There are many variants of communism, such as anarchist communism, Marxist schools of thought (including Leninism and its offshoots), and religious communism. These ideologies share the analysis that the current order of society stems from the capitalisteconomic system and mode of production; they believe that there are two major social classes under capitalism, that the relationship between them is exploitative, and that it can only be resolved through social revolution. The two classes under capitalism are the proletariat (working class), who make up most of the population and sell their labor power to survive, and the bourgeoisie (owning class), a minority that derives profit from employing the proletariat through private ownership of the means of production. Some variants additionally emphasize feudal classes, such as the peasantry and feudal lords, or other classes. According to this, a communist revolution would put the working class in power, and establish common ownership of property, the primary element in the transformation of society towards a socialist mode of production.
The Communist Party of Indonesia (Indonesian: Partai Komunis Indonesia, PKI) was a political party in Indonesia. With growing popular support and a membership of about 3 million by 1965, the PKI was the strongest communist party outside the Soviet Union and China. The party had a firm base in various mass organizations, estimates claim that the total membership of the party and its frontal organizations might have at its peak organized a fifth of the Indonesian population. In March 1962 PKI joined the government. PKI leaders Aidit and Njoto were named advisory ministers.
Following the military coup in 1965, between 300,000 and one million Indonesians were killed in the mass killings that followed as the new regime cracked down on PKI. A CIA study of the events in Indonesia assessed that "In terms of the numbers killed the anti-PKI massacres in Indonesia rank as one of the worst mass murders of the 20th century...".
Li Dazhao (29 October 1888 – 28 April 1927) was a Chinese intellectual who co-founded the Communist Party of China with Chen Duxiu in 1921. Li was born in Laoting (a county of Tangshan), Hebei province to a peasant family. He began his high school education at Tangshan Number 1 High School in 1905. From 1913 to 1917 Li studied political economy at Waseda University in Japan before returning to China in 1918.
As a leading intellectual in the New Culture Movement, Li was recruited by Cai Yuanpei to head the library at Peking University. In this position he influenced a number of students in the May Fourth Movement, including Mao Zedong, who worked in the library's reading room. Li was among the first of the Chinese intellectuals to look to China's villages as a basis for a political movement and was among the earliest to explore the Bolshevik government in the Soviet Union as a possible model for China's reform. Even as late as 1921, however, he still maintained warm relations with other New Culture figures such as Hu Shi.
By many accounts, Li was a nationalist and believed that the peasantry in China were to play an important role in China's revolution. As with many intellectuals of his time, the roots of Li's revolutionary thinking were actually mostly in Kropotkin's communist anarchism, but after the events of the May Fourth Movement and the failures of the anarchistic experiments of many intellectuals, like his compatriots, he turned more towards Marxism. Of course, the success of the Bolshevik Revolution was a major factor in the changing of his views. In later years, Li combined both his original nationalist and newly acquired Marxist views in order to contribute a strong political view to China.
...that Moscow City Hall, built in the 1890s to the tastes of the Russian bourgeoisie, was converted by Communists into the Central Lenin Museum after its rich interior decoration had been plastered over.
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For the sake of history and the right characterisation of the relationship between the C.C. and Lenin, it is desirable once more to describe clearly a series of “differences” between Lenin and the C.C. which existed in the period from July to October. After the July days, Lenin proposed to withdraw the slogan: “All Power to the Soviets,” until power had been seized and then to create new Soviets. Lenin’s proposal was not accepted in this categorical form. Kornilov’s conspiracy which again made it possible for the Bolsheviki successfully to resume the work of winning over the majority of the Soviets, proves that the careful line of action taken by the C.C. to which Lenin also later on subscribed, was right. In connection with this there was still another difference of opinion. Lenin advised making the Party apparatus illegal, and making arrangements for the publication of an illegal newspaper; he did not believe it possible that the legal organ of the C.C. in Petrograd could be kept up any longer. On the other hand, the C.C. resolved to keep up the open organisations and the legal Press, combining, of course, wherever it was necessary “legality” with “conspiracy.” It was possible shortly after the June days to hold the 6th Party Session in Petrograd with a minimum of conspiratory precautions. The counterrevolution was not yet well enough organised and united to be able to suppress our Press, and organisation effectively. The organ of the C.C. was forbidden, but it soon re-appeared under another name, etc. In the days of the Kornilov adventure, Lenin wrote an article “On Compromises.” The editor of the central organ was opposed to the publication of the article on the grounds that in his opinion the situation was not such as to give a motive for a “suggestion for compromise.” Lenin insisted on the publication of the article—it appeared two days later in the Rabotschi Putj. On this occasion, right was, of course, on the side of Lenin, and not of the editor of the central organ, which wished to take a course “slightly more to the left” than Lenin.
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