Occupation of Japan

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  • Empire of Japan (1945–1947)
  • Japan (1947–1952)
Military occupation


Flag Imperial Seal
Dissolution of the Japanese Empire (click image for further information).
Capital Tokyo
Languages Japanese
Political structure Military occupation
Military Governor
 •  1945–1951 Douglas MacArthur
 •  1951–1952 Matthew Ridgway
 •  1945–1952 124th Hirohito
Historical era Cold War
 •  Japanese surrender August 14, 1945
 •  Occupation established August 28, 1945
 •  Instrument of Surrender signed September 2, 1945
 •  Treaty of
San Francisco
April 28, 1952
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Empire of Japan
United States Military Government of the Ryukyu Islands
Soviet Union
Republic of China (1912–49)
Third Republic of the Philippines

The Allied occupation of Japan at the end of World War II was led by Douglas MacArthur, the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, with support from the British Commonwealth. Unlike the occupation of Germany, the Soviet Union was allowed little to no influence over Japan. This foreign presence marked the first time in its history that the nation had been occupied by a foreign power.[1] It transformed the country into a democracy that recalled American "New Deal" priorities of the 1930s politics by Roosevelt.[2] The occupation, codenamed Operation Blacklist,[3] was ended by the San Francisco Peace Treaty, signed on September 8, 1951 and effective from April 28, 1952, after which Japan's independence – with the exception, until 1972, of the Ryukyu Islands – was restored.

According to John Dower, in his book Cultures of War: Pearl Harbor/Hiroshima/9-11/Iraq, the factors behind the success of the occupation were:

Discipline, moral legitimacy, well-defined and well-articulated objectives, a clear chain of command, tolerance and flexibility in policy formulation and implementation, confidence in the ability of the state to act constructively, the ability to operate abroad free of partisan politics back home, and the existence of a stable, resilient, sophisticated civil society on the receiving end of occupation policies – these political and civic virtues helped make it possible to move decisively during the brief window of a few years when defeated Japan itself was in flux and most receptive to radical change.[4]

Japanese surrender[edit]

Main article: Surrender of Japan

Japan surrendered to the Allies on August 14, 1945, when the Japanese government notified the Allies that it had accepted the Potsdam Declaration. On the following day, Emperor Hirohito announced Japan's unconditional surrender on the radio (the Gyokuon-hōsō). The announcement was the emperor's first ever radio broadcast and the first time most citizens of Japan ever heard their sovereign's voice.[5] This date is known as Victory Over Japan, or V-J Day, and marked the end of World War II and the beginning of a long road to recovery for a shattered Japan.

On V-J Day, US President Harry Truman appointed General Douglas MacArthur as Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP), to supervise the occupation of Japan. During the war, the Allied Powers had planned to divide Japan amongst themselves for the purposes of occupation, as was done for the occupation of Germany. Under the final plan, however, SCAP was given direct control over the main islands of Japan (Honshū, Hokkaido, Shikoku and Kyūshū) and the immediately surrounding islands, while outlying possessions were divided between the Allied Powers as follows:

It is unclear why the occupation plan was changed. Common theories include the increased power of the United States following development of the atomic bomb, Truman's greater distrust of the Soviet Union when compared with Roosevelt, and an increased desire to contain Soviet expansion in the Far East after the Yalta Conference.

The Soviet Union had some intentions of occupying Hokkaidō.[6] Had this occurred, there might have been the foundation of a communist "Democratic People's Republic of Japan" in the Soviet zone of occupation. However, unlike the Soviet occupations of East Germany and North Korea, these plans were frustrated by the opposition of U.S. President Harry S Truman.[6]

The Far Eastern Commission and Allied Council for Japan were also established to supervise the occupation of Japan.[7]

Japanese officials left for Manila, Philippines on August 19 to meet MacArthur and to be briefed on his plans for the occupation. On August 28, 150 U.S. personnel flew to Atsugi, Kanagawa Prefecture. They were followed by USS Missouri,[8] whose accompanying vessels landed the 4th Marine Division on the southern coast of Kanagawa. Other Allied personnel followed.

MacArthur arrived in Tokyo on August 30, and immediately decreed several laws: No Allied personnel were to assault Japanese people. No Allied personnel were to eat the scarce Japanese food. Flying the Hinomaru or "Rising Sun" flag was initially severely restricted (although individuals and prefectural offices could apply for permission to fly it). The restriction was partially lifted in 1948 and completely lifted the following year.[9]

On September 2, 1945 Japan formally surrendered with the signing of the Japanese Instrument of Surrender. On September 6, U.S. President Truman approved a document titled "US Initial Post-Surrender Policy for Japan".[10] The document set two main objectives for the occupation: (1) eliminating Japan's war potential and (2) turning Japan into a western style nation with pro-American orientation. Allied (primarily American) forces were set up to supervise the country, and "for eighty months following its surrender in 1945, Japan was at the mercy of an army of occupation, its people subject to foreign military control."[11] At the head of the Occupation administration was General MacArthur who was technically supposed to defer to an advisory council set up by the Allied powers, but in practice did everything himself. As a result, this period was one of significant American influence, having been already identified in 1951, that "for six years the United States has had a free hand to experiment with Japan than any other country in Asia, or indeed in the entire world."[12]

MacArthur's first priority was to set up a food distribution network; following the collapse of the ruling government and the wholesale destruction of most major cities, virtually everyone was starving. Even with these measures, millions of people were still on the brink of starvation for several years after the surrender.[13] As expressed by Kawai Kazuo, "Democracy cannot be taught to a starving people,"[14] and while the US government encouraged democratic reform in Japan, it also sent billions of dollars in aid.[15]

Initially, the US government provided emergency food relief through Government and Relief in Occupied Areas (GARIOA) funds. In fiscal year 1946, this aid amounted to US$92 million in loans. From April 1946, in the guise of Licensed Agencies for Relief in Asia, private relief organizations were also permitted to provide relief. Once the food network was in place MacArthur set out to win the support of Hirohito. The two men met for the first time on September 27; the photograph of the two together is one of the most famous in Japanese history. However, many were shocked that MacArthur wore his standard duty uniform with no tie instead of his dress uniform when meeting the emperor. With the sanction of Japan's reigning monarch, MacArthur had the ammunition he needed to begin the real work of the occupation. While other Allied political and military leaders pushed for Hirohito to be tried as a war criminal, MacArthur resisted such calls and rejected the claims of members of the imperial family such as Prince Mikasa and Prince Higashikuni and intellectuals like Tatsuji Miyoshi who asked for the emperor's abdication, arguing that any such prosecution would be overwhelmingly unpopular with the Japanese people.[16]

By the end of 1945, more than 350,000 U.S. personnel were stationed throughout Japan. By the beginning of 1946, replacement troops began to arrive in the country in large numbers and were assigned to MacArthur's Eighth Army, headquartered in Tokyo's Dai-Ichi building. Of the main Japanese islands, Kyūshū was occupied by the 24th Infantry Division, with some responsibility for Shikoku. Honshū was occupied by the First Cavalry Division. Hokkaido was occupied by the 11th Airborne Division.

May 1946. The 2nd Battalion 5th Royal Gurkha Rifles march through Kure, Hiroshima soon after their arrival in Japan.

By June 1950, all these army units had suffered extensive troop reductions and their combat effectiveness was seriously weakened. When North Korea invaded South Korea (see Korean War), elements of the 24th Division were flown into South Korea to try to stem the massive invasion force there, but the green occupation troops, while acquitting themselves well when suddenly thrown into combat almost overnight, suffered heavy casualties and were forced into retreat until other Japan occupation troops could be sent to assist.

The official British Commonwealth Occupation Force (BCOF), composed of Australian, British, Indian and New Zealand personnel, was deployed on February 21, 1946. While U.S. forces were responsible for the overall occupation, BCOF was responsible for supervising demilitarization and the disposal of Japan's war industries.[17] BCOF was also responsible for occupation of several western prefectures and had its headquarters at Kure. At its peak, the force numbered about 40,000 personnel. During 1947, BCOF began to decrease its activities in Japan, and officially wound up in 1951.


1946 newsreel.

Historian Warren Cohen writes:

The American occupiers proceeded to demilitarize and democratize Japan with considerable success, largely as a result of Japanese receptivity. Great concentrations of industrial power, the "zaibatsu", were broken up, land redistributed, and organized labor empowered. Visions of a New Deal for Japan emanated from MacArthur's civilian planners in Tokyo.[18]


Japan's postwar constitution, adopted under Allied supervision, included a "Peace Clause", Article 9, which renounced war and banned Japan from maintaining any armed forces. This clause was not imposed by the Allies: rather, it was the work of the Japanese government itself, and according to most sources, was the work of Prime Minister Kijūrō Shidehara.[19][20] The clause was intended to prevent the country from ever becoming an aggressive military power again. However, the United States was soon pressuring Japan to rebuild its army as a bulwark against Communism in Asia after the Chinese Civil War and the Korean War. During the Korean War, US forces largely withdrew from Japan to deploy to Korea, leaving the country almost totally defenseless. As a result, a new National Police Reserve armed with military-grade weaponry was created. In 1954, the Japan Self-Defense Forces were founded as a full-scale military in all but name. To avoid breaking the constitutional prohibition on military force, they were officially founded as an extension to the police force. Traditionally, Japan's military spending has been restricted to about 1% of its gross national product, though this is by popular practice, not law, and has fluctuated up and down from this figure. Prime Ministers Junichiro Koizumi and Shinzo Abe, and other politicians have tried to repeal or amend the clause. The JSDF slowly grew to considerable strength, and Japan now has the sixth largest military budget in the world.[21]


All the major sectors of the Japanese society, government and economy were liberalized in the first few years and won strong support from the liberal community in Japan.[22] Historians emphasize the similarity to the American New Deal programs of the 1930s.[23] Moore and Robinson note that, "New Deal liberalism seemed natural, even to conservative Republicans such as MacArthur and Whitney."[24] The issuing of the Removal of Restrictions on Political, Civil, and Religious Liberties directive by the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers on October 4, 1945 led to the abolishment of the Peace Preservation Law and the release of all political prisoners.[25][26]

Emphasis on stability and economic growth[edit]

From late 1947, U.S. priorities shifted to internal political stability and economic growth. Economic deconcentration, for example, was left uncompleted as GHQ responded to new imperatives. American authorities encouraged business practices and industrial policies that have since become sources of contention between Japan and its major trade partners, notably the United States.[27] During the Occupation, GHQ/SCAP mostly abolished many of the financial coalitions known as the Zaibatsu, which had previously monopolized industry.[28] Along with the later American change of heart, and due in part to the need for an economically stronger Japan in the face of a perceived Soviet threat, these economic reforms were also hampered by the wealthy and influential Japanese who stood to lose a great deal. As such, there were those who consequently resisted any attempts at reform, claiming that the zaibatsu were required for Japan to compete internationally, and looser industrial groupings known as keiretsu evolved. A major land reform was also conducted, led by Wolf Ladejinsky of General Douglas MacArthur's SCAP staff. However, Ladejinsky has stated that the real architect of reform was Hiro Wada, former Japanese Minister of Agriculture.[29] Between 1947 and 1949, approximately 5,800,000 acres (23,000 km2) of land (approximately 38% of Japan's cultivated land) were purchased from the landlords under the government's reform program and resold at extremely low prices (after inflation) to the farmers who worked them. By 1950, three million peasants had acquired land, dismantling a power structure that the landlords had long dominated.[30]


In 1946, the Diet ratified a new Constitution of Japan that followed closely a 'model copy' prepared by the GHQ/SCAP,[31] and was promulgated as an amendment to the old Prussian-style Meiji Constitution. "The political project drew much of its inspiration from the US Bill of Rights, New Deal social legislation, the liberal constitutions of several European states and even the Soviet Union.... (It) transferred sovereignty from the Emperor to the people in an attempt to depoliticize the Throne and reduce it to the status of a state symbol. Included in the revised charter was the famous 'no war', 'no arms' Article Nine, which outlawed belligerency as an instrument of state policy and the maintenance of a standing army. The 1947 Constitution also enfranchised women, guaranteed fundamental human rights, strengthened the powers of Parliament and the Cabinet, and decentralized the police and local government."[32] On December 15, 1945 the Shinto Directive was issued abolishing Shinto as a state religion and prohibiting some of its teachings and rites that were deemed to be militaristic or ultra-nationalistic. On April 10, 1946, an election with 78.52% voter turnout among men and 66.97% among women[33] gave Japan its first modern prime minister, Shigeru Yoshida.

Trade Union Act[edit]

In 1945 the Diet passed Japan's first ever trade union law protecting the rights of workers to form or join a union, to organize and take industrial action. There had been pre-war attempts to do so, but none that were successfully passed until the Allied occupation.[34] A new Trade Union law was passed on June 1, 1949, which remains in place to the present day. According to Article 1 of the Act, the purpose of the act is to "elevate the status of workers by promoting their being on equal standing with the employer".[35]

Labor Standards Act[edit]

The Labor Standards Act was enacted on 7 April 1947 to govern working conditions in Japan. According to Article 1 of the Act, its goal is to ensure that "Working conditions shall be those which should meet the needs of workers who live lives worthy of human beings."[36] While it was created while Japan was under occupation, the origins of the Act have nothing to do with the occupation forces. It appears to have been the brainchild of Kosaku Teramoto, a former member of the Thought Police, who had become the head of the Labor Standards section of the Welfare Ministry.[37]

Education reform[edit]

Before and during the war, Japanese education was based on the German system, with "Gymnasium" (selective grammar schools) and universities to train students after primary school. During the occupation, Japan's secondary education system was changed to incorporate three-year junior high schools and senior high schools similar to those in the U.S.: junior high school became compulsory but senior high school remained optional. The Imperial Rescript on Education was repealed, and the Imperial University system reorganized. The longstanding issue of Japanese script reform, which had been planned for decades but continuously opposed by more conservative elements, was also resolved during this time. The Japanese written system was drastically reorganized with the Tōyō kanji-list in 1946, predecessor of today's Jōyō kanji, and orthography was greatly altered to reflect spoken usage.

Release of Political Prisoners[edit]

Release of Japan Communist Party members on October 10, 1945.

Demonstrations were held on the outskirts of Tokyo, where released political prisoners were greeted as they emerged from captivity. Fuchu, Kosuge, Toyotama and Tokyo Kochisao were liberated in October 10, 1945. Political prisoners emerged from the prisons to the acclaim of welcoming Communist crowds. In Fuchu, sixteen liberated prisoners, including Tokuda Kyuichi, were hoisted immediately to the shoulders of a cheering crowd of 300 Japanese Communists and Koreans. The crowd, who were in the rain, shouted "Banzai for the release of fighters of the people's front", waved red flags and Korean independence flags, and sang what a Korean called "the song of the red flag." Tokuda held his first meeting at the gates of the prison. They listened quietly while Tokuda urged the overthrow of the imperial system.[38][39][40] The political prisoners were taken by vehicles adorned with banners reading "give rice to starving people!" to a welcoming rally in Hibiya park in downtown Tokyo.[38][40][41] However, the rally was shifted from Hibiya park to the Hikokan (aviation) hall near radio Tokyo because of rain.[42] The rally was led by Totsuzi Fuse, a lawyer known for his efforts on behalf of Japanese workers and farmers. Fuse gave the opening speech at the "people's rally to welcome the liberated freedom fighters" at the Aviation Hall.[43][44][45] Other prisoners were taken to the First Cavalry division command post for questioning as U.S officers sought to locate possible additional prisons housing jailed liberals.[40]


In October 1945, hundreds of Japanese Communists, political prisoners, and Koreans marched through Tokyo. The demonstrators sang, and waved red banners and Korean independence slogans.[46] Besworded Japanese police moved away from the route of the demonstrators. American military police were given orders not to interfere except if necessary.[38] The demonstrators paraded through Tokyo, shouting "Down with the emperor! Banzai, Macarthur".[46] The crowd on the way to General MacArthur's HQ sang "The Red Flag" and the "International" and shouted "Down with Imperialism.[41] The demonstrators cheered "Banzai" in front the Macarthur's H.Q in Tokyo in appreciation for the American order for the release of political prisoners.[47] The demonstrators swept past MacArthur's HQ shouting "Down with the Emperor" and carried placards reading "We want work We want food Banzai Democracy".[42] Demonstrators turned their backs to the Imperial palace, just across the street from MacArthur's HQ. Their action was in defiance to the custom which requires passers-by to bow towards the emperor's quarters.[48] Military police moved them back across the street while Japanese cameramen shot pictures of the demonstration.[49] After an a quarter of an hour, the demonstrators dispersed. The demonstration was a shock to Tokyo citizens who are accustomed to oppression of liberal political activity, and to the emperor worshiping conservative Japanese. Observers saw in the demonstration the beginning of a bitter political struggle in Japan that will grow in intensity with the aggravation of starvation and suffering in the coming winter.[38][42] Japanese police did not interfere in the demonstration. The Telegraph cited that the demonstrations were "the first physical sign of political revolution in Japan arising out of the Allied directives.[41] The Toronto Daily Star cited that "Never before in Japanese history had any subject of the emperor dared to display such defiance of his imperial majesty, who has been both god and emperor to 80,000,000 Japanese".[46] The demonstration's leader was Inosuke Makanishi, a Communist political prisoner.[47][50] The demonstrators advocated the removal of the Emperor, with all traces of the old feudal system.[38] This was the Communists first demonstration in 15 years.[51] After the demonstration the Communist leaders held their first mass meeting to prepare for elections.[41] The demonstrator's meeting, held in downtown Tokyo, was the first public gathering since 1935. The crowd sang what a Korean called "the song of the red flag" and 35 speakers mounted a stage emblazoned with banners and red flags.[39]


Hideki Tōjō takes the stand at the Tokyo war crimes tribunal.

War criminals[edit]

While these other reforms were taking place, various military tribunals, most notably the International Military Tribunal for the Far East in Ichigaya, were trying Japan's war criminals and sentencing many to death and imprisonment. However, many suspects such as Tsuji Masanobu, Nobusuke Kishi, Yoshio Kodama and Ryoichi Sasakawa were never judged, while the Showa Emperor, all members of the imperial family implicated in the war such as Prince Chichibu, Prince Yasuhiko Asaka, Prince Fushimi Hiroyasu, Prince Naruhiko Higashikuni and Prince Takeda, and all members of Unit 731—including its director Dr. Shirō Ishii—were granted immunity from criminal prosecution by General MacArthur.

Before the war crimes trials actually convened, the SCAP, the IPS and Shōwa officials worked behind the scenes not only to prevent the imperial family from being indicted, but also to slant the testimony of the defendants to ensure that no one implicated the Emperor. High officials in court circles and the Shōwa government collaborated with Allied GHQ in compiling lists of prospective war criminals, while the individuals arrested as Class A suspects and incarcerated in Sugamo prison solemnly vowed to protect their sovereign against any possible taint of war responsibility.[52] Thus, months before the Tokyo tribunal commenced, MacArthur's highest subordinates were working to attribute ultimate responsibility for Pearl Harbor to Hideki Tōjō"[53] by allowing "the major criminal suspects to coordinate their stories so that the Emperor would be spared from indictment."[54] and "with the full support of MacArthur's headquarters, the prosecution functioned, in effect, as a defense team for the emperor.[55]

For historian John W. Dower,

Even Japanese peace activists who endorse the ideals of the Nuremberg and Tokyo charters, and who have labored to document and publicize Japanese atrocities, cannot defend the American decision to exonerate the emperor of war responsibility and then, in the chill of Cold war, release and soon afterwards openly embrace accused right-wing war criminals like the later prime minister Kishi Nobusuke.[56]

In retrospect, apart from the military officer corps, the purge of alleged militarists and ultranationalists that was conducted under the Occupation had relatively small impact on the long-term composition of men of influence in the public and private sectors. The purge initially brought new blood into the political parties, but this was offset by the return of huge numbers of formally purged conservative politicians to national as well as local politics in the early 1950s. In the bureaucracy, the purge was negligible from the outset.... In the economic sector, the purge similarly was only mildly disruptive, affecting less than sixteen hundred individuals spread among some four hundred companies. Everywhere one looks, the corridors of power in postwar Japan are crowded with men whose talents had already been recognized during the war years, and who found the same talents highly prized in the "new" Japan.[57]


According to various accounts, US troops committed thousands of rapes among the population of the Ryukyu Islands during the Okinawa Campaign and the beginning of the American occupation in 1945.[58][59]

Many Japanese civilians in the Japanese mainland feared that the Allied occupation troops were likely to rape Japanese women. The Japanese authorities set up a large system of prostitution facilities (RAA) in order to protect the population. According to John W. Dower, precisely as the Japanese government had hoped when it created the prostitution facilities, while the RAA was in place "the incidence of rape remained relatively low given the huge size of the occupation force".[60]:130 However, there was a resulting large rise in venereal disease among the soldiers, which led MacArthur to close down the prostitution in early 1946.[61] The incidence of rape increased after the closure of the brothels, possibly eight-fold; Dower states that "According to one calculation the number of rapes and assaults on Japanese women amounted to around 40 daily while the RAA was in operation, and then rose to an average of 330 a day after it was terminated in early 1946."[62] Michael S. Molasky states that while rape and other violent crime was widespread in naval ports like Yokosuka and Yokohama during the first few weeks of occupation, according to Japanese police reports and journalistic studies, the number of incidents declined shortly after and were not common on mainland Japan throughout the rest of occupation.[63] Two weeks into the occupation, the Occupation administration began censoring all media. This included any mention of rape or other sensitive social issues.[64][65]

According to Dower, "more than a few incidents" of assault and rape were never reported to the police.[66] According to Toshiyuki Tanaka, 76 cases of rape or rape-murder were reported on Okinawa during the first five years of occupation, but according to Tanaka this is "but the tip of the iceberg" as most of the rapes went unreported.[67]


After the surrender of Japan in 1945, the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers abolished all forms of censorship and controls on Freedom of Speech, which was also integrated into Article 21 of the 1947 Constitution of Japan. However, press censorship remained a reality in the post-war era, especially in matters of pornography, and in political matters deemed subversive by the American government during the occupation of Japan.

The Allied occupation forces suppressed news of criminal activities such as rape; on September 10, 1945 SCAP "issued press and pre-censorship codes outlawing the publication of all reports and statistics 'inimical to the objectives of the Occupation'."[68]

According to David M. Rosenfeld:

Not only did Occupation censorship forbid criticism of the United States or other Allied nations, but the mention of censorship itself was forbidden. This means, as Donald Keene observes, that for some producers of texts "the Occupation censorship was even more exasperating than Japanese military censorship had been because it insisted that all traces of censorship be concealed. This meant that articles had to be rewritten in full, rather than merely submitting XXs for the offending phrases."

— Donald Keene, quoted in Dawn to the West[69]

Industrial disarmament[edit]

To further remove Japan as a potential future threat to the United States, the Far Eastern Commission decided that Japan was to be partly de-industrialized. The necessary dismantling of Japanese industry was foreseen to have been achieved when Japanese standards of living had been reduced to those existing in Japan the period 1930–1934.[70][71] In the end the adopted program of de-industrialization in Japan was implemented to a lesser degree than the similar U.S. "industrial disarmament" program in Germany.[70] In view of the cost to American taxpayers for emergency food aid to Japan, in April 1948 the Johnston Committee Report recommended that the economy of Japan should instead be reconstructed. The report included suggestions for reductions in war reparations, and a relaxation of the "economic deconcentration" policy. For the fiscal year of 1949 funds were moved from the GARIOA budget into an Economic Rehabilitation in Occupied Areas (EROA) programme, to be used for the import of materials needed for economic reconstruction.


Allied servicemen visit the Special Comfort Facility Association.

With the acceptance of the Allied occupation authorities, the Japanese organized a brothel system for the benefit of the more than 300,000 occupation troops. "The strategy was, through the special work of experienced women, to create a breakwater to protect regular women and girls."

In December 1945, a senior officer with the Public Health and Welfare Division of the occupation's General Headquarters wrote regarding the typical prostitute: "The girl is impressed into contracting by the desperate financial straits of her parents and their urging, occasionally supplemented by her willingness to make such a sacrifice to help her family", he wrote. "It is the belief of our informants, however, that in urban districts the practice of enslaving girls, while much less prevalent than in the past, still exists. The worst victims ... were the women who, with no previous experience, answered the ads calling for 'Women of the New Japan'."

MacArthur issued an order, SCAPIN 642 (SCAP Instruction), on January 21 ending licensed brothels for being "in contravention of the ideals of democracy". Although SCAPIN 642 ended the RAA's operations, it did not affect "voluntary prostitution" by individuals. Ultimately, SCAP responded by making all brothels and other facilities offering prostitution off-limits to Allied personnel on March 25, 1946.[72] By November, the Japanese government had introduced the new akasen (赤線 "red-line"?) system in which prostitution was permissible only in certain designated areas.[73][74]


The defeat of the Japanese Empire meant reversal of its previous annexations—Manchuria (Manchukuo as a puppet regime under Japan) was returned to China, while Korea regained its independence.

The Soviet Union claimed South Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands, with 400,000 Japanese fleeing or expelled. Similar actions happened in Taiwan and Manchuria after their return to China, while Korea saw the flight of over 800,000 Japanese settlers. In all, Japanese repatriation centers handled over 7 million expatriates returning to the Japanese main islands.[75]

Soviet activity[edit]

In a bid to occupy as much Japanese territory as possible, Soviet troops continued offensive military operations after the Japanese surrender, causing large scale civilian casualties.[76]


Main article: Reverse course

Unlike the case in Germany, Japan retained a native government throughout the occupation. Although MacArthur's official staff history of the occupation referred to "the Eighth Army Military Government System", it explained that while "In Germany, with the collapse of the Nazi regime, all government agencies disintegrated, or had to be purged", the Japanese retained an "integrated, responsible government and it continued to function almost intact":[77]

In effect, there was no "military government" in Japan in the literal sense of the word. It was simply a SCAP superstructure over already existing government machinery, designed to observe and assist the Japanese along the new democratic channels of administration.[77]

General Horace Robertson of Australia, head of BCOF, wrote:

MacArthur at no time established in Japan what could be correctly described as Military government. He continued to use the Japanese government to control the country, but teams of military personnel, afterward replaced to quite a considerable extent by civilians, were placed throughout the Japanese prefectures as a check on the extent to which the prefectures were carrying out the directives issued by MacArthur’s headquarters or the orders from the central government.

The really important duty of the so called Military government teams was, however, the supervision of the issue throughout Japan of the large quantities of food stuffs and medical stores being poured into the country from American sources. The teams also contained so-called experts on health, education, sanitation, agriculture and the like, to help the Japanese in adopting more up to date methods sponsored by SCAP’s headquarters. The normal duties of a military government organisation, the most important of which are law and order and a legal system, were never needed in Japan since the Japanese government’s normal legal system still functioned with regard to all Japanese nationals ... The so-called military government in Japan was therefore neither military nor government.[78]

The Japanese government's de facto authority was strictly limited at first, however, and senior figures in the government such as the Prime Minister effectively served at the pleasure of the occupation authorities before the first post-war elections were held. Political parties had begun to revive almost immediately after the occupation began. Left-wing organizations, such as the Japan Socialist Party and the Japan Communist Party, quickly reestablished themselves, as did various conservative parties. The old Seiyukai and Rikken Minseito came back as, respectively, the Liberal Party (Nihon Jiyuto) and the Japan Progressive Party (Nihon Shimpoto). The first postwar elections were held in 1946 (women were given the franchise for the first time), and the Liberal Party's vice president, Yoshida Shigeru (1878–1967), became prime minister. For the 1947 elections, anti-Yoshida forces left the Liberal Party and joined forces with the Progressive Party to establish the new Japan Democratic Party (Minshuto). This divisiveness in conservative ranks gave a plurality to the Japan Socialist Party, which was allowed to form a cabinet, which lasted less than a year. Thereafter, the socialist party steadily declined in its electoral successes. After a short period of Democratic Party administration, Yoshida returned in late 1948 and continued to serve as prime minister until 1954. However, because of a heart failure Yoshida was replaced by Shinto in 1955.

The Communist Movement[edit]

Reemergence of the Communist Movement[edit]

The Japanese Communist Movement, which had been driven underground by the Japanese government, reemerged during the Occupation of Japan. Six days after the SCAP ordered the release of all political prisoners in Japan on October 4, 1945, a small band of freed Communist political prisoners in Japan began political activities immediately, with Tokuda Kyuichi and Shiga Yoshio playing leading roles. The Japanese Communist Party was reestablished.[79] The Communists were recruiting many additional comrades from the ranks of Japanese women, were building up a strong youth organization, and the Akahata, the party's official newspaper, was gaining circulation rapidly. The Communists in Japan received no backing from Russia, and operated on a small budget.[80]

The Communists were also trying to enlist the Socialists in the formation of a popular front coalition. Communist leaders Yoshio Shiga, Shigeo Kamiyama and Ichiso Matsumoto called at the office of the Japan Socialist Party and formally asked the party to join in opposing the Shidehara cabinet, which the Communists leaders said "has no ability to cope with the present situation. Despite both the Communists and the Socialists once being political foes. Shiga expressed belief that the groups could co-operate in a "unified single trade union." Observers in December 1945 labeled the Communists in Japan as not real Communists in the Marxian sense of the word. Instead labeling them as a little left of the Socialists. According to observers "The Communist leaders are following this line in the hope of drawing strength from all left wing political parties and thereby, in effect, winning control for themselves.[80][81]

Directly opposing the Communists were the National Federation of Toilers, a new workers organization, which announced its defense of the Imperial House in October 1945.[48][81]

Surge of Membership[edit]

According to the Japan Policy Research Institute, following World War II, the JCP's membership increased from 1,000 to 84,000 members from 1945 to 1949. In the 1949 national elections, the party received 3 million votes, almost 10 percent of the total vote and elected 35 of the party's candidates. Beginning in 1950, membership fell.[82] Yoshio Shiga stated that the party's membership was 1200 in December and had increased to 6800. His reasoning being "because the Communist Party is assuming the lead on all fronts for the realization of the people's needs.".[83]


At the close of the Fourth Congress on Dec. 2, 1945, the party laid down a six-point program for its members:

1. "Concentrate on improving the living standards of the Japanese people." 2. "Make every possible efforts to increase production and restore transportation and communication facilities for the welfare of workers, farmers, salaried men and other segments of the middle classes." 3. "Resort to the general strike weapon or any other suitable means against the Japanese capitalists who oppose the Communist objectives. 4. Establish a fundamental policy of aligning the Japanese people the party to protect Communists against possible violence." 5. "Work toward stabilization of the people's livelihood by abolishing the emperor system and establishing a republican form of government." 6. "Emphasis on the party principle that only a people's government can bring Japan back into the world family of nations.".[80]

On the Fifth National Communist Congress in February 1946, the Japanese Communist Party formally demanded the abolition of the "feudalistic emperor system" and asked that it be replaced by a people's democratic government with a Diet composed of a single house. The demand was contained in a declaration adopted at the Fifth National Communist Congress. The declaration said the question of the imperial family should be decided by plebiscite after the establishment of a people's government, but added, however, that the party intended to "pursue" the war responsibility of Emperor Hirohito." The Communists advocated the "clean sweeping" of war criminals and person guilty of violating the people's rights in the country's responsible political, economic and social posts, and the confiscation of imperial lands as well as large tracts belong to the shrines, temples and peerage that the communists said, should be distributed among the farmers. Among other demands were:

1. State ownership of property belonging to war criminals

2. Liquidation of monopolitic capital 3. Establishment of a minimum wage system 4. Establishment of a seven-hour work day 5. Emancipation of Japanese women from their feudal restrictions.[83]

The Red Purges[edit]

Originally, the Occupation wasn't antagonistic to the Japanese Communist Party. The GHQ was willing to regard the JCP as a potential ally in combating militarists and the Old Guard. John K. Emmerson recommended to the State Department a positive policy of encouraging all political tendencies that might be united in creating a democratic Japan, including the Communist Party, citing that it served America's long-term interests in Asia better than a negative policy of repressing the left. The Emmerson Plan was respected in SCAP in the early days of the Occupation. However, However, POLAD Chief George Atcheson and intelligence officers in G-2 saw Communism as the antithesis of democracy and impediment to the Occupation's objectives.[84]

The Occupation's policy towards Communism changed due to the Cold War, and the Occupation's Reverse course. On June 6, 1950, MacArthur sent a letter to Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru ordering the purge of members of the Japanese Communist Party. In the letter, MacArthur warned of a new group that has "injected itself into the Japanese political scene which has sought through perversion of truth and incitation to mass violence to transform this peaceful and tranquil land into an arena of disorder and strife as the means of stemming Japan's notable progress along the road of representative democracy to subvert the rapidly growing democratic tendencies among the Japanese people." and that "they have hurled defiance at constituted authority, shown contempt for the processes of law and order, and contrived by false and inflammatory statement and other subversive means to arouse through resulting public confusion that degree of social unrest which would set the stage for the eventual overthrow of constitutional government in Japan by force." [85][86] In October 5, 1950, students attended the "General Indignation Meeting Condemning the Red Purge" on the campus of the University of Tokyo.[86]

Going Underground[edit]

Within a week of MacArthur's order in June 6, 1950, most of the Communists had gone underground. During the purge, rumors emerged. One said Kyuichi Tokuda had fled from Japan with Soviet Lt. Gen. Kuzma Derevyanko. Another rumor said all of the party's purged Politburo members had escaped to Russia. The police raided between 2,000 and 3,000 places suspected of being hideaways. It was suspected that some, or all, may have fled aboard a smuggler's boat to Red China, North Korea, or Russian-ruled Sakhalin Island. At that time, it was suspected that Japanese Reds may be in Peiping or Moscow.[87][88]

End of the occupation[edit]

In 1949, MacArthur made a sweeping change in the SCAP power structure that greatly increased the power of Japan's native rulers, and the occupation began to draw to a close. The San Francisco Peace Treaty, signed on September 8, 1951, marked the end of the Allied occupation, and when it went into effect on April 28, 1952, Japan's independence was fully restored. However, Okinawa and Iwo Jima remained under US occupation: Iwo Jima was returned to Japan in 1968 and Okinawa in 1972. Some 31,000 U.S. military personnel remain in Japan today at the invitation of the Japanese government under the terms of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan (1960) and not as an occupying force.


On the day the occupation of Japan was over, the Asahi Shimbun published a very critical essay on the occupation, claiming it turned the Japanese population "irresponsible, obsequious and listless... unable to perceive issues in a forthright manner, which led to distorted perspectives".[89]

Cultural reaction[edit]

Nihonbashi, Tokyo, in 1946.

Hirohito’s surrender broadcast was a profound shock to Japanese citizens. After years of being told about Japan’s military might and the inevitability of victory, these beliefs were proven false in the space of a few minutes. But for many people, these were only secondary concerns since they were also facing starvation and homelessness.

Post-war Japan was chaotic. The air raids on Japan's urban centers left millions displaced and food shortages, created by bad harvests and the demands of the war, worsened when the seizure of food from Korea, Taiwan, and China ceased.[90] Repatriation of Japanese living in other parts of Asia only aggravated the problems in Japan as these displaced people put more strain on already scarce resources. Over 5.1 million Japanese returned to Japan in the fifteen months following October 1, 1945.[91] Alcohol and drug abuse became major problems. Deep exhaustion, declining morale and despair were so widespread that it was termed the "kyodatsu condition" (虚脱状態 kyodatsujoutai?, lit. "state of lethargy").[92] Inflation was rampant and many people turned to the black market for even the most basic goods. These black markets in turn were often places of turf wars between rival gangs, like the Shibuya incident in 1946. Prostitution also increased considerably.

In the 1950s, kasutori culture emerged. In response to the scarcity of the previous years, this sub-culture, named after the preferred drink of the artists and writers who imbibed it, emphasized escapism, entertainment and decadence.[93]

The phrase "shikata ga nai", or "nothing can be done about it," was commonly used in both Japanese and American press to encapsulate the Japanese public's resignation to the harsh conditions endured while under occupation. However, not everyone reacted the same way to the hardships of the postwar period. While some succumbed to the difficulties, many more were resilient. As the country regained its footing, they were able to bounce back as well.

Japanese women[edit]

It has been argued that the granting of rights to women played an important role in the radical shift Japan underwent from a war nation to a democratized and demilitarized country.[94] In the first postwar general elections of 1946, over a third of the votes were cast by women. This unexpectedly high female voter turnout led to the election of 39 female candidates, and the increasing presence of women in politics was viewed by Americans as evidence of an improvement of Japanese women's condition.[95]

American feminists saw Japanese women as victims of feudalistic and chauvinistic traditions that had to be broken by the Occupation. American women assumed a central role in the reforms that affected the lives of Japanese women: they educated Japanese about Western ideals of democracy, and it was an American woman who wrote the Japanese Equal Rights Amendment for the new constitution.[96] General Douglas MacArthur did not mean for Japanese women to give up their central role in the home as wives and mothers, but rather that they could now assume other roles simultaneously, such as that of worker.[97][98]

In 1953, journalist Ichirō Narumigi commented that Japan had received "liberation of sex" along with the "four presents" that it had been granted by the occupation (respect for human rights, gender equality, freedom of speech, and women’s enfranchisement).[99] Indeed, the occupation also had a great impact on relationships between man and woman in Japan. The "modern girl" phenomenon of the 1920s and early 1930s had been characterized by greater sexual freedom, but despite this, sex was usually not perceived as a source of pleasure (for women) in Japan. Westerners, as a result, were thought to be promiscuous and sexually deviant.[100] The sexual liberation of European and North American women during World War II was unthinkable in Japan, especially during wartime where rejection of Western ways of life was encouraged.[101]

The Japanese public was thus astounded by the sight of some 45,000 so-called "pan pan girls" (prostitutes) fraternizing with American soldiers during the occupation.[99] In 1946, the 200 wives of U.S. officers landing in Japan to visit their husbands also had a similar impact when many of these reunited couples were seen walking hand in hand and kissing in public.[102] Both prostitution and marks of affection had been hidden from the public until then, and this "democratization of eroticism" was a source of surprise, curiosity, and even envy. The occupation set new models for relationships between Japanese men and women: the western practice of "dating" spread, and activities such as dancing, movies and coffee were not limited to "pan pan girls" and American troops anymore, and became popular among young Japanese couples.[103]

See also[edit]


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041523283X OCLC 44885267

  • Kawai, Kazuo. "American influence on Japanese thinking" Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Vol. 278, 1951: pg. 23-3.
  • Ness, Gayl D. Review of the book Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World. American Sociological Review (1967), Volume 32, Number 5, pages 818–820.
  • Schaller, Michael. The American Occupation of Japan: the Origins of the Cold War in Asia. New York, Oxford University Press, 1985. ISBN

0195036263 OCLC 11971554

Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]