People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia
|People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia|
የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝባዊ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሪፐብሊክ (Amharic)
ye-Ītyōṗṗyā Həzbāwī Dīmōkrāsīyāwī Rīpeblīk
The People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia in 1991.
|Government||Unitary Marxist-Leninist one-party socialist state|
|Mengistu Haile Mariam|
|Mengistu Haile Mariam|
|Tesfaye Gebre Kidan|
|Fikre Selassie Wogderess|
|Historical era||Cold War|
|22 February 1987|
|28 May 1991|
|1987||1,221,900 km2 (471,800 sq mi)|
|1990||1,221,900 km2 (471,800 sq mi)|
|Currency||Ethiopian birr (ETB)|
|ISO 3166 code||ET|
|Today part of|| Eritrea|
The People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (PDRE) was the official name of Ethiopia from 1987 to 1991, as established by the communist government of Mengistu Haile Mariam and the Workers' Party of Ethiopia (WPE). Its creation led to the dissolution of the Derg, the military junta formerly in charge of the country. A Marxist-Leninist one-party state with the WPE as supreme authority took its place, though the WPE's leadership was dominated by the surviving members of the Derg.
After five years of preparation, a socialist state was officially proclaimed in 1984, and the WPE was formed as the country's only legal party. It was a Marxist-Leninist vanguard party modeled on its counterparts in Europe. The PDRE officially came into existence on 22 February 1987, three weeks after the national referendum that approved the 1987 constitution, although the Derg remained in power as late as September, long after the 14 June general election that elected the members of the National Shengo (the legislature).
The PDRE's power structure was similar to those of other Communist states. The WPE was officially granted a monopoly of power as the "leading force in the state and society." The government was highly centralized and for all intents and purposes acted as merely a transmission belt for the party.
The National Shengo was nominally the highest organ of state power, but in practice did little more than rubber-stamp decisions already made by the WPE and its Politburo. The latter body was dominated by the surviving members of the Derg. Mengistu served as both general secretary of the WPE and president of the PDRE, with sweeping–and within the context of the system, almost dictatorial–powers. He chaired the Council of State, which acted for the National Shengo between sessions.
Throughout the PDRE's brief life, its authority was challenged not only by armed militants in Eritrea, which had been annexed to Ethiopia several decades earlier, but also by internal resistance groups, foremost of which was the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front. The PDRE came to an end in May 1991, when Mengistu fled Ethiopia and military units of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front entered Addis Ababa.
Following the demise of imperial rule, the feudal socioeconomic structure was dismantled through a series of reforms which also affected educational development. By early 1975, the government had closed Haile Selassie I University and all senior secondary schools, then deployed the approximately 60,000 students and teachers to rural areas to promote the government's "Development Through Cooperation Campaign". The campaign's purposes were to promote land reform and improve agricultural production, health, and local administration and to teach peasants about the new political and social order.
Primary school enrollment increased from about 957,300 in 1974/75 to nearly 2,450,000 in 1985/86. There were still variations among regions in the number of students enrolled and a disparity in the enrollment of boys and girls. Nevertheless, while the enrollment of boys more than doubled, that of girls more than tripled. However many critics[who?] say most of the statistics provided by the PDRE are inaccurate since no neutral body or international organization was allowed to validate them and there was a political aim for the regime to appear productive in general. With most of the rebel controlled northern Ethiopia regions as well as parts of Somali and Oromo regions out of the government's control, most of its claims were not perceived to be comprehensive.
The number of senior secondary schools almost doubled as well, with fourfold increases in Arsi, Bale, Gojjam, Gonder, and Wollo. The prerevolutionary distribution of schools had shown a concentration in the urban areas of a few administrative regions. In 1974/75 about 55 percent of senior secondary schools were in Eritrea and Shewa, including Addis Ababa. In 1985/86 the figure was down to 40 percent. Although there were significantly fewer girls enrolled at the secondary level, the proportion of females in the school system at all levels and in all regions increased from about 32 percent in 1974/75 to 39 percent in 1985/86.
Among the PDRE's successes was the national literacy campaign. The literacy rate, under 10 percent during the imperial regime, increased to about 63 percent by 1984. In 1990/91 an adult literacy rate of just over 60 percent was still being reported in government as well as in some international reports. As with the 1984 data, it several wise to exercise caution with regard to the latest figure. Officials originally conducted the literacy training in five languages: Amharic, Oromo, Tigrinya, Wolaytta, and Somali. The number of languages was later expanded to fifteen, which represented about 93 percent of the population.
A number of countries were generous in helping the PDRE meet its health care needs. Cuba, the Soviet Union, and a number of East European countries provided medical assistance. In early 1980, nearly 300 Cuban medical technicians, including more than 100 physicians, supported local efforts to resolve public health problems. Western aid for long-term development of Ethiopia's health sector was modest, averaging about US$10 million annually, the lowest per capita assistance in sub-Saharan Africa. The main Western donors included Italy and Sweden. The UN system led by UNDP and including such agencies as FAO, UNESCO, UNICEF, UNIDO, UNFPA and WHO, continued to extend assistance as they had to the Emperor's regime. In the early 1980s, at least one UNDP representative, a former minister in a Caribbean country, had the credibility to get access to Mengistu, and may have moderated his excesses in some instances. The World Bank also continued to provide assistance during his rule doubtless recognising the surprisingly conservative and prudent fiscal discipline the regime tried to follow.
Failures and collapse
Ethiopia had never recovered from the previous great famine of the early 1970s, which was the result of a drought that affected most of the countries of the African Sahel. The famine was also caused by an imbalance of population which was concentrated in the highland areas, which were free of malaria and trypanosomiasis. Both the Emperor's and Mengistu's regimes had tried to resettle people in the lowlands, but the Mengistu regime came in for heavy international criticism on the grounds that the resettlements were forced.
There has been an approximately decade long cycle of recurrent droughts in this part of east Africa since earlier in the 20th century and by the late 1970s signs of intensifying drought began to appear. By the early 1980s, large numbers of people in central Eritrea, Tigray, Welo, and parts of Begemder and Shewa were beginning to feel the effects of renewed famine.
A drought that began in 1969 continued as dry weather brought disaster to the Sahel and swept eastward through the Horn of Africa. By 1973 the attendant famine had threatened the lives of hundreds of thousands of Ethiopian nomads, who had to leave their home grounds and struggle into Somalia, Djibouti, Kenya, and Sudan, seeking relief from starvation. By the end of 1973, famine had claimed the lives of about 300,000 peasants of Tigray and Welo, and thousands more had sought relief in Ethiopian towns and villages.
The PDRE's limited ability to lead development and to respond to crises was dramatically demonstrated by the government's reliance on foreign famine relief between 1984 and 1989. By 1983 armed conflict between the government and opposition movements in the north had combined with drought to contribute to mass starvation in Eritrea, Tigray, and Welo. Meanwhile, drought alone was having a devastating impact on an additional nine regions. This natural disaster far exceeded the drought of 1973-74, which had contributed to the downfall of Emperor Haile Selassie. By early 1985, some 7.7 million people were suffering from drought and food shortages. Of that number, 2.5 million were at immediate risk of starving.
As it had in the past, in the mid-1980s the international community responded generously to Ethiopia's tragedy once the dimensions of the crisis became understood, although the FAO had been warning of food security problems for several years before the famine hit. Bilateral, multilateral, and private donations of food and other relief supplies poured into the country by late 1984. In 1987 another drought threatened 5 million people in Eritrea and Tigray. This time, however, the international community was better prepared to get food to the affected areas in time to prevent starvation and massive population movements. According to library of Congress studies, "many supporters of the Ethiopian regime opposed its policy of withholding food shipments to rebel areas. The combined effects of famine and internal war had by then put the nation's economy into a state of collapse." Also according to Human Rights Watch's reports and research, the counter-insurgency strategy of the PDRE
caused the famine to strike one year earlier than would otherwise have been the case, and forced people to migrate to relief shelters and refugee camps. The economic war against the peasants caused the famine to spread to other areas of the country. If the famine had struck only in 1984/5, and only affected the "core" areas of Tigray and North Wollo (3.1 million affected people), and caused only one quarter of the number to migrate to camps, the death toll would have been 175,000 (on the optimistic assumptions) and 273,000 (on the pessimistic assumptions). Thus between 225,000 and 317,000 deaths -- rather more than half of those caused by the famine -- can be blamed on the government's human rights violations.
By the end of the 1980s, the Soviet Union had ramped down its support for Ethiopia. Combined with the growing trend toward greater democracy in Africa, this led the WPE to abandon its monopoly of power in 1990 and embrace a mixed economy. This move came too late to save the regime. In May 1991, with the EPRDF closing in on Addis Ababa from all sides, Mengistu fled into exile in Zimbabwe. The PDRE only survived him by a week before the rebels took the capital on May 28.
- Mengistu Haile Mariam (September 10, 1987 – May 21, 1991)
- Tesfaye Gebre Kidan (acting; May 21, 1991 – May 28, 1991)
- Fikre Selassie Wogderess (September 10, 1987 – November 8, 1989)
- Hailu Yimenu (acting; November 8, 1989 – April 26, 1991)
- Tesfaye Dinka (acting; April 26, 1991 – June 6, 1991)
- The World Factbook 1987
- The World Factbook 1990
- Ethiopia Parliamentary Chamber: Elections held in 1995, PARLINE database (accessed 20 October 2009)
- A Country Study: Ethiopia (US Library of Congress)
- See, for example, Paul B. Henze, Layers of Time (New York: Palgrave, 2000), pp. 309f
- Mengistu's economic war against peasants