.18%. This fall was largely attributed by critics and economists to a decrease in the labor force (resulting from many Spaniards emigrating in search of job in other countries) and an increase in temporary contracts, with newly created employments being dubbed as precarious. The risk premium decreased from a record 638 basis points in July 2012 to 113 in October 2015, but it was widely considered that it had largely come as a result from the European Central Bank actions under Mario Draghi of reducing interest rates, which had also benefitted other countries. Public deficit was reduced from 10.3% in 2012 to 5.8% in 2014, while public debt peaked at 98.0% of the GDP in mid-2015 from 69.2% in 2011.
In the domestic field, the 2011–2015 period was dominated by a perceived regression in social and political rights. Spending cuts on the health care and education systems had fueled an increase in inequality among those without enough financial resources to afford those services. Justice Minister Alberto Ruiz-Gallardón's authorization of the enforcement and increase of court fees, requiring the payment of between 50 and 750 euros to appeal to the courts, was dubbed as violating the rights of effective judicial protection and free legal assistance. The controversial fees would later be removed in early 2015. Education Minister José Ignacio Wert's new Education Law (LOMCE), allegedly introduced to address the extremely high-school dropout rates, received heavy criticism from the Basque and Catalonia regional governments, which dubbed it as a re-centralization attempt, as well as from social sectors which considered that it prompted segregation in primary schools. Another bill, the Citizen Security Law proposed by Interior Minister Jorge Fernández Díaz, also dubbed the "gag law" by crticis, was met with a global outcry because of it being seen as a cracking down on Spaniards' rights of freedom of assembly and expression. This bill laid out strict guidelines on demonstrations, perceived to limit street protests, and set up steep fines to offenders.
In September 2013, Minister Ruiz-Gallardón announced that the government was studying a reform of the 2010 abortion law approved by the previous Socialist government, which allowed free abortion up to 14 weeks, and up to 22 weeks in cases of foetal deformities. The bill, in the draft law published in December 2013, allowed abortion only in cases of rape and when there was a serious (but undefined) health risk to the mother. Public outrage was felt from most opposition parties, as well as from many feminist organizations, with the bill being criticised as 'too restrictive' and 'a return to the past'. As the bill received widespread criticism both from within and outside the PP itself, its final approval date was postponed several times. In September 2014, PM Mariano Rajoy announced that his government was scrapping the reform and would instead opt for minor changes to the current abortion law, mainly the requirement for 16 and 17-year-old women to obtain parental consent to have an abortion, and suggesting the 'lack of consensus' as the main reason behind the decision to scrap the bill. This resulted in Alberto Ruíz-Gallardón announcing his resignation from his ministerial position and from politics the same day, "feeling unable to fulfill the assignment he was tasked", and amid voices pointing to him having been discredited by his own party.
In August and September 2014, two Spanish priests infected with the Ebola virus disease during the virus epidemic in West Africa were medically evacuated to Spain. Both patients died as a result of the disease, but a failure in infection control during the treatment of the second priest led to the infection of one of the nurses who had treated him; the case being confirmed on 6 October 2014. Health Minister Ana Mato came under heavy criticism under allegations that security protocols had not been effectively enforced and because of an alleged confusing and disorganized management of the situation. Five days after the nurse's Ebola case was confirmed, PM Mariano Rajoy handed out the crisis' management to Deputy PM Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría, in a move seen as a disallowance to Mato's handling of the situation. Ana Mato would resign later in November 2014 as consequence of her involvement in the Gürtel case.
The political landspace of Spain was shocked in early 2013 with the eruption of the Bárcenas affair. On 18 January 2013, Spanish daily El Mundo revealed that former PP treasurer Luis Bárcenas had, up until 2009, used a slush fund to pay out monthly amounts, ranging from 5,000 to 15,000 euros, to leading members of the party. On 31 January 2013, Spanish daily El País published what were to be known as "the Bárcenas' papers": facsimile excerpts from handwritten ledgers in Bárcenas' hand showing the recipients of such illegal payments, among whom were incument party leader and Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy or Secretary-General María Dolores de Cospedal. The party denied such an illegal practice and declared that all payments they made were done in accordance to law. Further, on 14 July 2013, El Mundo published excerpts from several SMS between Bárcenas and Rajoy from 2011 through 2013 in which Rajoy allegedly promised help to Bárcenas and gave him encouragement. The last of such messages dated from March 2013, at a time when the Bárcenas affair had already broke out. Under pressure from international media and opposition parties threatening him with a motion of censure, Rajoy spoke out to Congress in an extraordinary plenary held on 1 August. Rajoy refused to plead guilty on any criminal responsibility, which he attributed solely to Bárcenas, but recognized "errors" and "having trusted the wrong person". This did not prevent the opposition bloc from demanding Rajoy's resignation, but with the PP commanding an absolute majority in Parliament and with no judicial proof on Rajoy's direct involvement in the scandal, chances for a successful motion of censure were slim.
At the same time, a corruption scandal affecting Duke of Palma Iñaki Urdangarín, the Nóos case, resulted in the charging of his spouse Cristina de Borbón, Infanta of Spain and daughter of King Juan Carlos I, for tax fraud and money laundering in April 2013. She was summoned to court in February 2014, and in November 2014, the High Court of Palma de Mallorca upheld charges against her, paving the way for her to face trial, though only on tax fraud charges. In June 2015, King Felipe VI officially deprived his sister of her dukedom, privately announcing his intention beforehand. These corruption allegations severely eroded the Spanish Royal Family's popularity within Spain; according to an opinion poll by the CIS, between 1995 and 2013 the Spanish monarchy's approval rating had dropped from 7.5 to 3.68 on a scale of 10 amongst Spaniards.
In late 2014, the sudden emergence of several episodes of corruption that had taken place over the course of the past years and decades was compared to the Italian Tangentopoli episode in the 1990s. As a result, this episode has been dubbed by some media as 'the Spanish Tangentopoli' or 'Black October'.
- Starting on July 2014, former Catalonia President Jordi Pujol had come under investigation after he acknowledged possessing a large, undeclared, familiar fortune, with several of his sons being already under investigation on alleged tax offense charges. By October 2014, most of his family had already come under investigation under alleged money laundering, fraud, public contract kickbacks and other tax offenses.
- In early October a massive expenses scandal was unconvered involving former Caja Madrid senior executives and advisers. At least 86 bankers, politicians, officers and trade union leaders were accused of using undeclared "black" credit cards between 2003 and 2012, spending over 15 million euros in private expenditures. Involved was former Caja Madrid chairman between 1996 and 2009, Miguel Blesa, but also notable members from the PP, PSOE and IU parties, such as former Deputy PM, IMF Managing Director and Caja Madrid/Bankia chairman Rodrigo Rato, as well as members from Spain's main trade unions UGT and CCOO.
- In late October, judge Pablo Ruz charged former PP Secretary-General and several-times Minister during José María Aznar's tenure, Ángel Acebes, with a possible misappropriation of public funds as a result of the Barcenas affair. A few days later, Ruz' inquiry on a Treasury investigation unveiled that the People's Party could have spent as much as 1.7 million euros of undeclared money on works of its national headquarters in Madrid between 2006 and 2008. On 27 October, a large anti-corruption operation, Operation Punica, resulted in 51 people arrested because of their involvement in a major scandal of public work contract kickbacks, amounting at least 250 million euros. Among those arrested were notable municipal and regional figures from both PSOE and PP, as well as a large number of politicians, councilors, officials and businessmen in the Madrid community, Murcia, Castile and León and Valencia.
On 26 November, judge Ruz summoned Health Minister Ana Mato to court after concluding she could have benefited from several corruption crimes allegedly committed by her former husband Jesús Sepúlveda, charged in the Gürtel case. As a result, Ana Mato resigned from her office that same day, defending that she had not been charged with any penal crime, but declaring that she did not want to bring further harm to her party. A Congress plenary in which Rajoy was to announce legal reforms against corruption had been scheduled for 27 November several weeks previously; the media concluded that Rajoy had forced Mato's resignation in order to prevent a complicated political situation on that day.
The Spanish anti-austerity movement, also known as the 15-M Movement or Indignants Movement, born on the eve of the 2011 municipal and regional elections, had resulted in an increase of street protests and demonstrations calling for more democracy, a stop to spending cuts and tax rises and rejecting Spain's two-party system formed by PP and PSOE. After the PP's arrival to government and its subsequent breach of electoral promises as well as the emergence of corruption cases, protests intensified. Social mobilization channeled through various protest actions, such as Surround the Congress ("Rodea el Congreso"), the so-called Citizen Tides ("Mareas Ciudadanas") or the Marches for Dignity ("Marchas de la Dignidad").
Despite the PP's enormous loss of support, the main opposition party, the PSOE, remained unable to channel this social discontent and to regain lost support, with pundits hypothesizing that the memory of Zapatero's last government and its economic management remained fresh in voters' minds. A series of negative regional election results throughout 2012, coupled with internal crisis in 2013 and the threat of rupture from the party's Catalonia partner, the PSC, further weakened the PSOE, with Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba's leadership being put in question as his popularity ratings plummeted. The crisis was temporarily settled after the party's Political Conference in November 2013, with the question on the party's leadership being initially postponed for late 2014.
All of this culminated in the 2014 European Parliament election. Claims from the ruling PP government that economic recovery was already underway did not prevent a major collapse in support for both main parties, together falling below 50% of the votes for the first time ever. This came coupled with the confirmation of a large rise in support for minor national parties that polls had partly predicted, but also a surprisingly strong performance for the new Podemos party, which from that moment, together with Citizens (C's), began to attract the support of those disaffected with both PP and PSOE, according to opinion polls. PSOE leader Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba resigned the day after the European election. A PSOE extraordinary congress was held, resulting in Pedro Sánchez being elected as new party leader. The election was also said to have hastened the abdication of the 39 year-reigning King Juan Carlos I, already weakened from a deteriorating health and a diminishing popularity as a result of several scandals, in favor of his son Felipe on June 2014.
Run up to general election
Mirroring what happened to the PSOE four years previously, the PP suffered a spectacular debacle in the 2015 municipal and regional elections. Not only were the PP gains made in 2011 reverted, but it also lost historical party strongholds such as the Valencian Community or the cities of Madrid and Valencia to left-wing post-election coalitions. Podemos-led and/or promoted municipal platforms, together with allies, enjoyed huge success at the local level, being able to reach power in Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Zaragoza, A Coruña, Ferrol, Santiago de Compostela or Cádiz among others. PSOE results were mixed, as while it lost ground compared to the already negative results of 2011, it was able to recover much lost territorial power thanks to post-electoral agreements with other parties. C's also made notable gains, entering in most autonomous communities' parliaments and main cities' councils, holding the key to government in many of them.
|26 October 2015||The Council of Ministers convenes to approve the decree ordering the Cortes Generales' dissolution and the calling of the general election on the advice of the Prime Minister. Subsequently, the decree is ratified by the King.|
|27 October 2015||The decree enters into force by its publication in the BOE. Parliament is officially dissolved and the general election is called. Official start of the electoral period.|
|6 November 2015||Deadline for parties intending to contest the election in coalition with other parties to communicate it to the appropriate electoral boards.|
|11–16 November 2015||Time limit for parties intending to contest the election to submit their candidacies to the Electoral Board.|
|18 November 2015||Submitted candidacies are provisionally published in the BOE.|
|21 November 2015||Deadline for Spanish electors residing abroad to apply for voting.|
|21–25 November 2015||Sweepstakes to appoint members of the polling stations.|
|24 November 2015||Candidacies for parties, coalitions and groups of voters standing for election are proclaimed and published in the BOE after a period of notification and correction of possible irregularities in 20–22 November 2015.|
|4 December 2015||Official start of the electoral campaign at 00:00 CET (UTC+01:00).|
|10 December 2015||Deadline for electors residing in Spain to apply for postal voting.|
|15 December 2015||Entry into force of legal ban on opinion polling publication in Spanish territory.|
|18 December 2015||Official end of the electoral campaign at 24:00 CET (UTC+01:00).|
|19 December 2015||Reflection day.|
|20 December 2015||ELECTION DAY. Polls open from 09:00 CET to 20:00 CET. Provisional vote count officially starting from 21:00 CET. From this day, the incumbent government assumes caretaker functions until a new government is formed.|
|23 December 2015||Definitive vote count takes place, in which votes from abroad are also counted.|
|13 January 2016||The elected Congress and Senate convene.
|Cuatro||PP – Javier Maroto
PSOE – Patxi López
IU-UP – Ricardo Sixto
UPyD – Andrés Herzog
Podemos – Iñigo Errejón
C's – Juan Carlos Girauta
|21 November||Silvia Intxaurrondo||A poll conducted immediately after the debate by UTN showed Errejón winning with 41.7%, followed by López with 20.2%, Maroto with 17.1%, Herzog with 8.3%, Girauta with 7.6% and Sixto with 4.8%.|
|Twitter/Youth Forum||PP – Javier Maroto
PSOE – María González Veracruz
IU-UP – Sol Sánchez
UPyD – Andrés Herzog
Podemos – Iñigo Errejón
C's – Fernando de Páramo
|26 November||Ángel Carmona||Broadcast live through Twitter and on the Cadena SER radio station.|
|Demos/UC3M||Podemos – Pablo Iglesias
C's – Albert Rivera
|27 November||Carlos Alsina||Broadcast live on YouTube. Mariano Rajoy (PP) and Pedro Sánchez (PSOE) were also invited but none confirmed his attendance.|
|El País||PSOE – Pedro Sánchez
Podemos – Pablo Iglesias
C's – Albert Rivera
|30 November||Carlos de Vega||Broadcast live on El País' website; the signal will be offered to interested TV channels and information websites. Mariano Rajoy (PP) was also invited to the debate but declined the offer. According to the organizer, PP proposed the assistance of Deputy PM Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría instead but it was refused, as she "was not the PP candidate for PM".|
|Atresmedia||PP – Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría
PSOE – Pedro Sánchez
Podemos – Pablo Iglesias
C's – Albert Rivera
|7 December||Ana Pastor and Vicente Vallés||Broadcast simultaneously on the Antena 3 and laSexta TV channels and on the Onda Cero radio station. Mariano Rajoy (PP) was also invited to the debate, but it was announced that Deputy PM Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría would assist instead.|
|TVE||PP – TBA
PSOE – TBA
IU-UP – Alberto Garzón
UPyD – Andrés Herzog
DL – TBA
EAJ-PNV – TBA
Podemos – TBA
C's – TBA
|TV Academy||PP – Mariano Rajoy
PSOE – Pedro Sánchez
|14 December||The signal of the debate will be open to all interested media. Pablo Iglesias (Podemos) and Albert Rivera (C's) were not invited.|
- People's Party (PP): "Think without prejudice" & "Talking seriously".
- Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE):
- Popular Unity (UP):
- Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD):
- We Can (Podemos): "A country with you, we can".
- Citizens-Party of the Citizenry (C's): "With illusion".
Congress of Deputies
|We Can (Podemos)||New|
|We Can (Podemos)||New|
|In Common We Can (En Comú Podem)||New|
|Commitment-We Can-It is Time (És el moment)|
|In Tide (En Marea)||New|
|Citizens-Party of the Citizenry (C's)||New|
|Civic Coalition 20D (CC20D)||New|
|United Extremadura-Extremadurans (EU-eX)||New|
|Aragon Independents' Federation (FIA)||New|
|For the Left (X Izda)||New|
|The Greens-Ecopacifists (Centro Moderado)||New|
|We Are Valencian (SOMVAL)||New|
|Democrat Forum (FDEE)||New|
|Liberal Party of the Right (PLD)||New|
|Welcome (Ongi Etorri)||New|
|Navarrese Freedom (Ln)||New|
|Proposal for the Islands (El PI)||New|
|Social Justice, Citizen Participation (JS,PC)||New|
|Feminist Initiative (IFem)||New|
|Spanish Communist Workers' Party (PCOE)||New|
|Land Party (PT)||New|
|United Free Citizens (CILUS)||New|
|Andalusians of Jaén United (AJU)||New|
|Grouped Rural Citizens (CRA)||New|
|Málaga for Yes (mlgXSÍ)||New|
|To Solution (Soluciona)||New|
|Votes cast / turnout|
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- "Rajoy announces that the general election will be on 20 December" (in Spanish). El País. Retrieved 2015-10-01.
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- "Law regarding registration of political parties". Retrieved 2011-03-06.
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- Electoral Law
- "The compulsive addiction of Rajoy's government to decree-laws" (in Spanish). eldiario.es. 2012-09-21.
- "Rubalcaba promises a strong PSOE" (in Spanish). El País. 2012-02-05.
- "Ten broken promises of Mariano Rajoy" (in Spanish). El Diario. 2013-11-19.
- "Rajoy approves the biggest spending cut in history and a large tax increase" (in Spanish). El País. 2011-12-31.
- "The reform eases and cheapens the dismissal" (in Spanish). El País. 2012-02-10.
- "29 March, general strike" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 2012-03-09.
- "Unions call a general strike for November 14" (in Spanish). El País. 2012-10-17.
- "The Government presents the state budget with a spending cut of 27.3 billion" (in Spanish). 20 Minutos. 2012-03-30.
- "The IMF anticipates the report which condemns Spain to the bank bailout" (in Spanish). El País. 2012-06-09.
- "The steps to the Bankia scandal" (in Spanish). El País. 2012-07-24.
- "Bankia falsified its accounts to go public in 2011" (in Spanish). La Vanguardia. 2014-12-04.
- "Rajoy now faces a historic adjustment with more taxes and less investment" (in Spanish). El País. 2012-03-29.
- "The harshest adjustment of democracy" (in Spanish). El País. 2012-07-11.
- "Rajoy raises VAT 3 points, from 18% to 21%" (in Spanish). El País. 2012-07-11.
- "Government approves to remove this Christmas' extra pay to public employees and the VAT hike" (in Spanish). 20 Minutos. 2012-07-13.
- ""Montoro told me: 'Let Spain fall that we will get it up'"" (in Spanish). El País. 2012-05-31.
- "Montoro recognizes that he said "let Spain fall that we will get it up"" (in Spanish). El Economista. 2012-07-19.
- "The PP approves the fiscal amnesty that it had rejected in 2010" (in Spanish). La Nueva España. 2012-03-31.
- "15 key questions on the government's fiscal amnesty" (in Spanish). El País. 2012-06-04.
- "Two years of government Rajoy: unannounced cuts and laws that were not planned" (in Spanish). 20 Minutos. 2013-12-21.
- "Ranks of jobless fall below five-million mark for first time in five years" (in Spanish). El País. 2015-10-22.
- "Trompe recovery: 'a wave of precarious work is coming'" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 2015-04-23.
- "Provisional balance of the legislature: less unemployment but fewer jobs" (in Spanish). El País. 2015-10-22.
- "The 'B side' of Rajoy's numbers" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 2015-10-26.
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- "Public debt rises more than 300 billion during Rajoy's tenure" (in Spanish). El País. 2015-05-14.
- "Europe warns that cuts prune rights in Spain" (in Spanish). El Periódico. 2015-03-18.
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