Political agenda

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A political agenda is a list of subjects or problems to which government officials as well as individuals outside the government are paying serious attention at any given time.[1] It is most often shaped by political and policy elites, but can also be influenced by non-governmental activist groups, private sector lobbyists, think tanks, courts, and world events.[2]There are varying theories on who truly decides the political agenda including: pluralist theory, elitist theory, and institutional theory. Each have different basic assumptions.

The media is another factor that effects the political agenda. Global studies have found that when certain issues are covered more heavily in the media, such as through different news outlets like the radio or the newspaper, the issue is more likely to be discussed by members of parliament.[3] Media coverage has also been linked to the success of the rise of political parties and their ability to get their ideas on the agenda.[3] Although the media does often have an effect on the political agenda, these results are not always immediate. When there is a great time difference between decisions and results it is called a political agenda lag.

Political agenda is also strongly tied to state centralization. The more centralized a state, the more citizens will likely try and affect the political agenda.[4] For this reason, many political elites tend to prefer a non-centralized state where they can maintain more control over the political agenda.[4]

The “Political Agenda Effect” asserts that when citizens from different backgrounds get together, their agenda will change in a way that takes their demands away from elites to focus more on public goods.[4] The “Escalation Effect” contends that if citizens get together, this will induce elites to form national resources to fight against them and maintain the political agenda the way they desire.[4]

The impact agenda is the increasing requirements for researchers to prove that there are real world impacts from their research. It is related to the political agenda because often governments measure a positive real world impact only in terms of the political agenda they have. [5] When it comes to building the political agenda, there are three main models which are commonly cited: the outside initiative model, mobilization model, and inside initiative model.

What Players Affect the Political Agenda[edit]

Political and Policy Elites[edit]

The political agenda is essentially defined as what governmental officials find important to discuss.[6] Those closest to the policy process have the biggest control on what issues reach the political agenda. They are the ones with the most power to decide which ideas or issues have the most importance, and which ideas or issues are unimportant. For example, the President of the United States, has the power to make treaties, appoint ambassadors, appoint judges of the supreme court etc. These types of powers ultimately shape what voices are present in parliament and subsequently what issues reach the political agenda.[6]

Non-governmental Activist Groups[edit]

Some non-governmental activist groups, such as neighborhood associations, advocate for civic beautification or improvement of communities.[7] Many other important activist groups, like those oriented towards human rights and social justice, campaign for broad ideals. These groups work to put continuous pressure on government leaders that shape the agenda. If enough pressure is exerted onto political leaders through activist groups, it can change which issues and ideas ultimately reach the political agenda.  For example the American Bar Association (ABA) and the American Medical Association (AMA), usually try to influence politicians on professional jobs.[7]

Private Sector Lobbyists[edit]

Private sector lobbyists affect the political agenda by influencing the decisions and ideas of political leaders. When large-scale private corporations have a vested influence in a policy area, they can use their money and power to try to either keep or eliminate an issue from the political agenda. For example, private food lobbyist spent $101 Million in 2015 to fight against GMO Labeling and its prevalence on the political agenda.[8]

The power of private sector lobbyists is made even stronger with the trend of revolving door lobbyists. This is when those who previous worked within government and gained knowledge of it, then enter the private sector to lobby.[9] When those people who once served as public officials go into the private sector, they can work to influence their former colleagues. Stern’s study in 2009 found that since 1998, 43 percent of the 198 members of US Congress who left government to join private life have registered to lobby.[9]

Think tanks[edit]

Think tanks are in need of financial backing. Most times wealthy and established investors who wish to advance a certain idea or cause onto the political agenda establish them. These issues or causes may include: economics, taxes, foreign policy, global development, education, children and families, or healthcare.[10] Examples of think tanks that promote a certain political perspective onto the political agenda are the Heritage Foundation and American Enterprise Institute which are highly conservative. On the other side, the Center for American Progress, are more liberal with their motives.[10]

Courts[edit]

When the courts make a decision that changes a previous line of thinking, that idea immediately is on the political agenda because laws and public administration must change accordingly.[11] The Mabo decision by the High Court in 1992 which overturned previous laws about establishing native titles is an example of this.[11]

World Events[edit]

When something unexpected happens it can force the political agenda to change immediately. For example, when Hurricane Katrina or the World Trade Centre attacks occurred they were unexpected but priority changing events. When big world events (i.e. disasters/tragedies) occur they are often followed by a policy response as well, and so what issues and ideas reach the political agenda are sometimes changed simply due to what happened in the world.[11]

Varying Theories on Who Sets the Agenda[edit]

There are three main theories on how political agendas are set and which groups have the greatest say in the decisions regarding them. They are; the pluralist theory, the elitist theory, and the institutional theory.

The Pluralist theory[edit]

The pluralist theory suggests that policy-making is divided into several categories or “arenas”. Groups that do not have any power in one particular arena, most often have power in another arena. There is a marketplace for competing policies, and interests, and any group may win the arena. Elections often determine who gets to decide on each public policy.[12]

The Elitist Theory[edit]

In the elitist theory a main power elite dominates the entire agenda setting process to serve their own interests. These interests hold the power in all the arenas and they always win every election. There are very few people that actually organize into separate interest groups. In order to retain power and control, the main elite works at keeping key issues off the agenda. This suppression of issues threatens democracy.[12]

The Institutional Theory[edit]

This theory believes that legislative committees and bureaucratic institutions are the main controllers of the agenda.[12] Because social interests and issues have little impact on what is considered by the legislative committees and bureaucratic institutions, individuals benefit little from agenda decisions.[12] This type of system leads to more conservative policy decisions than those under the pluralist scenario, but less conservative than under the elite scenario.[12]

Political Agenda and the Media[edit]

The media is tightly linked to what issues gain importance on the political agenda. It affects what ideas become widespread and therefore what is demanded from politicians. Numerous studies have done research to prove this:

Hajo B Boomgaarden and Rens Vliegenthart write on the media’s relation to political agenda in their article Explaining the rise of anti-immigrant parties: The role of news media content.[13] In this article they study the media coverage on anti-immigration in the Netherlands for the period of 1990 to 2002 and found that it directly relates to the success of anti-immigration populist parties such as Centrumdemocraten (CD), the Centrum Partij (CP), and the Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF) during the same time period. Their analysis used the importance of news media as the explanatory factor of why anti-immigration gained prevalence on the political agenda, while controlling for other real world factors and developments at the time such as the influence of the economy, immigration, or the leadership of then President Pim Fortuyn. This was done by conducting a content analysis of five of the most popular Dutch national newspapers. The empirical results showed support of anti-immigration was around 4% in 1994, and rose to 16% in 2001 during the same time that media coverage of anti-immigration was at its peak. This means, the test showed that media content can be held at least partly responsible for the rise of anti-immigrant parties in the Netherlands and the changing of the political agenda in this way.[13]

A similar study done by Julie Sevenans, Stefaan Walgrave & Gwendolyn Joanna Epping compares the behavior of politicians in comparison to the media on a global scale.[3] The study was completed during one week, in Flemish Belgium. Every day, eight news outlets were studied and fully coded for a total of 2448 cases.[3]The study looked at individual politicians cognitive attention for these specific news stories, via a face-to face survey of MPs to see if they recalled, hadtalked about, or considered the content covered in these news outlets. [3] The results showed that the prominence and usefulness of a news story affect whether a news story is noticed, talked about or considered by MPs.[3] This work showed that political agenda-setting effects most likely begin from the selective adoption on the cognitive, and individual level of MPs. Politicians both consume the news much how regular citizens by paying more attention the most prominent stories. However, they are also selective in that they pay the most attention to news that is political in nature or match their interests. More specifically, politicians pay more attention to: news that is more prominent, about the region their parliament is responsible for, issues they are personally specialized in, news about issues that are salient for their party, and news about politics.[3] All of these claims were confirmed by statistical analysis. Relating to the political agenda, the implications of the fact that MPs care so much about media reports are twofold: some MPs may think media coverage is reflective of public opinion, while others may feel the media affect what the public sees as important.[3] In either case, politicians are interpreting that the public cares about major news stories and taking this into account when setting the political agenda.

George Edwards and Dan Wood conducted a time series analysis of presidential, mass media and congressional attention to five political issues: crime, education, health care, U.S.-Soviet relations, and the Arab-Israeli conflict.[14] The end conclusion was that most of the time presidents react corresponding to fluctuations in media attention on an issue.[14]It too showed a relationship between the media and political agenda.

Political Agenda Lag[edit]

Although the media does often have an effect on the political agenda, these results are not always immediate. Dearing and Rogers (1996)[13] conducted a study on this and concluded that time lags from what is in the media transferring in the political agenda can take up to a few weeks to several months.[13]

Political Agenda and State Centralization[edit]

The political agenda is tied to state centralization because the more centralized a state is, the more political elites have control over the political agenda. However if a state is too centralized, the more the public may feel they need they need to advocate to change the political agenda as well.[4] The Political Agenda can be further broken down into two concepts: the political agenda effect, and the escalation effect.

The Political Agenda Effect[edit]

The political agenda effect states that state centralization alters the dynamics of political action and conflict in society. State centralization, which involves elites coordinating nationally, induces citizens to organize nationally as well, rather than at the local or the “parochial” level. When this happens and citizens from different regions, sectors, interests, backgrounds, or ethnicity all join together to organize and discuss certain policies their agenda will change in a direction that switches their demands from power-holders to focus more on public goods.[4] In this case then a state that has a higher level of centralization it may incite citizens to try and change the agenda themselves. Therefore, political elites might instead prefer a non-centralized state where they can still maintain more control over the political agenda.[4] Elites may strategically opt for a non-centralized state in order to induce the citizens to not organize nationally and thus avert the political agenda effect.

The Escalation Effect[edit]

The “Escalation Effect” contends that if citizens get together, it will force elites to form national resources to fight against them and maintain the political agenda the way they desire.[4] In the case that citizens band together in a national organization, this will entice political elites to also form a national organization and pool their resources together in attempt to fight against the citizens.[4] National organizations created by citizens might have a lower probability of success in comparison to organizations formed by elites, but in either case they will still indirectly benefit the weaker citizen groups, who would have otherwise remained unorganized. An escalation of the conflict can be seen as ensuing in this scenario.[4]

The Impact Agenda[edit]

The beginnings of the concept of the “impact agenda” can be traced to William Waldegrave’s 1993 white paper “Realizing Our Potential”.[5] The impact agenda describes how there are increasing requirements set out by the state for researchers to relate their studies to real world issues in order to validate their research and access government funding. This is shown by the fact that the Biological and Sciences Research Council announced in 2012 that it expects its institutes to detail impact. This idea has been heavily criticized by scientists for allowing non-scientists to pick winners and losers and for constraining researchers to only create an impact that is aligned with the government's political agenda.[5]

Models of Political Agenda Building[edit]

Roger Cobb, Jennie Keith Ross and Marc Howard Ross developed the “models of agenda building” theory to specify three different models: the outside initiative model, mobilization model, and inside initiative model. These models are designed to show the different ways the political agenda changes.[15] The study related success of an idea being translated from the "public agenda" (being discussed regularly) to the “formal agenda” (government taking serious considerations into making changes in that specific area).[15] Success in this study meant an issue was placed on the formal agenda and given attention by decision makers. Results showed that achieving agenda status is more difficult in modern nations than in smaller nations rooted in face-to-face interaction.[15] More specifically:

  1. The more homogeneous a society is, the higher the ability to achieve agenda status[15]
  2. A higher internal migration rate and population increase, means achieving agenda status will be more difficult[15]
  3. The higher amount of potential agendas in which a specific issue may be placed, the higher the success rate of reaching the political agenda[15]
  4. The fewer issues around redistribution of material resources in a given society, the greater the chance of reaching the political agenda[15]

The study also found that there are components of political agendas that hold true across nations and across different models:

  1. The greater the proportion of issues not reaching the formal agenda, the higher the level of discontent and political instability within the wider community[15]
  2. As the time gap between an issue being raised and it reaching formal agenda status increases, so does public instability[15]

Outside initiative model[edit]

The outside initiative model discusses the process where issues arise in non-governmental organizations and then are expanded to reach the formal agenda.[15]The order of events starts with a grievance, an expansion of interest supported by nongovernmental groups, and then an exertion of pressure onto decision makers.[15] It is about the process through which issues arise in non-governmental groups and are then expanded sufficiently to reach, first the public agenda and then the formal agenda. The outside initiative model is most prevalent in egalitarian societies.[15]

The mobilization model[edit]

The mobilization model is focused around political agenda issues that are initiated within government and subsequently reach the public agenda and formal agenda status. Its focus is on the internal mechanism and how politicians work to get ideas formalized onto the agenda. However, success in implementation does require support from the public under this model as well.[15] The mobilization model is most commonly linked with hierarchical societies, or those societies which emphasize a wide gap between the leader and his or her followers.[15]

Inside initiative model[edit]

The inside initiative model describes when issues are initiated within government, but supporters make no effort effort to expand it to the public.[15] It is a model that is opposed to public participation. Instead, supporters of the issues rely solely on their own ability to apply the right amount of pressure to ensure formal agenda status. The inside access model is most often seen in societies with high concentrations of wealth and status.[15]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ "Handbook of Public Policy Analysis" (PDF). 
  2. ^ Hanif, Joe Sandler Clarke & Faisal (2015-03-26). "Live Q&A: How can NGOs lobby effectively to impact the political agenda?". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 2017-03-29. 
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h Sevenans, Julie (2016). "How Political Elites Process Information From the News: The Cognitive Mechanisms Behind Behavioral Political Agenda-Setting Effects". Political Communication. 33: 605–627. 
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Acemoglu, Daron (2016). "The Political Agenda Effect and State Centralization" (PDF). NBER. 
  5. ^ a b c Smith, Adam (2012-06-01). "Making an impact: when science and politics collide". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 2017-03-30. 
  6. ^ a b Linder, Doug. "Presidential Powers under the U. S. Constitution". law2.umkc.edu. Retrieved 2017-03-29. 
  7. ^ a b Forum, James Paul - Global Policy. "NGOs and Global Policy-Making". www.globalpolicy.org. Retrieved 2017-03-29. 
  8. ^ "Food Lobby Spends $101 Million in 2015 to Avert GMO Labeling". EWG. Retrieved 2017-03-29. 
  9. ^ a b "Impact Of Lobbyists On Public Policies Politics Essay". UKEssays. Retrieved 2017-03-29. 
  10. ^ a b "How Think Tanks Represent Causes and Agendas in Washington, D.C. - dummies". dummies. Retrieved 2017-03-29. 
  11. ^ a b c Gallop, Geoff (2011-03-15). "Who sets the agenda in politics?". The Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved 2017-03-29. 
  12. ^ a b c d e "PPA 590 WOMEN & PUBLIC POLICY". 2002. 
  13. ^ a b c d Boomgaarden, Hajo G.; Vliegenthart, Rens. "Explaining the rise of anti-immigrant parties: The role of news media content". Electoral Studies. 26 (2): 404–417. doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2006.10.018. 
  14. ^ a b Edwards, George (1999). Who influences whom? The president, Congress, and the media. Cambridge University Press. 
  15. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Cobb, Roger; Ross, Jennie-Keith; Ross, Marc Howard (1976-01-01). "Agenda Building as a Comparative Political Process". The American Political Science Review. 70 (1): 126–138. doi:10.2307/1960328.