Plain of Jars

The Plain of Jars

ທົ່ງໄຫຫີນ
Plain of Jars: Site 1
Location of Plain of Jars and Xieng Khouang plain (blue shading)
Alternative name	Thong Hai Hin
Location	Xiangkhoang Plateau, Laos
Coordinates	19°25′52″N 103°9′9″E
Height	About 3 meters
History
Material	Stone
UNESCO World Heritage Site
Official name	Megalithic Jar Sites in Xiengkhuang – Plain of Jars
Criteria	Cultural: (iii)
Designated	2019 (43rd session)
Reference no.	1587
Region	Southeast Asia

The Plain of Jars (Lao: ທົ່ງໄຫຫີນ Thong Hai Hin, [tʰōŋ hǎj hǐn]) is a megalithic archaeological landscape in Laos. It consists of thousands of stone jars scattered around the upland valleys and the lower foothills of the central plain of the Xiangkhoang Plateau. The jars are arranged in clusters ranging in number from one to several hundred.

The Xiangkhoang Plateau is at the northern end of the Annamese Cordillera, the principal mountain range of Indochina. French researcher Madeleine Colani concluded in 1930 that the jars were associated with burial practices. Excavation by Lao and Japanese archaeologists in the intervening years has supported this interpretation with the discovery of human remains, burial goods and ceramics around the jars. Researchers (using optically stimulated luminescence) determined that the jars were put in place as early as 1240 to 660 BC. The jars at Site 1 (using detrital zircon geochronology) were determined to have been transported to their current location from a presumed quarry eight kilometers away. The Plain of Jars is one of the most important prehistoric sites in Southeast Asia.

Jar sites

Jars

More than 90 jar sites have been identified in Xiangkhouang Province. Today, UNESCO officially recognizes over 50 sites, but there are additional documented sites not officially recognized. Each site has between one and 400 stone jars. Documented sites now include over 2,100 jars. The jars vary in height and diameter between 1 m and 3 m and are all hewn from rock. Their shape is cylindrical, with the bottom always wider than the top.

Stone discs were also found. The discs differ from the lids, as they have at least one flat side. Previous theories that the discs could have been lids were disproved due to that none of the discs were found on top of a jar and none would fit on the tops of the jars. There are less discs found than jars, totaling at 200 discs. It is possible that the discs may have been used as burial markers, as the discs were found nearby jars or could have been placed on the ground to mark a burial pit. Some of the jars contained human remains. Evidence supporting that these discs were used as burial markers includes an extensive network of intentionally placed and largely unworked stones marking elaborate burial pits and chambers to the north of Xiangkhouang, known as the "standing stones of Huaphanh." These have been dated to the Bronze Age.

Disc with anthropomorphic figure.

Iconography is found on many of the discs. These images consist of both anthropomorphic and zoomorphic representations. The anthropomorphic, or human-like, figures are more uniform than the zoomorphic, or animal-like, images. The anthropomorphic figures are almost all "spread-eagle" with straight or bent legs. Zoomorphic figures include tigers, monkeys, and other animals. Of the jars, only one jar has been found with iconography carved into it. This jar from Site 1 has a human "frogman" bas-relief carved on the exterior. Parallels between the "frogman" and the rock painting at Huashan in Guangxi, China, have been drawn. The Chinese paintings, which depict large full-frontal images of humans with arms raised and knees bent, date to 500 BC–200 CE.

The most investigated and visited Jar site is close to the town of Phonsavan, and is known as Site 1. Seven jar sites have now been cleared of unexploded bombs and are open to visitors. These are currently sites 1, 2 and 3, and Site 16 near the old capital Xieng Khouang; Site 23, near the big hot spring in Muang Kham; Site 25 in the largely unvisited Phou Kout District; and Site 52, the largest known jar site to date with 392 jars near a traditional Hmong village only accessible by foot.

Archaeological Research

The earliest documented archaeological research began with Madeleine Colani in 1935, who documented 21 sites and gave them each names. Colani documented additional possible sites, but later research often had trouble locating these sites due to differences in metric degree systems. The most well-known of the sites that Colani identified is Site 1, also known as Ban Ang. In Colani's initial excavation around 20 jars, spindle whorls, ear discs, glass beads, and bronze and iron tools, knives, and jewelry were found. Human remains and glass beads were found in some of the jars.

Plain of Jars, Site 1

Colani also recorded and excavated at twelve Plain of Jars sites and published two volumes with her findings in 1935. Colani concluded that the Plain of Jars was an Iron Age burial site. Inside the jars she found, embedded in black organic soil, coloured glass beads and burnt teeth and bone fragments, sometimes from more than one individual. Around the stone jars, she found human bones, pottery fragments, iron and bronze objects, glass and stone beads, ceramic weights and charcoal. The bone and teeth inside the jars show signs of cremation, while the burials surrounding the jars yield unburnt secondary burial bones.

No further archaeological research was conducted until November 1994, when Professor Eiji Nitta of Kagoshima University and Lao archaeologist Thongsa Sayavongkhamdy surveyed and mapped Site 1. Nitta claimed that the surrounding burial pits were contemporaneous to the jars, as they were cut into the surface on which the jars had been placed. Nitta believed the jars were symbolic monuments to mark the surrounding burials. He dated the Plain of Jars to the late second or early first millennium BC based on the burial urn and associated grave goods. Sayavongkhamdy undertook surveys and excavations between 1994 and 1996, supported by the Australian National University. Sayavongkhamdy and Peter Bellwood interpreted the stone jars as a central person's primary or secondary burial, surrounded by secondary burials of family members. Archaeological data collected during bomb clearance operations supervised by UNESCO archaeologist Julie Van Den Bergh in 2004–2005 and again in 2007 provided similar archaeological results. Like Nitta, Van Den Bergh concluded that the jars and surrounding burials were contemporaneous.

Megalithic jars at Site 1.

Archaeological research conducted by Dougald O'Reilly, et al. in 2018 that covered 59 sites under the Safeguarding the Plain of Jars Project, or the SPJP's, report and dozens of undocumented and possible sites, revealed that jar sites were typically built in mountainous areas and most don't have many jars, with 16 sites having between 20-60 jars and only three sites with over 200 jars. Six rim styles were identified: flat rim, recessed inner rim, outer rim, recessed inner rim with an outer rim, prominent rim, and collar rim.

Jar Geology

The jars lie in clusters on the lower foothills and ridges of the hills surrounding the central plateau and upland valleys. Several quarry sites have been recorded, usually close to the jar sites. Five rock types have been identified: sandstone, granite, conglomerate, limestone and breccia. It is assumed that Plain of Jars people used iron chisels to manufacture the jars, although no conclusive evidence for this exists. Regional differences in jar shape have been noted. While the differences in most cases can be attributed to choice and manipulation of rock source, some differences in form (such as variations in the placement of jar apertures) appear to be unique to specific sites.

The majority of the jars are sandstone. The largest jars are made of sandstone and they are not found in plains or lowland areas. These large sandstone jars may only be found in more mountainous areas due to the more intensive techniques in quarrying and moving that were required for large jars, as opposed to small jars. A mountainous location would also allow for a close proximity to quarries.

Granite jars have only been found in one province, the Khun District, and are often found with a high degree of weathering. Many of the granite jars found have been very small, this might be due to the higher amount of time and effort required for cutting blocks from a granite rock mass.

Jars at Site 1.

Conglomerate jars are composed of a combination "medium gravel to cobble sized clasts set in a fine matrix," resulting in jars that are often found in very fragmented and poor condition.

Limestone jars have been found in two types: a weaker and a stronger variation. The weaker, honeycombed, brittle limestone exhibited more signs of weathering and were found in poor condition. The stronger, mid grey, reef limestone with fine-scale bedding exhibited less signs of weathering, but were still not found in the best condition. Not many sites have limestone jars, as they are only found at Site 39 (Ban Phonekham), Ban Tha, Site 41 (Phou En Kha), and Site 43 (Phu Hai Hin).

There is only one site where breccia jars are found: Ban Nom Hom. The site is located on a large-scale fault that resulted in a steep sided valley and hot springs found locally in the area that effected the composition and the separation of jars at the site.

Two principal iron ore deposits exist in Laos, both in Xiangkhouang. The presence and locations of the numerous jar sites in Xiangkhouang may relate to trading and mining activities. History has shown that Xiangkhouang, at the northern end of the Annamite Range, provides relative easy passage from the north and east to the south and west. Within the geographic setting of Xiangkhouang, the jar sites may reflect a network of intercultural villages, whereby the locations of the jars are associated with long-distance overland routes which connect the Mekong basin and the Gulf of Tonkin System. The jar sites show superficial regional differences, such as jar form, material, and the number of jars per site, but all share common setting characteristics such as burial practices, elevated locations, and commanding views over the surrounding area.

Mortuary Ritual

Jars at Site 1.

Human remains have been found at many of the Plain of Jars sites. Remains have been found both inside of and in secondary burials nearby jars. At Site 1, human remains were found in several stone jars and burial pits, occasionally underneath stone slabs. During an excavation in 2004 led by Van Den Burg, human remains were also found in two ceramic vessels. Later excavation in 2016 hoped to recover DNA from human remains found at Site 1 in order to find out the ethnicity of the people buried there. They also hoped to accurately date the remains, as there has been much difficultly in dating remains at the Plain of Jars due to many of the dates relating to the sites' jars, not the remains. However, their findings were not documented. Later bomb clearance operations did not involve emptying the jars and thus no additional evidence could be gathered, Van Den Bergh suggested that the stone jars initially may have been used to distill the dead bodies and that the cremated remains within the jars represent the most recent phase in the Plain of Jars. The jars with smaller apertures may reflect the diminishing need to place an entire body inside.

It was also suggested that the jars, as in traditional Southeast Asian royal mortuary practices, functioned as "distilling vessels", by R. Engelhardt and P. Rogers in 2001. In contemporary funerary practices followed by Thai, Cambodian, and Lao royalty, the corpse of the deceased is placed into an urn during the early stages of the funeral rites, at which time the soul of deceased is believed to be undergoing gradual transformation from the earthly to the spiritual world. The ritual decomposition is later followed by cremation and secondary burial.

The royal burials are across watercourses from the habitation areas in a geographically high, prominent area. Among the Black Thai people who have been in the region at least since the 11th century, the upper classes are cremated in the belief that it will release their spirits to heaven, while commoners are buried, leaving their spirits to remain on Earth.

Many of the human remains found at the Plain of Jars were cremated. Variations in the practices of cremation inside jars and secondary burials outside jars, as noted by Colani, have proven difficult to explain. The cremated remains seem to mainly belong to adolescents. A cave at Site 1 is a natural limestone formation with an opening to the northwest and two man-made holes at the top. These holes are thought to have been chimneys for a crematorium. Colani excavated inside the cave in the early 1930s and found material to support a crematorium theory.

Hierarchies Within

There is compelling evidence for social hierarchies and stratification within the ancient Iron Age civilization that created them. Variations in jar size, placement, and associated grave goods suggest that certain individuals held higher social status or special ritual significance. The labor and coordination required to quarry, carve, and transport these massive jars also point to an organized society with leadership and division of labor. Together, these features indicate a community with clear social differentiation rather than an egalitarian structure.

The jars and associated archaeological features provide evidence of these ancient cultural practices, including associated social hierarchies Multiple indicators point to a complex society with distinct social classes:

Differential Burial Practices

• In contemporary funerary practices followed by Thai, Cambodian, and Laotian royalty, the corpse of the deceased is placed into an urn during the early stages of the funeral rites, at which time the soul of deceased is believed to be undergoing gradual transformation from the earthly to the spiritual world. The ritual decomposition is later followed by cremation and secondary burial.
• The much larger jars were likely used as crematoriums because of the presence of burnt human remains and charcoal. This could be linked to ancient Laotian and Cambodian traditions where the bodies of elite members of society were placed in large urns to aid the soul's journey through the afterlife.
• Colani discovered a nearby cave housing human remains, such as burned bones and ash, leading her to believe that the jars were funeral urns for chieftains.

Variation in Jar Size and Quality

The jars themselves demonstrate hierarchical distinctions:

• Jars range from 1 to 3 meters in height, with some weighing up to 14 tons.
• The largest and most elaborately crafted jars were likely reserved for the most important members of society
• The jars are large, well-crafted, and required technological skill to produce and move from the quarry locations to the funerary sites.

Wealth and Trade Networks

Archaeological evidence suggests that the society responsible for the Plain of Jars was technologically advanced and economically connected to broader regional networks. The use of iron tools to craft the jars, along with the discovery of beads and bronze objects not local to the area, indicates that this civilization benefited from its position along trade routes linking China, Vietnam, and regions to the south. Excavations have uncovered a wide range of burial goods; including glass and carnelian beads, iron and bronze tools and ornaments, ceramic vessels, spindle whorls, and ground stone artifacts, demonstrating both social complexity and access to imported materials. Additional finds such as ceramic ear-discs, weights, charcoal, and burnt teeth and bone fragments further highlight the diversity of mortuary practices and the specialized craft production present within the community.

Labor Organization

The construction of the jar sites required significant social organization, as the stone used for the jars was quarried and transported over long distances. Jars at Site 1, for example, were shown through detrital zircon geochronology to have been moved from a quarry located about eight kilometers away, while another quarry nearly 100 kilometers distant appears to have supplied stone for additional jars. Transporting stones that could weigh up to 14 tons across rugged terrain would have demanded coordinated labor forces and advanced logistical planning. The technological skill needed to carve and shape these massive vessels further suggests the presence of specialized craftspeople. These collective efforts imply a socially stratified community capable of mobilizing large groups for communal projects. Some scholars also propose that the movement to and from these sites may have been connected to ritual activities, such as ancestor worship or pilgrimage. Additionally, the placement of jar sites on ridges, spurs, and other elevated landscape features with wide views over surrounding lowlands may reflect displays of territorial control or social power.

Age and Gender Patterns

Excavations at Site 1 have revealed notable demographic patterns among the burials. The remains include individuals of all ages and both sexes, with more than 60 percent of those interred being under fifteen years old. Some accounts note that many of the recovered remains belonged to women and children, and the cremated remains found inside several jars appear to be primarily those of adolescents. These patterns may reflect variations in burial practices based on age or social status, as well as broader social or environmental factors such as ritual activity, episodes of disease, or the differential treatment of children and adults within Iron Age mortuary traditions.

Legends and local history

Hmong women and girls climbing on one of the jars at Site 1

The most prominent local legend associated with the Plain of Jars involves a race of giants who once inhabited the Xiangkhoang Plateau in Laos. Their king, known as Khun Cheung (also referred to as Khun Jeuam or Khun Jeuang), is said to have fought a long and ultimately victorious battle against an enemy, often identified as the evil king Chao Angka^[4]. To celebrate his victory, Khun Cheung supposedly created the enormous jars to brew and store vast amounts of 'rice wine' , known locally as llau hai (lau means “alcohol” and hai means “jar”). The largest jars were reserved for the most important giants, with the biggest jar of all intended for the king himself.

Another element of the legend holds that the jars were molded from natural materials, including clay, sand, sugar, and animal products in a type of stone mix. This led locals to believe that the cave at Site 1 functioned as a kiln where the jars were fired, rather than being hewn from solid stone. While the legend places Khun Cheung around the 6th century CE, archaeological evidence shows that the jars existed at least 1,000 years before his supposed reign. Thus, while these stories are an integral part of local culture, they cannot be confirmed through material evidence.

Alternative Local Explanations

Beyond the giant king legend, local traditions offer other explanations for the jars' purpose:

The Natural Materials Theory: Another story claims that the jars were made from natural materials such as clay, sand, sugar and animal products before being fired in a giant kiln built inside a cave. This led locals to believe the cave at Site 1 was actually a kiln, though archaeological evidence shows it was more likely used as a crematorium.

The Rainwater Collection Theory: Yet another tradition holds that the jars were constructed to gather monsoon rainwater to supply locals and travellers in areas where fresh water was not readily available. This explanation is more creditable than the race of giants – and could even account for the presence of beads and other objects inside the jars, as travellers could have placed them inside as offerings to bring rainfall.

Cultural Significance and Modern Beliefs

The jars continue to hold cultural and spiritual significance for local populations. During the 1964–1973 conflict, Buddha statues and gongs were placed inside a sandstone jar at Ban Boua village for protection, and years later, these sacred objects were found intact, reinforcing beliefs in the jars’ protective power. When UNESCO researchers conducted village-to-village consultations, they discovered that villagers often considered the jars to be ordinary rocks in their backyards; only after learning of their historical and cultural importance did communities begin identifying previously unnoticed jars. This illustrates how local populations had long normalized the presence of these monuments, seeing them as natural features rather than significant archaeological artifacts. While legends emphasize celebration and the storage of rice wine, archaeological evidence overwhelmingly indicates that the jars primarily served mortuary and burial functions. The contrast between folklore and scientific findings highlights questions about cultural memory and the reinterpretation of ancient practices over time, with some researchers suggesting that the jars may have had multiple purposes, potentially reconciling both traditions.

Present day

Between May 1964 and the summer of 1969, the Plain of Jars was heavily bombed by the United States Air Force during the Secret War in Laos, targeting North Vietnamese and Pathet Lao forces.[1] Approximately one-third of the anti-personnel cluster bombs dropped did not explode, leaving a significant legacy of unexploded ordnance (UXO) that continues to threaten local populations. The presence of UXO has limited free movement, damaged jars, and restricted archaeological research for decades, as investigators risked their lives studying the sites.

The Mines Advisory Group, (MAG), in collaboration with UNESCO and funded by the New Zealand government, cleared unexploded bombs from the three most visited sites between 2004 and 2005, with further clearance in 2007 opening four additional jar sites. Despite these efforts, many areas remain contaminated, and tourism is limited to safe, marked pathways to prevent accidents.

On 6 July 2019, the Plain of Jars was inscribed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site, officially recognized as the Megalithic Jar Sites in Xiengkhuang – Plain of Jars. The designation covers 15 components and 1,325 jars (out of over 2,100 known), dating from 500 BCE to 500 CE, with some sites possibly as late as 800 CE. UNESCO recognizes the Plain of Jars as one of Southeast Asia’s most important prehistoric sites, reflecting the Iron Age civilization that created them.

Tourism has slowly developed, with seven jar sites declared safe for visitors, including Sites 1, 2, 3, 16, 23, 25, and 52. Site 1, the most visited, attracts approximately 9,000 visitors annually, though more remote sites receive fewer tourists. Phonsavan, the nearest town, provides access via bus or plane and offers infrastructure including guesthouses, restaurants, museums, and UXO information centers. Local communities benefit from tourism through revenue-sharing programs and increased economic opportunities, providing safer alternatives to scrap metal collection and supporting ongoing UXO clearance and conservation efforts.

Conservation challenges remain significant, including natural weathering, past war damage, vandalism, and development pressures.Management plans and heritage impact assessments are ongoing priorities to ensure sustainable preservation while balancing the needs of tourism and local livelihoods. Archaeological research continues, with surveys and excavations revealing new sites and providing further insights into the jars’ origins and purposes.

The Plain of Jars represents the intersection of ancient mystery and modern challenges, where prehistoric monuments endure amid the hazards of recent conflict, and where sustainable tourism and heritage preservation must coexist to safeguard the site for future generations.

See also

• Campaign Z
• Bomb Harvest
• List of megalithic sites
• Sa Huỳnh culture
• Giant jars of Assam

Sources

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• Skopal, N., Bounxaythip, S., Shewan, L., O'Reilly, D., Luangkhoth, T., & Van Den Bergh, J. 2020. "Jars of the Jungle: A Report on Newly Discovered and Documented Megalithic Jar Sites in Lao People's Democratic Republic." Asian Archaeology 3: 9–19. https://doi.org/10.1007/s41826-020-00030-6
• Stone, R. 2007. "Archaeology: Saving a Lost Culture's Megalithic Jars, Xieng Khouang, Laos." Science 315(5814): 934–935.
• Trip Jive. 2024, November 20. "Safeguarding Laos' Heritage: Plain of Jars Preservation." https://tripjive.com/safeguarding-laos-heritage-plain-of-jars preservation/
• UNESCO World Heritage Centre. (n.d.). "Megalithic Jar Sites in Xiengkhuang – Plain of Jars." https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1587/
• Van Den Bergh, Julie. 2007. "Safeguarding the Plain of Jars, an Overview." In Y. Goudineau and M. Lorrilard (eds.), Etudes thématiques 18. New Research on Laos – Recherches nouvelles sur le Laos.

Further reading

• Allman, T D (August 2015). "Laos Finds New Life After the Bombs". National Geographic. Archived from the original on 21 July 2017. Retrieved 16 May 2020.
• Boyne, Walter J. (1 June 1999). "The Plain of Jars". Air Force Magazine. Retrieved 16 May 2020.
• Branfman, Fred, ed. (2013). Voices from the Plain of Jars: Life Under an Air War. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 9780299292249. Retrieved 16 May 2020.
• Ciochon, Russell L. (15 June 2009). "Laos Plain of Jars in the Wake of American Bombing". The Asia-Pacific Journal. 7 (24–3). Retrieved 16 May 2020.

External links

• UNESCO website for the Plain of Jars and Safeguarding the Plain of Jars Project Archived 21 March 2020 at the Wayback Machine