Oliver P. Morton
|Oliver P. Morton|
|14th Lieutenant Governor of Indiana|
January 14, 1861 – January 16, 1861
|Governor||Henry S. Lane|
|Preceded by||Abram A. Hammond|
|Succeeded by||John R. Cravens
as Acting Lieutenant Governor
|14th Governor of Indiana|
January 16, 1861 – January 23, 1867
|Lieutenant||John R. Cravens (acting)
|Preceded by||Henry S. Lane|
|Succeeded by||Conrad Baker|
|United States Senator
March 4, 1867 – November 1, 1877
|Preceded by||Henry S. Lane|
|Succeeded by||Daniel W. Voorhees|
|Born||Oliver Hazard Perry Throck Morton
August 4, 1823
Wayne County, Indiana, USA
|Died||November 1, 1877
Indianapolis, Indiana, USA
|Spouse(s)||Lucinda Burbank Morton|
|Alma mater||Miami University
Oliver Hazard Perry Throck Morton (August 4, 1823 – November 1, 1877), commonly known as Oliver P. Morton, was a U.S. Republican Party politician from Indiana. He served as the 14th Governor of Indiana during the American Civil War, and was a stalwart ally of President Abraham Lincoln. During the war, Morton thwarted and neutralized the Democratic-controlled Indiana General Assembly. He exceeded his constitutional authority by calling out the militia without approval, and during the period of legislative suppression he privately financed the state government through unapproved federal and private loans. He was criticized for arresting and detaining political enemies and suspected southern sympathizers. But the famous "War Governor" unquestionably did more to help the war effort than any other man in the state, and earned the lifelong gratitude of former Union soldiers for his support.
During his second term as governor, and after being partially paralyzed by a stroke, he was elected to serve in the U.S. Senate. He was a leader among the Radical Republican reconstructionists, and supported numerous bills designed to reform the former Southern Confederacy. In 1877, during his second term in the senate, Morton suffered a second debilitating stroke that caused a rapid deterioration in his health; he died later that year. He was mourned nationally and his bier was attended by thousands before his burial in Indianapolis's Crown Hill Cemetery.
Family and background
Morton was an Indiana native born in Wayne County near the small settlement of Salisbury on August 4, 1823. His family name, Throckmorton, had been shortened to Morton by his grandfather, but the males in the family carried Throck as a middle name. He was named for Oliver Hazard Perry, the victorious Commodore in the Battle of Lake Erie. He disliked his name from an early age, and before beginning his political career he shortened his name to Oliver Perry Morton, from Oliver Hazard Perry Throck Morton. His mother died when he was three, and he was raised by his maternal grandparents. He spent most of his young life living with them in Ohio.
Morton and his older brother did not complete high school, but together they apprenticed to become hat makers. As a teenager, he moved to Centerville, Indiana to take up his trade. After four years in the business he became dissatisfied with his profession and decided to instead pursue a career in law. He enrolled at Miami University in 1843 and studied there until 1844. He then briefly attended Cincinnati College to continue his law studies. In 1845 he returned to Centerville where he was admitted to the bar. He formed a law practice with Judge Newman and became a successful and moderately wealthy attorney. Morton married Lucinda Burbank the same year he returned to Centerville; together the couple had five children, but only two survived infancy.
Early political career
In 1852 Morton, at the urging of Judge Newman, campaigned and was elected to serve as a circuit court judge but resigned after only a year; he found that he preferred practicing law. Morton had been a Democrat for all of his adult life, but living in a region dominated by the Whig Party he had little hope of any political career without a change of party.
The passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill repealing the Missouri Compromise's ban on slavery in the territories west of Missouri had a convulsive effect on both parties. As Democrats divided over the issue, Morton took his stand with the free soil wing. Under the influence of Senator Jesse Bright, the state party began to expel anti-slavery members, including Morton. Morton made his way into the newly formed Republican party the following year. He was one of the founders of the Republican Party, serving as a delegate to the 1856 Republican Party Convention in Pittsburgh. In 1856 he was its choice for governor against Ashbel P. Willard, but was defeated—because, radicals like George W. Julian contended, he did not go far enough against slavery, and, conservative former Whigs claimed, because he had been too much the ultra in a state where southern-born residents wanted nothing to do with blacks or abolitionism. His speeches against slavery made him popular among the party in Indiana. He was noted for his "plain and convincing" manner of speaking, his contemporaries said he was not "eloquent or witty", but rather "logical and reasonable". He was nominated to be the Republican candidate for Governor of Indiana that year, winning a unanimous vote at the state convention. Despite a hard fought campaign, he lost the general election to Democratic state senator Ashbel P. Willard.
The Republicans nominated Morton for lieutenant governor in 1860 on a ticket with the more conservative former Whig Henry S. Lane as governor. The two men both had strong support within the party, and neither had much desire to make open war on one another; Lane was not even sure that he wanted to fight for a nomination at all. But Morton made clear his readiness to take the second place, and all the more so when he found that Lane, who had no desire to be governor, expected to be sent to the Senate as soon as he had carried the state that fall, including the legislature. Savvy politicians reckoned that in the southern half of the state, Morton would be seen as too radical and could not carry the former Know-Nothing vote, but that a man of Whig antecedents like Lane could. That was how matters turned out. The campaign was long and focused primarily on the prevailing issues of the nation and the looming possibility of a Civil War. The day after the inauguration, Lane was chosen by the General Assembly for a U.S. Senate seat. He resigned immediately and Morton succeeded to become governor.
Morton served as governor of Indiana for six years (1861–1867) and strongly supported the Union during the Civil War. He raised men and money for the Union army, and successfully suppressed Indiana's Confederate sympathizers. He was the leader of the Republican Party in the state, and confronted the Democrats, especially the peace wing (called "Copperheads")
During his early tenure as governor, Morton believed that war was inevitable and began to prepare the state for it. He appointed men to cabinet positions who were well known to be against any compromise with the southern states. He established a state arsenal and employed seven hundred men to produce ammunition and weapons without legislative permission and made many other preparations for the war to come. When open war finally broke out on April 12, 1861, he telegraphed President Abraham Lincoln three days later to announce that he already had 10,000 soldiers under arms ready to suppress the rebellion.
Lincoln and Morton maintained a close alliance during the war, although Lincoln was wary at times of Morton's ruthlessness. Lincoln once said of Morton that he was "at times the shrewdest person I know." Morton went to great lengths to ensure that Indiana was contributing as much as possible to the war effort. Governor Morton wrote to Lincoln claiming that "no other free state is so populated with southerners", and that they kept Morton from being as forceful against secession as he wanted to be. In 1862, he attended the Loyal War Governors' Conference in Altoona, Pennsylvania, organized by Pennsylvania Governor Andrew Gregg Curtin, that gave Lincoln the support needed for his Emancipation Proclamation.
Conflict with the General Assembly
Morton was able to keep the state united during the first phase of the war, but once emancipation became an issue in 1862 the Republicans suffered a major defeat in the mid-term elections, and he lost the support of the strong Democratic majority in the legislature. Before the new legislature had met, Morton began circulating reports that they intended to secede from the Union, instigate riots, and were harboring southern spies. The atmosphere created by the accusations only worsened tensions between the two parties and guaranteed a confrontation, which was probably already inevitable.
Morton had already made several unconstitutional moves, including the establishment of the state arsenal, and the Democrats decided to attempt to rein him in. When the legislature sought to remove the state militia from his command and transfer it to a state board of Democratic commissioners, Morton immediately broke up the General Assembly. He feared that once in control of militia, the Democrats might attempt to overthrow him and secede from the Union. He issued secret instructions to Republican legislators, asking them to stay away from the capitol to prevent the General Assembly from attaining the quorum needed for the body to pass any legislation. With Morton's aid, the Republicans fled to Madison where they could quickly flee into Kentucky should the Democrats attempt to forcibly return them to the capitol.
No appropriations bill had been passed yet, and the government quickly neared bankruptcy. The Democrats assumed that Morton would be forced to call a special session and recall the Republicans to fix the situation, at which time they could again press their measures to weaken the governor. Morton was aware of their plans, and acted accordingly. Going beyond his constitutional powers, Morton solicited millions of dollars in federal and private loans. His move to subvert the legislature was successful, and Morton was able to privately fund the state government and the war effort in Indiana. James Lanier gave Morton funds to pay for maintenance on the state's debt until the state could begin collecting revenue again.
There was considerable rage among the Democrats, who launched a vicious attack on Morton, who responded by accusing them of treason. Following the suppression of the General Assembly in 1862, Morton asked General Henry B. Carrington for assistance in organizing the state's levies for service. Morton established an intelligence network headed by Carrington to deal with rebel sympathizers, the Knights of the Golden Circle, Democrats, and anyone who opposed the Union war effort. While Carrington succeeded in keeping the state secure, his operatives also carried out arbitrary arrests, suppressed freedom of speech and freedom of association, and generally maintained a repressive control of the southern-sympathetic minority. In one incident, Morton had soldiers disrupt a Democratic state convention in an incident that would later be referred to as the Battle of Pogue's Run. Many leaders of the Democratic Party were arrested, detained, or threatened. He urged pro-war Democrats to abandon their party in the name of unity for the duration of the war, and met with some success. Former governor Joseph A. Wright was among the Democrats that had been expelled from the party, and in an attempt to show his bipartisanship, Morton appointed him to the Senate.
In reaction to his actions cracking down on dissent, the Indiana Democratic Party called Morton a "Dictator" and an "Underhanded Mobster" while Republicans countered that the Democrats were using "treasonable and obstructionist tactics in the conduct of the war". Morton illegally—without approval from the legislature—called out the state militia in July 1863 to counter Morgan's Raid. Large-scale support for the Confederacy among Golden Circle members and Southern Hoosiers in general fell away after Morgan's Raid, when Confederate raiders ransacked many homes bearing the banners of the Golden Circle, despite their proclaimed support for the Confederates. When Hoosiers failed to rise in large numbers in support of the raid, Morton slowed his crackdown on Confederate sympathizers, theorizing that because they had failed to come to Morgan's aid in large numbers, they would similarly fail to come to the aid of a larger invasion.
One notable thing historians record from this period was the honesty with which the government was run. All of the borrowed money was accounted for with no graft or corruption and all was repaid in the years after the war. It was by these honest actions that Morton was able to avoid repercussions when the legislature finally was permitted to reconvene—this time with a new Republican majority.
In 1864 the war was nearing its end, though many saw no end in sight. The state constitution forbade a governor to serve more than four years in any eight-year period, but Morton claimed that since he was elected as Lieutenant Governor and had only been completing Lane's term, he was eligible to run. The Democrats were furious again, and a bitter campaign was launched against Morton. Morton did not do a great deal of campaigning, but instead sought to have soldiers returned home to vote for him.
Morton was reelected to office, defeating Democrat and longtime friend Joseph McDonald by over 20,000 votes. Although the campaign was conducted in time of war, with both parties strongly opposing the other, both Morton and McDonald remained friends after the campaign and later served together in the U.S. Senate. Many Democrats claimed that Morton had rigged the election because Republicans retook the majority in both houses of the Assembly.
Morton was partially crippled by a paralytic stroke in October 1865 which incapacitated him for a time. For treatment, Morton traveled to Europe where he sought the assistance of several specialists, but none were able to help his paralysis. During his recovery time Lieutenant Governor Conrad Baker served as acting governor. With the war ending, Baker oversaw the demobilization of most of the state's forces. Morton returned to the governorship in March 1866, but he was never again able to walk without assistance.
In 1867, Morton was elected by the General Assembly to serve as a United States Senator. He resigned from his governor post that same year, again turning over the government to Lieutenant Governor Baker. In the Senate, he first became a member of the foreign affairs committee and quickly grew to become a party leader. He was also made chairman of the Committee of Privileges and Elections. Because of his stroke, Morton always sat while delivering his speeches, but he was noted by other senators for his effectiveness in speaking and debating. Close observers saw a man of untiring activity, "of unfaltering determination, quick as well as far-seeing..." Restless energy defined him. "He accommodated himself with a kind of cynical indifference to his crippled body, as to a house badly out of repair, and dragged it about with him as a snail does a shell," one newspaper commented. "In the Senate... he excused himself from no duties; acted as chairman and member of several committees; was never absent from his seat, and was ready for debate at all times." Much the same description appeared from an unfriendlier source. "With a superabundance of the quality called 'force,' Senator Morton possesses one of the most terrible natures in public life," the correspondent George Alfred Townsend remarked. "... A dark, determined, brooding and desperate mind is reflected in his warthy complexion and introspective eyes. His powerful frame, prematurely wrecked, yet carrying alive the savage will, towers on his crutch, and in his very hobble is the tyrant's pace.... He wants to be terrible for the sake of freedom. His conscience and fortitude are thus fed from his fanaticism. Like all bloody bigots, he thinks he feels God's mercy moving in him."
Morton was in the Senate during Reconstruction and he supported much of the radical Republican program for re-making the former Confederate states. Early in his first term in the Senate, he supported legislation to eliminate all civil government in the southern states and impose a military government. He also supported legislation to void the southern states' constitutions—in nearly every case imposed in 1865 without being submitted to the voters—and to require elections for constitutional conventions that would write new ones. He gave his vote, as well, to provisions declaring that those constitutions could go into effect only if adopted by a majority of all registered voters, not just those voting in the special elections called for the constitutions' adoption. At the same time, he favored stringent restrictions on former Confederates being permitted the vote, particularly those who, having taken an oath to support the United States and its constitution, had taken office or done military service in the Confederacy. In the impeachment trial of President Andrew Johnson, he voted for conviction, as did most moderate and all radical Republicans, and, like them, openly voiced his disappointment at Johnson's acquittal. Although he had delivered a speech arguing that the recently freed slaves were unready for the vote in the fall of 1865, Morton even then had worked to end the so-called "Black Laws" on the statute books of Indiana that restricted blacks' basic civil rights, and the state constitutional provision forbidding their entry into the state. By 1866, he had come to share the general Republican belief that the only means of guaranteeing loyal governments protective of black civil rights must be through giving adult males of every race the franchise. As he explained, "I confess, and I do it without shame, that I have been educated by the great events of War." He championed the passage of the Fifteenth Amendment, and when the Democrats began to resign from the Senate during its debate to prevent quorum from being attained, Morton was the engineer of the maneuvering that kept the bill in the docket and allowed it to be passed.
Senator George Frisbie Hoar later judged Morton as a man with "little regard for Constitutional scruples." Not, he added, that the senator would have willfully flouted his oath to uphold that document, Hoar added, but "he believed that the Constitution should be interpreted in the light of the Declaration of Independence, so as to be the law of life to a great, powerful, and free people. To this principle of interpretation, all strict or narrow criticism, founded on its literal meaning, must yield." If so, that put Morton in the same category as Senator Charles Sumner, who openly declared the Declaration's decree that all men were created equal the defining words by which all constitutional duty should be judged.
After President Ulysses S. Grant came to power in 1869, Morton became one of the most able and reliable floor leaders for the administration. He helped shepherd through the bill readmitting Virginia to representation in Congress and gave his vote for the treaty annexing Santo Domingo to the United States. Later, he countered Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman Charles Sumner of Massachusetts in a bitter debate over the president's motives and intentions towards the Caribbean nation and its people. In the Senate, he argued hard for the so-called Ku-Klux bill, the fourth Enforcement Act in 1871, that gave the president expanded power to go against terrorism in the Deep South. Morton was himself known as a masterful waver of the "bloody shirt", unstinting in his connection of the Democrats to wartime treason and peacetime violence, and generally could be relied on to give a ready and strong defense of the national government's right to intervene to protect the civil rights of black Americans. He championed the right of Louisiana's black leader, Pinckney B. S. Pinchback, to a senate seat, though unsuccessfully. He voted for the 1875 civil rights act, and in 1876 had his strongest support among black Republicans in an increasingly "solid South". The Administration knew him for a powerful friend. Morton was offered the position of Minister to Great Britain, in replacement of John Lothrop Motley. but he refused. The Indiana General Assembly was controlled by the Democrats and he feared a Democrat would be elected to his seat. In 1874, similar concerns made him refuse invitations to accept nomination to the United States Supreme Court. (Later, Grant himself would remember that concerns over Morton's ill health alone had kept him from proposing him for Chief Justice. Grant may have misremembered; well-advised sources at the time had heard that the senator had been offered the place, unofficially, and Justice David Davis took the credit for having convinced him that the rigor of the job would bring him to a physical breakdown).
Morton was reelected to the Senate in 1873 and began his second term in 1874. Morton's stand on paper money made him controversial. In a time of serious economic hardship and deflation, he favored a bill that would have added more paper currency to the money supply. He started the term by leading the Senate's support of the inflation bill that was vetoed by President Grant. Morton's action was politically astute. In Indiana, the demands for easy money topped the list among issues that the Democrats were agitating, and that fall, they would carry the state largely on that basis. Within a year of his support for the Inflation Bill, however, Morton joined other Republicans in supporting the Resumption Act, which effectively closed the door on new currency issues and gave the Secretary of the Treasury the power to withdraw currency from circulation.
Morton was a contender for the 1876 Republican nomination for President at the Cincinnati Convention where his name was offered by Richard W. Thompson. His position on issuing paper money to inflate the currency, combined with his failing health, hurt him in his bid for the Republican presidential nomination among the convention delegates. Neither, however, made as much difference as his association with the deeply discredited and scandal-ridden Grant Administration. His nomination would have made the party fatally vulnerable on both the Reconstruction and corruption issues; in addition, Grant's supporters had an alternative choice, Senator Roscoe Conkling of New York. Between the two, the "Stalwart" bloc was divided, and with no prospect of coming together: Conkling and Morton detested one another. When the balloting began, Morton's vote total placed him second to James G. Blaine. By the sixth ballot he had slipped to fourth place. Blaine's opponents could only stop him by uniting behind a candidate acceptable to reform-minded delegates and to stalwarts alike. On the next vote nearly all the anti-Blaine delegates, including Morton's, united to give Rutherford B. Hayes the nomination.
Morton ranked as one of the strongest members of the so-called "Stalwart" faction of the Republican party: those most deeply committed to protecting and preserving Republican governments in the South. During the winter of 1876-77, then, not surprisingly, he was one of the most aggressive proponents of Rutherford B. Hayes's right to the presidency, and when he was placed on the Electoral Commission, there was never any doubt about how his vote would be cast. But when Hayes's supporters made overtures to southern Democrats, offering assurances that the president-elect would take no active role in propping up Republican governors in Louisiana and South Carolina, there were fears that Morton might cause difficulties. In one speech, he made clear that there must be guarantees on the Democratic side, of fair play and equal rights for southern blacks, before he would support Hayes's program. Those guarantees were given, or at least, promises were made. To general surprise, as Hayes's policy withdrew military support from the Republican governments in those two states, Morton proved to be one of the president's strongest defenders, urging that his fellow Republicans show patience and give the so-called "New Departure" time to prove itself.
In 1877, Morton was named to lead a committee to investigate charges of bribery made against La Fayette Grover, a newly elected senator from Oregon. The committee spent eighteen days in Oregon holding hearings and investigations. On the return trip, Morton detoured to San Francisco for a rest and visit. On the night of August 6, after eating dinner, he suffered a severe stroke that paralyzed the left side of his body. The next day he was taken by train to Cheyenne, Wyoming Territory, where he was met by his brother-in-law John A. Burbank, the former governor of the Dakota Territory. Morton was accompanied by him to the home of his mother-in-law in Richmond, Indiana. He stayed in Richmond to recover until October 15, when he was again moved to his own home in Indianapolis. He remained there, surrounded by his family, until his death on November 1, 1877.
Morton's remains were laid in state in the Indianapolis court house for three days after his death before being moved to Roberts Park Church where his funeral was held. His ceremony was attended by many dignitaries from across the United States. President Hayes ordered all flags to half-staff. The church could not hold the crowd and the thousands of mourners waited outside and followed in a long procession to view the burial in Crown Hill Cemetery.
Policies and criticism
Morton gained many critics during his long tenure in government service. He was criticized and derided for the manner in which he ran Indiana during the Civil War. He openly suppressed freedom of speech, arrested and detained political enemies, and violated the state and federal constitutions on numerous occasions. In the Senate he was one of the foremost defenders of Southern Republican governments, among them the most shabby and corrupt. Recent historiography of Reconstruction, however, has found Morton among the most consistent supporters of the cause of equal justice under the law.
Morton was a formidable personality, deeply feared, deeply detested by his enemies. He had no leavening wit, no humor, no breadth of intellect, no sparkle of conversation, to attract those who disagreed with him politically. "His presence is a deadly poison," another Republican was said to have declared. He is a sphinx; and I am repressed into dumbness when trying to hold a conversation with that man." He was, said one southern paper, "a vice-reeking Hoosier bundle of moral and physical rottenness, leprous ulcers and caustic bandages, who loads down with plagues and pollutions the wings of every breeze that sweeps across his loathsome putrefying carcass." They called him a tyrant and a bully, they highlighted his ruthlessness in denouncing, even defaming his enemies, and they spread stories that he had been a shameless womanizer, forcing himself on every female applicant for favor at the governor's mansion. "There is not, probably, in this country, a more conscienceless, corrupt, and utterly profligate man in public life than Morton," one Democratic journalist wrote. "He is rotten physically, morally and politically." It was even alleged that his paralysis came from some unspeakable social disease, brought on by his habits. When the senator declared himself in favor of woman suffrage, the St. Paul "Pioneer" was not surprised. "Why shouldn't Morton espouse the woman's cause?" it asked. "It is woman that has made him what he is -- so the gossips say."
None of his critics could make charges of corruption stick. The senator was among the earliest to refuse any share in the so-called "back pay" that Congress awarded its members in 1873, and to return his money to the Treasury as soon as it was given to him. The Credit Mobilier scandal passed him by untouched. A hostile Democratic House scoured the official files for some evidence of bribetaking or shakedowns in awarding Civil War contracts, and came up empty-handed. Despite holding many positions that angered his opponents, Morton was highly regarded for remaining clean of graft during the war period when corruption was commonplace. For his honest conduct he was offered the thanks of the Indiana General Assembly and others on numerous occasions. At one point, Morton learned that President Grant had nominated his son John M. Morton for Register of the Land Office in Dakota Territory. Immediately, the senator wrote to ask that the choice be withdrawn. He could not afford to have any relative appointed to any office, he protested.
After the bad eminence of Senators Jesse Bright and Fitch, Morton succeeded in raising Indiana to national prominence during his lifetime. The state and its citizens were the common subject of jokes to the eastern states, but much of that ceased after the war.
Morton is memorialized in the United States Capitol as one of Indiana's two statues on the National Statuary Hall Collection. There are also two statues of him in downtown Indianapolis, in front of the Indiana Statehouse and as part of the Indiana Soldiers' and Sailors' Monument on Monument Circle. Another statue stands on the second floor of the Wayne County Courthouse in Richmond, Indiana where a previous high school was named for him and the central section of the current high school is named Morton Hall in his honor. A statue of Governor Morton also serves as the State of Indiana's memorial at Vicksburg National Military Park in Vicksburg, Mississippi, in honor of his role as a powerful wartime governor.
Morton Senior High School in Hammond, Indiana, home of the Morton Governors, is named after him, and the annual yearbook of Centerville Senior High School in Centerville, Indiana is called The Mortonian in honor of Gov. Morton.
- Woollen, p. 146
- Woollen, p. 129
- Woollen, p. 131
- Woollen, p. 130
- Woollen, p. 132
- Gray, p. 144
- Kenneth M. Stampp, Indiana Politics during the Civil War (1949)
- Woollen, pp. 132–133
- Woollen, p. 133
- Gray, p. 158
- Gugin, p. 152
- Sharp p. 94
- Foulke V1, p. 346
- Gugin, p. 153
- Gugin, p. 154
- Gray, pp. 160–161
- Foulke V1, p. 237, 325
- Gray p.163
- Woollen, p. 134
- Foulke V1, p. 409
- Bodenhamer, pp. 441–443
- Gray p.159
- Northern Indiana Historical Society. "Indiana History Chapter Five". Indiana Center for History. Archived from the original on March 11, 2008. Retrieved May 19, 2008.
- Rhodes, pp. 316–317
- Rhodes, p. 317
- Gugin, p. 156
- Woollen, pp. 134–135
- Woollen, p. 135
- Woollen, p. 137
- New York Herald, November 2, 1877.
- "Gath," Cincinnati Enquirer, December 29, 1876.
- Foulke V2, p. 1
- Foulke V2, p. 8
- Woollen, p. 138
- Lockridge, 325–332
- Gugin, p. 158
- George F. Hoar, Autobiography, 2:94.
- Cincinnati Daily Gazette, December 12, 21, 22, 1870.
- New York Herald, November 3, 1877; David Davis to Benjamin H. Bristow, January 3, 1874, Benjamin Helm Bristow Papers, Library of Congress; William D. Foulke, Oliver P. Morton, 2:339-340.
- Woollen, p. 136
- Foulke V2, pp. 397–398
- Woollen, p. 143
- Chicago Times, April 15, 1876.
- Raleigh Sentinel, February 18, 1876.
- Milwaukee Daily News, April 16, 1873.
- St. Paul Daily Pioneer, June 3, 1874. A much fuller, scurrilous, and very likely untrue account of Morton's private life can be found in the Chicago Times, April 15, 1876.
- Oliver P. Morton to Ulysses S. Grant, April 13, 1869, Ulysses S. Grant Papers.
- Woollen, p. 144
- Woollen, p. 145–146
- Bodenhamer, David (1994). The Encyclopedia of Indianapolis. Indiana University Press. ISBN 0-253-31222-1.
- Foulke, William Dudley (1899). Life of Oliver P. Morton: Including His Important Speeches. Volume 1 & 2. The Bowen-Merrill Company.
- Gray, Ralph D (1995). Indiana History: A Book of Readings. Indiana: Indiana University Press. ISBN 0-253-32629-X. Retrieved February 16, 2009.
- Gugin, Linda C. & St. Clair, James E, ed. (2006). The Governors of Indiana. Indianapolis, Indiana: Indiana Historical Society Press. ISBN 0-87195-196-7.
- Lockridge, Ross F (1957). The Story of Indiana. Harlow Pub. Corp.
- Rhodes, James Ford (1904). History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850. New York: MacMillan Publishing.
- Sharp, Walter (1920). Henry S. Lane and the Formation of the Republican Party in Indiana. The Mississippi Valley Historical Review.
- Stampp, Kenneth M. Indiana Politics during the Civil War (1949) online edition
- Woollen, William Wesley (1975). Biographical and Historical Sketches of Early Indiana. Ayer Publishing. ISBN 0-405-06896-4. Retrieved February 16, 2009.
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Oliver Hazard Perry Morton.|
|Wikisource has the text of a 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica article about Oliver P. Morton.|
- "Oliver P. Morton historical markers". Indiana Historical Bureau. Retrieved April 17, 2009.
- Oliver P. Morton at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
- Faust, Patricia L. "Civil War Home- Morton biography". Retrieved February 16, 2009.
- "Morton's statue in the National Statuary Hall Collection". Architect of the Capitol. Retrieved February 12, 2009.
- Morton's statue at Vicksburg National Military Park
- Civil War: Governor Morton Telegraph Books and Slips - IUPUI University Library
Abram A. Hammond
|Lieutenant Governor of Indiana
Henry S. Lane
|Governor of Indiana
|United States Senate|
Henry S. Lane
|U.S. Senator (Class 3) from Indiana
March 4, 1867 – November 1, 1877
Served alongside: Thomas A. Hendricks, Daniel D. Pratt and Joseph E. McDonald
Daniel W. Voorhees