Philippine English

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Philippine English
Region Philippines
Language codes
ISO 639-3
Glottolog None
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Philippine English is the variety of English (similar and related to the American English) used in the Philippines by the media and the vast majority of educated Filipinos. English is taught in schools as one of the two official languages of the country, the other being Filipino. Code-switching is prevalent in informal situations. Sub-varieties of Philippine English or Philippine Englishes[1] are emerging based on the regional location and thus linguistic influences of the speakers.

Orthography and grammar[edit]

Philippine laws and court decisions, with extremely rare exceptions, are written solely in English. English is also used in higher education, religious affairs, print and broadcast media, and business. Most educated Filipinos are bilinguals and speak English as one of their languages (see List of countries by English-speaking population). Still, for highly technical subjects such as nursing, medicine, computing and calculus, English is the preferred medium for textbooks, communication, etc. Very few would prefer highly technical books in the vernacular.[2][3] Movies and TV shows in English are usually not dubbed in most cable channels[4] except a few such as Tagalized Movie Channel.[5]

Because English is part of the curricula from primary to secondary education, many Filipinos write and speak in fluent Philippine English, although there might be differences in diction and pronunciation.[6] Most schools in the Philippines, however, are staffed by teachers who are speakers of Philippine English and hence notable differences from the American English from which it was derived are observable.

Philippine English traditionally followed American English spelling and grammar,[7] except when it comes to punctuation as well as date notations. For example, a comma almost never precedes the final item in an enumeration (much like the AP Stylebook and other style guides used in the English-speaking world). Except for some very fluent speakers (like news anchors), even in English-language media, dates are also often read with a cardinal instead of an ordinal number (e.g. "January one" instead of "January first") even if the written form is the same. This is mostly because educated Filipinos were taught to count English numbers cardinally, thus it carried over to their style of reading dates. In military-style (or sometimes officialese) date notation (e.g. 1 January) the American standard is mostly followed, that is "one January".

Tautologies like redundancy and pleonasm are common despite the emphasis on brevity and simplicity in making sentences; they are common to many speakers, especially among the older generations. The possible explanation is that the English language teachers who came to the Philippines were taught old-fashioned grammar, thus they spread that style to the students they served. Examples are "At this point in time" and ".. will be the one ..." (or "... will be the one who will ...") instead of "now" and "... will ..." respectively - e.g., "I will be the one who will go ...", rather than "I will go ...".[8]

Phonology[edit]

Most of the native Malayo-Polynesian languages of the Philippines do not contain the [f] phoneme. Thus, some Filipinos substitute [p] for [f] when they pronounce English words containing [f]. Some even pronounce English words that normally do begin with [p] with an [f] through hypercorrection due to confusion over which pronunciation is required.

Like [f], the [v] sound is also virtually non-existent in most major native languages of the Philippines. Partly because modern Spanish does not distinguish between [b] and [v] (both being pronounced as [b] and, intervocalically, as [β]), some of the older generation of Filipinos would pronounce the letter [v] in all English words as [b].

Languages of indigenous minorities that had limited contact with the Spanish colonial government often retain the [v] sound. The [f] sound also occurs in some of them. Examples are the Ivatan language, Ibanag language, and languages of the Lumad tribes in Mindanao and Visayas. All of them are minor indigenous languages of the Philippines. The Ibaloi tongue in the Baguio-Benguet area of Northern Luzon also has naturally occurring [f] and [v] sounds, as in sifa (interrogative who) and divit (a traditional wrap-around skirt). The modern spelling of the name of one of the most numerous ethnic groups of the Philippines, the Manobo tribes of Mindanao, is actually the hispanized spelling of the original Manobo word Manuvu.[9]

Some of the other sounds that Philippine languages lack include [ɪ], [æ] and [ʌ]; only a few still retain [ə] (most notably Kinaray-a in Panay Island). The sound [ɪ] (/i/ in "brick") is replaced with [i] (/y/ in "happy") so the pronunciation of the words "bit" and "beat [bit]", "hit" and "heat [hit]", and "fill" and "feel [fil]" would be the same, respectively. The [θ] and [ð] sounds in all words are also absent in these languages, so they are pronounced [t] and [d] instead as a sign of th-stopping. Others hypercorrectly sound th in Thai, Thomas, etc. as [θ].

Words such as "back" [bæk] and "buck" [bʌk], "cat" [kæt] and "cut" [cʌt], and "pass" [pæs] and "pus" [pʌs] respectively would also have the same pronunciation since [a] (/a/ in Filipino word "alin"), [æ], and [ʌ] are not distinguished and all would be pronounced as [a]. Except for [ʌ], this is similar to speech of some speakers of English language in northern England, Scottish English, Ulster English, and Irish English. The ur ([ɜr]) in some words like current, hurry, and murder is sometimes realized as ([ar]), thus they sound like carrent, Harry (or hari = king), and marder respectively; the first two are common in British or Commonwealth English. Some speakers also realize [æ] as [ɛ] instead, so bad and bed are homophones.

With the exemption of [ə] sound in word endings "ble", "fle", and "ple" which are replaced with [o] (/o/ in Filipino word "uso"), [ə] in "cle", "dle", "gle", "tle" is either replaced with [e] (/e/ in "egg") which is more commonly used or [o]. Google [ˈɡuɡ(ə)l] would be read as [ˈɡuɡel] and handle [ˈhænd(ə)l] would be [ˈhandel]. Also depending on the spelling as Filipinos read based on how the word is spelled, "travel" [ˈtræv(ə)l] would be [ˈtrabel], "computer" [kəmˈpjutər] as [komˈpjuter], and circle [ˈsərkəl] read as [ˈsirkel] or [ˈsirkol]. These prove the absence of syllabic consonants in their native phonology. For that reason, the endings -cion, -sion, -tion rhyme like Shaun/Shawn (locally /ʃon/ "Sion/Syon"), which is somewhat similar with non-native pronunciation of English by speakers of Romance languages. Depending on the schwa that represents the e or i in a word, it may also be replaced by [e] or [i] respectively, thus stir and steer are homophonous.

The schwa in unstressed affixes is sounded with its full equivalent vowels instead, so that the -ace/-ase əs in "surface", "purchase", -ate [ət in some words like "private" and usual pronunciation of "candidate", -ain in "mountain", "captain" (and -ane in "Brisbane"), and -age/-ege [ɪdʒ] or [ədʒ] in "marriage" rhyme with "ace", "pain/pane", "eight", and "age" respectively, or not deleted in some affixes but still sounded fully, namely -ary, -ery, -ory, -mony, -erry, that is why words like "history [ˈhistori]" and "mastery [ˈmastɛri]" are pronounced that way. Likewise, the second o (schwa sound) in "Catholic" and "sophomore" are not elided as a form of epenthesis, even in careful or casual speech. Some other words and affixes like -ile and -ine are pronounced mostly like in British and Commonwealth English and some other speakers of Canadian and/or American English, thus "missile/missal" and "hostile/hostel" are not homophonous.

In addition to the schwa, the /ɪ/ or /e/ in -es/-ess is pronounced with the full vowel instead, thus it sounds like ess (the letter S, [ɛs]). This feature is also somewhat similar with non-native pronunciation of English by speakers of Romance languages. Many Filipinos have a difficulty with some initial-stress-derived nouns, so "complex" and "compound" sound alike whether as a noun or not.

A phenomenon among the older generation of Filipinos is their pronunciation of all the English words starting with s + consonant such as star, spade, stampede, slide, stigma, statue, sky, stable, strict, and stew. These words are pronounced by some of them as "istar/estar", "istampede/estampede", "istigma/estigma", "istatue/estatue", "istable/estable", "istrict/estrict" and "istew/estew" because these older people were exposed to the Spanish language and were used to the Spanish system wherein there are no words starting with s + consonant, but instead es + consonant. Thus, estrella (star), estampida (stampede), estigma (stigma), estatua (statue), estable (stable), estricto (strict) and estofado (stew). As mentioned earlier, this phenomenon is called epenthesis. Another phenomenon is pronunciation by some speakers of the digraph qu before e and i in some words like conquest, liquidity so that they would be conkest and likidity to an English speaker's ear. Consequently, the silent e or any other letter in French-derived words and names, namely, the endings -que and -tte (in Nicolette) are pronounced respectively -ke and -te, not -k and -t. Again, this is a result of exposure to Spanish.

Another issue is suprasegmentals. In pronunciation, emphasis often tends to be put on the wrong syllable of a word (such as emphasizing the second syllable of "advocacy", "category", "celibacy", "ceremony", "delicacy", etc. instead of the first) or on the wrong word in a sentence as compared to North American English or British English. This issue is likely rooted in the aforementioned Spanish (Castilian) influence and often occurs with English words with Latin (and indirectly Spanish) roots. However, this is not the case for many fluent Anglophone speakers, who learn to pronounce and emphasize the proper stress correctly, mostly with help and guidance from their teachers or tutors. Despite this, some of these underlying mistakes remain in those speakers.

In fact, the stress of syllables and even pronunciation vary in many words. For example, adult may be pronounced with the stress either on the first syllable (as in British/Commonwealth) or the last (as in American). Likewise, miscellany is usually stressed on the second like in Britain, not in the first and miss-a-Laney as pronounced in the United States. Some place names like Moscow and Glasgow have the second syllable rhyming with low, not now; in fact, the local pronunciation of Moscow, Idaho by North Americans is identical to pronunciation of the Russian capital by Commonwealth and Irish speakers. Essentially, words and place names in English present in every Filipino's vocabulary may have varying degrees of stress and enunciation, mostly influenced by US speech and partly, indirectly by the UK via Southeast Asian neighbors that were once British colonies or by innovative pronunciations. See American and British English pronunciation differences for words Filipino speakers usually pronounce when they are familiar with them or encounter them.

Yod-coalescence is also very common in certain stressed syllables of words in Philippine English. This turns the clusters [dj], [tj], [sj] and [zj] into [dʒ], [tʃ], [ʃ] and [ʒ] respectively in certain words unlike standard American dialects which drop the yod. Words like dew, tune, and tube become pronounced as /ˈdʒuː/ (Jew), /ˈtʃuːn/ (Choon), and /ˈtʃuːb/ (Chube). Yod-coalescence in stressed syllables occurs in Australian, Cockney, Estuary English, Hiberno-English (some speakers), Newfoundland English, South African English, Scottish English, Welsh English, and many other varieties of English in the rest of the Commonwealth of Nations (except Ireland). Word-initial [j] also coalesces with word-final [d/ð], [t/θ], [s], and [z], giving the same effect as the clusters mentioned earlier, so "sees/seize your" and "pass(ed) your" sound like "seizure/seashore" and "pasture". Non-coalescence and yod-dropping can be possible depending on the fluency of the speaker, however, in the [sj] sound of some words like consumer and pharmaceutical, for example.

Vowels[edit]

As mentioned above, the schwa is featured in some Philippine languages.

Consonants[edit]

Among mother-tongue speakers, the phonology of Philippine English almost completely resembles that of the North American variant with flapping observed on some speakers in Metro Manila (thus, Philippine English is a rhotic accent) while the speech of those who are not native speakers is influenced to varying degrees by indigenous Philippine languages. Since many English phonemes (such as [f] and [v]) are not found in most Philippine languages, pronunciation approximations are extremely common.

Some examples of non-native pronunciation include:

  • Awry = [ˈari]
  • Filipino = [piliˈpino]
  • Victor = [bikˈtor]
  • Family = [ˈpɐmili] or [ˈpamili]
  • Varnish = [ˈbarnis]
  • Fun = [ˈpɐn] or [ˈpan]
  • Vehicle = [ˈbɛhikel] or [ˈbɛhikol]
  • Lover = [ˈlɐber]
  • Find = [ˈpɐjnd]
  • Official = [oˈpisʲɐl] or [oˈpiʃɐl]
  • Very = [ˈbɛri] or [ˈbejri]
  • Guidon = [ɡiˈdon]
  • Hamburger = [ˈhɐmburdzʲɛr]
  • High-tech = [ˈhajtɛts]
  • Hubcap = [ˈhabkab]
  • Margarine = [mɐrɡɐˈrin]
  • Seattle = [ˈsʲatel]
  • Shako = [sʲaˈko]
  • Daniel/Danielle = [ˈdeɪnjel] or [ˈdanjel]
  • February = [(f/p)ebˈwari] or [(f/p)ebˈrari]
  • Janice = [dʒaˈnis]
  • January = [dʒanˈwari]
  • Rachel/Rachelle = [ˈreiʃel]
  • Stephen, Stephen- in Stephens, Stephenson = [(i/ɛ)ˈstifɛn] or [(i/ɛ)ˈstipɛn]
    (the ph digraph has an eff sound rather than a vee, even in standard Philippine English)
  • Special (some speakers) = [(i/ɛ)ˈspeɪʃal] or [ˈspeɪʃal] rhymes with spatial
  • Twenty- (one, two, etc.) (many speakers) = [ˈtweɪnti]
  • -ator in senator, predator = [ˈejtor] (by analogy with -ate)

The above list applies mainly to monolingual Filipino-language-speakers; a number of other indigenous languages, mentioned previously, employ phonemes such as [f], [v], and [z]. This form of mispronunciation, caused by the limited sound inventories of most Philippine languages compared to English (which has more than 40 phonemes), is generally frowned upon by Anglophone Filipinos, in particular, and businesses dealing with international clients.

Philippine Englishes[edit]

Philippine Englishes are local varieties of English in the Philippines. This model [10][11] is recently theorized by Wilkinson Daniel Wong Gonzales[who?][12] who focused on the plurality of a 'standard' English variety in the Philippines. For short, Gonzales proposed that Philippine English is almost similar with Australian English or New Zealand English in that it has already reached the final stage - differentiation - of Schneider's dynamic model. He believes that Philippine English has reached a point in its development where variation is happening within the variety itself.

History of Philippine English[edit]

Philippine English has evolved tremendously from where it began decades ago. Some decades before English was officially introduced, if not arguably forced, to the Philippines, the archipelagic nation has been subject to Spanish rule and thus Spanish was the language of power and influence. However, in 1898, when the Spanish gave the United States control of the nation, the English language, although initially disfavored, became widely used in a matter of years, which was catalyzed by the coming of American teachers called ‘Thomasites’ (Bolton & Bautista, 2004). Before the Americans supposedly gave the nation its well-deserved independence, language policy makers have started discussing about forming a common language for the Philippines— Filipino. Eventually, Filipino became the national language, and English was given the status of an official language of the Philippines; English is more or less the dominant superstrate language, as it is perceived by many as a symbol of status and power, replacing Spanish. With the English language highly embedded in Philippine society, it is only a matter of time before the language is indigenized to the point that differentiates from English in the United States or the United Kingdom. This, along with the formal introduction of the World Englishes (WE) framework to English language scholars in the Philippines by renowned linguist Braj B. Kachru in a conference in Manila (Kachru, 1997), has opened the floodgates to research on this new emerging English, ever since branded as Philippine English.

Developments and issues in Philippine English[edit]

That Philippine English has now been recognized as one of the World Englishes, specifically an outer circle English, can be attributed to the efforts and pioneering work of local linguists such as Bautista (2004), who worked on the Philippine component of the International Corpus of English (ICE-PH), a corpus that is more or less a pioneer of its kind, that would eventually be used by most researchers interested in both synchronic and diachronic phenomena in Philippine English. For synchronic studies, probably the most foundational and influential reference for Philippine English of the 1980s and 1990s would be Bautista’s (2000) monograph on Philippine English features, where she discussed subject-verb-agreement, tenses, nouns, among many others. What has not been discussed by Bautista (2000) has been gradually looked into by scholars such as Tayao (2004), who surveyed existing studies in phonology for Philippine English in the late 1990s across the lectal continuum synchronically. Many other synchronic studies such as Tayao’s (2004) have been made and soon, a plethora of them have published across local and international journals. The overabundance of synchronic research in Philippine English as well as the availability of new data and analysis software may have somehow catalyzed the trend of diachronic studies, which is apparent in the early 2010s. For instance, Collins, Borlongan, and Yao (2014) took at modality by using the PhilBrown corpus, recently compiled in De La Salle University, to study Philippine English of the 1950s and 1960s. This was briefly followed by Borlongan and Dita’s (2015) diachronic study on expanded predicates using the same corpus. With the slow emergence of diachronic studies in Philippine English, another debate has surfaced – whether or not Philippine English has achieved what Schneider (2003) refers to as endonormative stabilization. Schneider (2003) himself noted that Philippine English is still fossilized at stage 3 or nativization, along with Malaysia English; however, some years after, Borlongan (2011, 2016) argued that Philippine English is already at the dawn of stage 4, claiming that event X, a criterion of Schneider’s (2003), has already taken place along with other signs. In response to this, Martin (2014a) supported Schneider’s (2003) otherwise since Philippine English has not yet been given a status of identity-carrier yet. Up to this day, the debate has not yet been resolved; nevertheless, it would appear that the foundation upon this argument was built is questionable. For one, the data source or ICE-PH, as Bautista (2004, p. 22) self-admittedly claimed, is “Manila-centric”. The implications of this extend to all studies that use this corpus; unfortunately, almost all of the studies in Philippine English to this day are largely ICE-PH based and assume findings from a underrepresented standard Philippine English. The issue here is that by continuing on this standard English variety, we are unconsciously ignoring the fact that other minorities and variations exist within the variety, which is exactly what Irvine and Gal (2000) identifies as erasure. Thus, just as Gonzales[who?] (2017) has pointed out, it is imperative that we redefine Philippine English and start looking into other local varieties. Interestingly, some have already hinted this. Bautista (1982,1996) claims that there are three sub-varieties of Philippine English: yaya or nanny English, bargirl English, and colegiala or college girl English. Although they were questioned by Tinio (2013), who criticized that the model offers little by way of explaining how gender and class delineations affect change, Bautista’s (1996) findings suggest that there are, indeed, variations within the standard Philippine English. Tayao (2003), on the other hand, also advocates this after finding out that variations across the lectal continuum exist. Furthermore, Gonzalez (2004), stressed the possibility of having indigenized varieties within new Englishes as a result of pro-mother tongue language policies coupled with the undying importance of English as a global language.

Moving towards Philippine ‘Englishes’[edit]

Earlier, it was claimed by Bautista (2004) that the data source where most Philippine English research is based is skewed towards Manila. This, along with other current Philippine English research (e.g. Bautista, 1996; Tinio 2013; Tayao, 2004; Tupas, 2004, 2016) implies that other varieties may be possible. Gonzales (2017) proposed that Philippine Englishes exist; his use of the term encompasses regional (e.g., Manila English) and social variations (e.g., yaya or nanny English, etc.). Indeed, the Philippines is too large to be represented by one standard Philippine English. It has, according to Lewis, Simons, and Fennig (2016), 183 documented languages. Adopting Thomason & Kaufman (1988), Muysken (1981, 1997, 2000), and Lefebvre’s (2004) subtratist framework, each of these languages may each have a different substratal impact on English, giving rise to possible Englishes. For example, Dumdum, Mo, and Mojares (2004) suggest a possible variety in Cebu. Within the notion of Irvine and Gal’s (2000) fractal recursivity, such Englishes may give rise to more Englishes in light of social variations, creating unique and sometimes overlapping Englishes. But in terms of regional variation, Villanueva (2016), without using the term ‘Philippine Englishes’, has somehow managed to conduct a pilot investigation on such regional variations by studying four macro-language-influenced varieties of English, particularly by analyzing theses and dissertations from four Philippine regions. What he discovered was groundbreaking, in that there were evidence of significant differences among these four varieties or Englishes, although his study, like many others, focused on the acrolectal variety. Nevertheless, with substantial evidence pointing toward the rise of local variations, Philippine Englishes do exist. And these Englishes provide many opportunities for further research in the field.

Types of Philippine Englishes[edit]

According to Wilkinson Gonzales[who?],[13][14] Philippine Englishes can be divided into three major types:

I. Regional substrate-influenced Englishes
A. Indigenous-language-based (e.g., Iloilo English)
B. Foreign-language-based (e.g., Philippine Chinese English)

II. Social Englishes
A. Lectal Englishes (e.g., acrolectal Philippine English)
B. Occupation-based Englishes (e.g., Yaya English)
C. Fractalized Englishes (e.g., urban upper acrolectal Binondo Manila Philippine Chinese Business English)

III. Hybrid Englishes (e.g., Taglish, Conyo English, and Hokaglish[15])

Schneider's Dynamic Model[edit]

Gonzales[who?] claims that Philippine Englishes is at Stage 5 or differentiation of Edgar Schneider's model. He places Philippine English in the same level as Australian English or New Zealand English.[citation needed]

Industries based on English[edit]

The abundant supply of English speakers and competitive labor costs have enabled the Philippines to become a choice destination for foreign companies wishing to establish call centers and other outsourcing.[16][17][18] English proficiency sustains a major call center industry, and as of 2005, America Online (AOL) has 1,000 people in what used to be the US Air Force's Clark Air Base in Angeles City answering ninety percent of their global e-mail inquiries. Citibank does its global ATM programming in the country, and Procter & Gamble has over 400 employees in Makati, a central Manila neighborhood, doing back office work for their Asian operations including finance, accounting, Human Resources and payments processing. See Call center industry in the Philippines

An influx of foreign students, principally from South Korea, has also led to growth in the number of English language learning centers,[19] especially in Metro Manila, Baguio City and Metro Cebu.

Recently, the Spanish Ministry for External Affairs and the Japanese government decided to hire speakers of the Philippine English as Language Assistants for their own respective countries.

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ https://www.researchgate.net/publication/307896694_Philippine_Englishes_A_timely_or_premature_call
  2. ^ Author David Crystal remarks that English is used in technical contexts for intelligibility, and Taglish is used in social contexts for identity, noting that similar situations exist in other countries (e.g., as with Singlish). See Crystal, David (2003). English as a Global Language (2, illustrated, revised ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 189. ISBN 0-521-53032-6 
  3. ^ Espinosa, Doray (1997). "English in the Philippines". Global Issues in Language Education. Language Institute of Japan (26): 9. Retrieved March 13, 2011. 
  4. ^ Rowthorn, Chris; Bloom, Greg (2006). Philippines. Lonely Planet Country Guide (9th ed.). Lonely Planet. ISBN 978-1-74104-289-4. 
  5. ^ "Tagalized Movie Channel on SKY". philstar.com. The Philippine Star. 23 November 2014. 
  6. ^ Isabel Pefianco Martin (April 12, 2008). "Fearing English in the Philippines". Philippine Daily Inquirer. Retrieved March 13, 2011. 
  7. ^ Gonzalez, A. (2009) The Transplantation of American English in Philippine Soil, in A Companion to the History of the English Language (eds H. Momma and M. Matto), Wiley-Blackwell, Oxford, UK. doi:10.1002/9781444302851.ch31
  8. ^ Examples: . "So if they see policemen about to conduct a security survey, they should ask me first because I will be the one who will know about it. They will have to talk to me,", "Security survey for Lapu banks suggested". Philippine daily Inquirer, citing Cebu Daily News. March 17, 2008. Retrieved 2008-09-03 ; . "If I will be the one who will talk and explain, that will be self-serving,", Anselmo Roque (January 18, 2007). "Ecija school faculty bares university exec's mess". Philippine Daily Inquirer. Retrieved 2008-09-03 ; . "Whoever wins on the issue of secret balloting will be the one who will win the speakership,", Norman Bordadora (July 22, 2007). "Arroyo can deliver SONA sans Speaker—Salonga". Philippine Daily Inquirer. Retrieved 2008-09-03 .
  9. ^ "Manobo". tripod.com. 
  10. ^ https://www.researchgate.net/publication/311769460_Philippine_Englishes
  11. ^ http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13488678.2016.1274574
  12. ^ https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Wilkinson_Daniel_Wong_Gonzales?ev=hdr_xprf&_sg=npYGBI9ZLqExfxv5DO3z2X9f-_8mOO3T7L47Ri834Nu3Jd5Py__x0-x1ZRicnQm8
  13. ^ http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13488678.2016.1274574
  14. ^ https://www.researchgate.net/publication/311769460_Philippine_Englishes
  15. ^ https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Wilkinson_Daniel_Wong_Gonzales?ev=hdr_xprf&_sg=npYGBI9ZLqExfxv5DO3z2X9f-_8mOO3T7L47Ri834Nu3Jd5Py__x0-x1ZRicnQm8
  16. ^ Carl Marc Ramota (2004). "Economic Woes Drive Bright Graduates to Call Centers". Bulatlat, http://www.bulatlat.com/. Retrieved March 13, 2011.  External link in |publisher= (help)
  17. ^ Diana G Mendoza (October 1, 2010). "Philippines: Call Centre Boom Breeds New Culture – and Risky Behaviour". Global Geopolitics & Political Economy, http://globalgeopolitics.net/. Retrieved March 13, 2011.  External link in |publisher= (help)
  18. ^ Carlos H. Conde (August 13, 2007). "English getting lost in translation in Philippines". The New York Times, http://www.nytimes.com/. Retrieved March 13, 2011.  External link in |publisher= (help)
  19. ^ Jonathan M. Hicap (September 13, 2009). "Koreans Flock to the Philippines to Learn English". Korea Times, http://www.koreatimes.co.kr. Retrieved March 13, 2011.  External link in |publisher= (help)

Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]