|Modern Standard Mandarin|
|普通话 / 普通話 Pǔtōnghuà
国语 / 國語 Guóyǔ
华语 / 華語 Huáyǔ
|Native to||China, Taiwan, Singapore|
|(has begun acquiring native speakers cited 1988, 2014)
L2 speakers: 7% of China (2014)
Mainland Chinese Braille
Two-Cell Chinese Braille
Official language in
|Regulated by||National Language Regulating Committee (China)
National Languages Committee (Taiwan)
Promote Mandarin Council (Singapore)
Chinese Language Standardisation Council (Malaysia)
|Common name in China|
|Literal meaning||Common speech|
|Common name in Taiwan|
|Literal meaning||National language|
|Common name in Singapore and Southeast Asia|
|Literal meaning||Chinese language|
Standard Chinese, also known as Modern Standard Mandarin, Standard Mandarin, or simply Mandarin, is a standard variety of Chinese that is the sole official language of both China and Taiwan (de facto), and also one of the four official languages of Singapore. Its pronunciation is based on the Beijing dialect, its vocabulary on the Mandarin dialects, and its grammar is based on written vernacular Chinese.
Like other varieties of Chinese, Standard Chinese is a tonal language with topic-prominent organization and subject–verb–object word order. It has more initial consonants but fewer vowels, final consonants and tones than southern varieties. Standard Chinese is an analytic language, though with many compound words.
There exist two standardised forms of the language, namely Putonghua in Mainland China and Guoyu in Taiwan. Aside from a number of differences in pronunciation and vocabulary, Putonghua is written using simplified Chinese characters (plus Hanyu Pinyin romanization for teaching), while Guoyu is written using traditional Chinese characters (plus Zhuyin for teaching). There are many characters that are identical between the two systems.
- 1 Names
- 2 History
- 3 Current role
- 4 Phonology
- 5 Grammar
- 6 Vocabulary
- 7 Writing system
- 8 Examples
- 9 See also
- 10 References
- 11 Further reading
- 12 External links
In Chinese, the standard variety is known as:
- Pǔtōnghuà (普通话; 普通話; "common speech") in the People's Republic of China, as well as Hong Kong and Macau;
- Guóyǔ (國語; "national language") in Taiwan;
- Huáyǔ (华语; 華語; "Chinese language") in Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines and the rest of Southeast Asia; and
- Hànyǔ (汉语; 漢語; "language of the Han tribe") in the United States and elsewhere in the Chinese diaspora.
Standard Chinese is also commonly referred to by generic names for "Chinese", notably 中文; Zhōngwén; "Middle [i.e. Chinese] writing" and 中国话; 中國話; Zhōngguóhuà; "Middle Kingdom [i.e. China] speech" (compare 英文; Yīngwén; "English writing" for English, and 英国; Yīngguó; "English country [i.e. England]"). In total, there have been known over 20 various names for the language.
Putonghua and Guoyu
The term Guoyu had previously been used by non-Han rulers of China to refer to their languages, but in 1909 the Qing education ministry officially applied it to Mandarin, a lingua franca based on northern Chinese varieties, proclaiming it as the new "national language".
The name Putonghua also has a long, albeit unofficial, history. It was used as early as 1906 in writings by Zhu Wenxiong to differentiate a modern, standard Chinese from classical Chinese and other varieties of Chinese.
For some linguists of the early 20th century, the Putonghua, or "common tongue/speech", was conceptually different from the Guoyu, or "national language". The former was a national prestige variety, while the latter was the legal standard.[clarification needed]
Based on common understandings of the time, the two were, in fact, different. Guoyu was understood as formal vernacular Chinese, which is close to classical Chinese. By contrast, Putonghua was called "the common speech of the modern man", which is the spoken language adopted as a national lingua franca by conventional usage.
The use of the term Putonghua by left-leaning intellectuals such as Qu Qiubai and Lu Xun influenced the People's Republic of China government to adopt that term to describe Mandarin in 1956. Prior to this, the government used both terms interchangeably.
In Taiwan, Guoyu (national language) continues to be the official term for Standard Chinese. The term Guoyu however, is less used in the PRC, because declaring a Beijing dialect-based standard to be the national language would be deemed unfair to speakers of other varieties and to the ethnic minorities. The term Putonghua (common speech), on the contrary, implies nothing more than the notion of a lingua franca.
During the government of a pro-Taiwan independence coalition (2000–2008), Taiwan officials promoted a different reading of Guoyu as all of the "national languages", meaning Hokkien, Hakka and Formosan as well as Standard Chinese.
Huayu, or "language of the Chinese nation", originally simply meant "Chinese language", and was used in overseas communities to contrast Chinese with foreign languages. Over time, the desire to standardise the variety of Chinese spoken in these communities led to the adoption of the name "Huayu" to refer to Mandarin.
This name also avoids choosing a side between the alternative names of Putonghua and Guoyu, which came to have political significance after their usages diverged along political lines between the PRC and the ROC. It also incorporates the notion that Mandarin is usually not the national or common language of the areas in which overseas Chinese live.
- Standard Chinese;
- all the Sinitic languages spoken by the so-called Han peoples.
This term, as well as Hànzú (汉族; 漢族; "Han nation"), is a realatively modern concept; it came into being with the rise of Chinese nationalism in the 19th and 20th centuries. A relative concept is Hànzì (汉字; 漢字; "Han characters").
The term "Mandarin" is a translation of Guānhuà (官话; 官話, literally "official's speech"), which referred to the lingua franca of the late Chinese empire. The Chinese term is obsolete as a name for the standard language, but is used by linguists to refer to the major group of Mandarin dialects spoken natively across most of northern and southwestern China.
In English, "Mandarin" may refer to the standard language, the dialect group as a whole, or to historic forms such as the late Imperial lingua franca. The name "Modern Standard Mandarin" is sometimes used by linguists who wish to distinguish the current state of the shared language from other northern and historic dialects.
The Chinese have different languages in different provinces, to such an extent that they cannot understand each other.... [They] also have another language which is like a universal and common language; this is the official language of the mandarins and of the court; it is among them like Latin among ourselves.... Two of our fathers [Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci] have been learning this mandarin language...
Chinese has long had considerable dialectal variation, hence prestige dialects have always existed, and linguae francae have always been needed. Confucius, for example, used yǎyán (雅言; "elegant speech") rather than colloquial regional dialects; text during the Han dynasty also referred to tōngyǔ (通语; "common language"). Rime books, which were written since the Northern and Southern dynasties, may also have reflected one or more systems of standard pronunciation during those times. However, all of these standard dialects were probably unknown outside the educated elite; even among the elite, pronunciations may have been very different, as the unifying factor of all Chinese dialects, Classical Chinese, was a written standard, not a spoken one.
The Ming dynasty (1368–1644) and the Qing dynasty (1644–1912) began to use the term guānhuà (官话/官話), or "official speech", to refer to the speech used at the courts. The term "Mandarin" is borrowed directly from Portuguese. The Portuguese word mandarim, derived from the Sanskrit word mantrin "counselor or minister", was first used to refer to the Chinese bureaucratic officials. The Portuguese then translated guānhuà as "the language of the mandarins" or "the mandarin language".
In the 17th century, the Empire had set up Orthoepy Academies (正音书院/正音書院 Zhèngyīn Shūyuàn) in an attempt to make pronunciation conform to the standard. But these attempts had little success, since as late as the 19th century the emperor had difficulty understanding some of his own ministers in court, who did not always try to follow any standard pronunciation.
Before the 19th century, the standard was based on the Nanjing dialect, but later the Beijing dialect became increasingly influential, despite the mix of officials and commoners speaking various dialects in the capital, Beijing. By some accounts, as late as the early 20th century, the position of Nanjing Mandarin was considered to be higher than that of Beijing by some and the postal romanization standards set in 1906 included spellings with elements of Nanjing pronunciation. Nevertheless, by 1909, the dying Qing dynasty had established the Beijing dialect as guóyǔ (国语/國語), or the "national language".
As the island of Taiwan had fallen under Japanese rule per the 1895 Treaty of Shimonoseki, the term kokugo (Japanese: 國語, "national language") referred to the Japanese language until the handover to the ROC in 1945.
After the Republic of China was established in 1912, there was more success in promoting a common national language. A Commission on the Unification of Pronunciation was convened with delegates from the entire country. A Dictionary of National Pronunciation (国音字典/國音字典) was published in 1919, defining a hybrid pronunciation that did not match any existing speech. Meanwhile, despite the lack of a workable standardized pronunciation, colloquial literature in written vernacular Chinese continued to develop apace.
Gradually, the members of the National Language Commission came to settle upon the Beijing dialect, which became the major source of standard national pronunciation due to its prestigious status. In 1932, the commission published the Vocabulary of National Pronunciation for Everyday Use (国音常用字汇/國音常用字彙), with little fanfare or official announcement. This dictionary was similar to the previous published one except that it normalized the pronunciations for all characters into the pronunciation of the Beijing dialect. Elements from other dialects continue to exist in the standard language, but as exceptions rather than the rule.
After the Chinese Civil War, the People's Republic of China continued the effort, and in 1955, officially renamed guóyǔ as pǔtōnghuà (普通话/普通話), or "common speech". By contrast, the name guóyǔ continued to be used by the Republic of China which, after its 1949 loss in the Chinese Civil War, was left with a territory consisting only of Taiwan and some smaller islands. Since then, the standards used in the PRC and Taiwan have diverged somewhat, especially in newer vocabulary terms, and a little in pronunciation.
In 1956, the standard language of the People's Republic of China was officially defined as: "Pǔtōnghuà is the standard form of Modern Chinese with the Beijing phonological system as its norm of pronunciation, and Northern dialects as its base dialect, and looking to exemplary modern works in báihuà 'vernacular literary language' for its grammatical norms." By the official definition, Standard Chinese uses:
- The phonology or sound system of Beijing. A distinction should be made between the sound system of a variety and the actual pronunciation of words in it. The pronunciations of words chosen for the standardized language do not necessarily reproduce all of those of the Beijing dialect. The pronunciation of words is a standardization choice and occasional standardization differences (not accents) do exist, between Putonghua and Guoyu, for example.
- The vocabulary of Mandarin dialects in general. This means that all slang and other elements deemed "regionalisms" are excluded. On the one hand, the vocabulary of all Chinese varieties, especially in more technical fields like science, law, and government, are very similar. (This is similar to the profusion of Latin and Greek words in European languages.) This means that much of the vocabulary of Standard Chinese is shared with all varieties of Chinese. On the other hand, much of the colloquial vocabulary of the Beijing dialect is not included in Standard Chinese, and may not be understood by people outside Beijing.
- The grammar and idiom of exemplary modern Chinese literature, such as the work of Lu Xun, collectively known as "vernacular" (baihua). Modern written vernacular Chinese is in turn based loosely upon a mixture of northern (predominant), southern, and classical grammar and usage. This gives formal Standard Chinese structure a slightly different feel from that of street Beijing dialect.
In the early 1950s, this standard language was understood by 41% of the population of the country, including 54% of speakers of Mandarin dialects, but only 11% of people in the rest of the country. In 1984, the proportion understanding the standard language nationally rose to 90% and the proportion understanding the standard language among the speakers of Mandarin dialects rose to 91%. A survey conducted by the China's Education Ministry in 2007 indicated that 53.06% of the population were able to effectively communicate orally in Standard Chinese.
From an official point of view, Standard Chinese serves the purpose of a lingua franca—a way for speakers of the several mutually unintelligible varieties of Chinese, as well as the Chinese minorities, to communicate with each other. The very name Putonghua, or "common speech," reinforces this idea. In practice, however, due to Standard Chinese being a "public" lingua franca, other Chinese varieties and even non-Sinitic languages, have shown signs of losing ground to the standard.
China's Education Ministry published research on September, 2014, that only 70% percent of people of the PRC had good understanding and speaking skill of Putonghua despite the Chinese government promoting Putonghua on TV, radio and public services like buses to develop Putonghua as PRC official language to ease communication between all people of the PRC, because many ethnic groups had their own dialects, so it was problem to understand each other. To develop the Putonghua as the official common language of the PRC is difficult sometimes because some ethnic groups that are using other dialects don't like using the Putonghua because they think they are losing their own native dialect and cultural identity, for example, when in the summer of 2010 appeared some reports of increasing the using of the Putonghua on a local TV broadcasting in Cantonese dialect in the province of Guangdong, then thousands of Cantonese-speaking citizens were protesting on the demonstration against the plan.
In both China and Taiwan, the use of Mandarin as the medium of instruction in the educational system and in the media has contributed to the spread of Mandarin. As a result, Mandarin is now spoken fluently, though often with some regional or personal variation from the standard in terms of pronunciation or lexicon, by most people in mainland China and Taiwan. In 2014, the Ministry of Education estimated that about 70% of the population of China spoke Standard Mandarin to some degree, but only one tenth of those could speak it "fluently and articulately". However, there is a 20% difference in penetration between eastern and western parts of China and a 50% difference between urban and rural areas. In addition, there are still 400 million Chinese who are only able to listen and understand Mandarin and not able to speak it. Therefore, in China's 13th Five Year Plan, the general goal is to raise the penetration rate to over 80% by 2020.
Both mainland China and Taiwan use Standard Chinese in the official context and the governments are keen to promote its use as a national lingua franca. The PRC in particular has enacted a law (the National Common Language and Writing Law) which states that the government must "promote" Standard Mandarin. There is no explicit official intent to have Standard Chinese replace the regional varieties, but local governments have enacted regulations (such as the Guangdong National Language Regulations) which "implement" the national law by way of coercive measures to control the public use of regional spoken varieties and traditional characters in writing. In practice, some elderly or rural Chinese-language speakers do not speak Standard Chinese fluently, if at all, though most are able to understand it. But urban residents and the younger generations, who received their education with Standard Mandarin as the primary medium of education, are almost all fluent in a version of Standard Chinese, some to the extent of being unable to speak their local dialect.
In the predominantly Han areas in mainland China, while the use of Standard Chinese is encouraged as the common working language, the PRC has been somewhat sensitive to the status of minority languages and, outside the education context, has generally not discouraged their social use. Standard Chinese is commonly used for practical reasons, as, in many parts of southern China, the linguistic diversity is so large that neighboring city dwellers may have difficulties communicating with each other without a lingua franca.
In Taiwan, the relationship between Standard Chinese and other varieties, particularly Taiwanese Hokkien, has been more politically heated. During the martial law period under the Kuomintang (KMT) between 1949 and 1987, the KMT government revived the Mandarin Promotion Council and discouraged or, in some cases, forbade the use of Hokkien and other non-standard varieties. This produced a political backlash in the 1990s. Under the administration of Chen Shui-Bian, other Taiwanese varieties were taught in schools. The former President, Chen Shui-Bian, often spoke in Hokkien during speeches, while after the late 1990s, former President Lee Teng-hui, also speaks Hokkien openly.
In Hong Kong and Macau, which are now special administrative regions of the People's Republic of China, Cantonese is the primary language spoken by the majority of the population. Cantonese remains the official government language of Hong Kong and Macau. After Hong Kong's handover from the United Kingdom and Macau's handover from Portugal, Putonghua is the language used by the governments of the two territories to communicate with the Central People's Government of the PRC. There have been widespread efforts to promote usage of Putonghua in Hong Kong since the handover, with specific efforts to train police and teachers.
In Singapore, the government has heavily promoted a "Speak Mandarin Campaign" since the late 1970s, with the use of other Chinese varieties in broadcast media being prohibited and their use in any context officially discouraged until recently. This has led to some resentment amongst the older generations, as Singapore's migrant Chinese community is made up almost entirely of people of south Chinese descent. Lee Kuan Yew, the initiator of the campaign, admitted that to most Chinese Singaporeans, Mandarin was a "stepmother tongue" rather than a true mother language. Nevertheless, he saw the need for a unified language among the Chinese community not biased in favor of any existing group.
Mandarin is now spreading overseas beyond East Asia and Southeast Asia as well. In New York City, the use of Cantonese that dominated the Manhattan Chinatown for decades is being rapidly swept aside by Mandarin, the lingua franca of most of the latest Chinese immigrants.
Standard Chinese and the educational system
In both the PRC and Taiwan, Standard Chinese is taught by immersion starting in elementary school. After the second grade, the entire educational system is in Standard Chinese, except for local language classes that have been taught for a few hours each week in Taiwan starting in the mid-1990s.
In December 2004, the first survey of language use in the People's Republic of China revealed that only 53% of its population, about 700 million people, could communicate in Standard Chinese. This 53% is defined as a passing grade above 3-B (a score above 60%) of the Evaluation Exam.
With the fast development of the country and the massive internal migration in China, the standard Putonghua Proficiency Test has quickly become popular. Many university graduates in mainland China and Hong Kong take this exam before looking for a job. Employers often require varying proficiency in Standard Chinese from applicants depending on the nature of the positions. Applicants of some positions, e.g. telephone operators, may be required to obtain a certificate. People raised in Beijing are sometimes considered inherently 1-A (A score of at least 97%) and exempted from this requirement. As for the rest, the score of 1-A is rare. According to the official definition of proficiency levels, people who get 1-B (A score of at least 92%) are considered qualified to work as television correspondents or in broadcasting stations. 2-A (A score of at least 87%) can work as Chinese Literature Course teachers in public schools. Other levels include: 2-B (A score of at least 80%), 3-A (A score of at least 70%) and 3-B (A score of at least 60%). In China, a proficiency of level 3-B usually cannot be achieved unless special training is received. Even though many Chinese do not speak with standard pronunciation, spoken Standard Chinese is widely understood to some degree.
The China National Language And Character Working Committee was founded in 1985. One of its important responsibilities is to promote Standard Chinese proficiency for Chinese native speakers.
|Stops||unaspirated||p ⟨b⟩||t ⟨d⟩||ts ⟨z⟩||tʂ ⟨zh⟩||tɕ ⟨j⟩||k ⟨g⟩|
|aspirated||pʰ ⟨p⟩||tʰ ⟨t⟩||tsʰ ⟨c⟩||tʂʰ ⟨ch⟩||tɕʰ ⟨q⟩||kʰ ⟨k⟩|
|Nasals||m ⟨m⟩||n ⟨n⟩|
|Fricatives||f ⟨f⟩||s ⟨s⟩||ʂ ⟨sh⟩||ɕ ⟨x⟩||x ⟨h⟩|
|Approximants||w ⟨w⟩||l ⟨l⟩||ɻ~ʐ ⟨r⟩||j ⟨y⟩|
The palatal initials [tɕ], [tɕʰ] and [ɕ] pose a classic problem of phonemic analysis. Since they occur only before high front vowels, they are in complementary distribution with three other series, the dental sibilants, retroflexes and velars, which never occur in this position.
|ɹ̩ ⟨i⟩||ɤ ⟨e⟩||a ⟨a⟩||ei ⟨ei⟩||ai ⟨ai⟩||ou ⟨ou⟩||au ⟨ao⟩||ən ⟨en⟩||an ⟨an⟩||əŋ ⟨eng⟩||aŋ ⟨ang⟩||ɚ ⟨er⟩|
|i ⟨i⟩||ie ⟨ie⟩||ia ⟨ia⟩||iou ⟨iu⟩||iau ⟨iao⟩||in ⟨in⟩||ien ⟨ian⟩||iŋ ⟨ing⟩||iaŋ ⟨iang⟩|
|u ⟨u⟩||uə ⟨uo⟩||ua ⟨ua⟩||uei ⟨ui⟩||uai ⟨uai⟩||uən ⟨un⟩||uan ⟨uan⟩||uŋ ⟨ong⟩||uaŋ ⟨uang⟩|
|y ⟨ü⟩||ye ⟨üe⟩||yn ⟨un⟩||yen ⟨uan⟩||iuŋ ⟨iong⟩|
The rhotacized vowel [ɚ] forms a complete syllable. A reduced form of this syllable occurs as a sub-syllabic suffix, spelled -r in pinyin and often with a diminutive connotation. The suffix modifies the coda of the base syllable in a rhotacizing process called erhua.
Each full syllable is pronounced with a phonemically distinctive pitch contour. There are four tonal categories, marked in pinyin with iconic diacritic symbols, as in the words mā (妈/媽 "mother"), má (麻 "hemp"), mǎ (马/馬 "horse") and mà (骂/罵 "curse"). The tonal categories also have secondary characteristics. For example, the third tone is long and murmured, whereas the fourth tone is relatively short. Statistically, vowels and tones are of similar importance in the language.
There are also weak syllables, including grammatical particles such as the interrogative ma (吗/嗎) and certain syllables in polysyllabic words. These syllables are short, with their pitch determined by the preceding syllable.
It is common for Standard Chinese to be spoken with the speaker's regional accent, depending on factors such as age, level of education, and the need and frequency to speak in official or formal situations. This appears to be changing, though, in large urban areas, as social changes, migrations, and urbanization take place.
Due to evolution and standardization, Mandarin, although based on the Beijing dialect, is no longer synonymous with it. Part of this was due to the standardization to reflect a greater vocabulary scheme and a more archaic and "proper-sounding" pronunciation and vocabulary.
Distinctive features of the Beijing dialect are more extensive use of erhua in vocabulary items that are left unadorned in descriptions of the standard such as the Xiandai Hanyu Cidian, as well as more neutral tones. An example of standard versus Beijing dialect would be the standard mén (door) and Beijing ménr.
Most Standard Chinese as spoken on Taiwan differs mostly in the tones of some words as well as some vocabulary. Minimal use of the neutral tone and erhua, and technical vocabulary constitute the greatest divergences between the two forms.
The stereotypical "southern Chinese" accent does not distinguish between retroflex and alveolar consonants, pronouncing pinyin zh [tʂ], ch [tʂʰ], and sh [ʂ] in the same way as z [ts], c [tsʰ], and s [s] respectively. Southern-accented Standard Chinese may also interchange l and n, final n and ng, and vowels i and ü [y]. Attitudes towards southern accents, particularly the Cantonese accent, range from disdain to admiration.
Chinese is a very analytic or isolating language, having almost no inflectional morphemes. It follows a similar sentence structure to English, frequently forming sentences in the order subject-predicate. The predicate can be an intransitive verb, a transitive verb followed by a direct object, a linking verb followed by a predicate nominative, etc.
Chinese differs from English in distinguishing between names of things, which can stand as predicate nominatives, and names of characteristics. Names of characteristics (e.g., green) cannot follow linking verbs. There is not an equivalent to the English predicate adjective. Instead, abstract characterizations such as "green", "angry", "hot", etc., stand as complete predicates in their own right. For example, 我不累。Wǒ bú lèi. A word-for-word version in English might be "I not tired." Another common phrase, 你好 (nǐ hăo), demonstrates this feature; while it translates into English as "hello", the literal translation is "You good".
Chinese additionally differs from English in that it forms another kind of sentence by stating a topic and following it by a comment. To do this in English, speakers generally flag the topic of a sentence by prefacing it with "as for." For instance, one might say, "As for the money that Mom gave us, I have already bought candy with it." Note that the comment in this case is itself a complete sentence with subject, verb, and object. The Chinese version is simply, 妈妈给我们的钱,我已经买了糖果。Māma gěi wǒmen de qián, wǒ yǐjīng mǎile tángguǒ(r). This might be directly translated as "The money Mom gave us, I already bought candy," lacking a preface as in English.
Chinese does not inflect verbs for tense like English and other European languages. Instead it uses a combination of aspect markers for aspect and modality. In other words, it employs single syllables that indicate such things as (1) an action being expected or anticipated, (2) that the subject of the sentence has gone through some experience within a stated or implicit time period, (3) that a statement that was formerly not the case has now become true, i.e., that there has been a change of status, (4) that there still has not been a change in a condition previously noted, etc.
The time when something happens can be given by an explicit term such as "yesterday," by relative terms such as "formerly," etc.
Another major difference between the syntax of Chinese and languages like English lies in the stacking order of modifying clauses. 昨天发脾气的外交警察取消了沒有交钱的那些人的入境证。Zuótiān fāpíqì de wàijiāo jǐngchá qǔxiāole méiyǒu jiāoqián de nàxiē rén de rùjìngzhèng. Using the Chinese order in English, that sentence would be:
- "[Yesterday got angry] → foreign affairs policeman canceled [did not pay] → [those people]'s visas."
In more ordinary English order, that would be:
- "The foreign affairs policeman who got angry yesterday canceled the visas of those people who did not pay."
There are a few other features of Chinese that would be unfamiliar to speakers of English, but the features mentioned above are generally the most noticeable.
Although Chinese speakers make a clear distinction between Standard Chinese and the Beijing dialect, there are aspects of Beijing dialect that have made it into the official standard. Standard Chinese has a T–V distinction between the polite and informal "you" that comes from the Beijing dialect, although its use is quite diminished in daily speech. In addition, it also distinguishes between "zánmen" (we including the listener) and "wǒmen" (we not including the listener). In practice, neither distinction is commonly used by most Chinese, at least outside the Beijing area.
The following samples are some phrases from the Beijing dialect which are not yet accepted into Standard Chinese:
- 倍儿 bèir means 'very much'; 拌蒜 bànsuàn means 'stagger'; 不吝 bù lìn means 'do not worry about'; 撮 cuō means 'eat'; 出溜 chūliū means 'slip'; (大)老爷儿们儿 dà lǎoyermenr means 'man, male'.
The following samples are some phrases from Beijing dialect which have become accepted as Standard Chinese:
- 二把刀 èr bǎ dāo means 'not very skillful'; 哥们儿 gēménr means 'good male friend(s)', 'buddy(ies)'; 抠门儿 kōu ménr means 'frugal' or 'stingy'.
Standard Chinese is written with characters corresponding to syllables of the language, most of which represent a morpheme. In most cases, these characters come from those used in Classical Chinese to write cognate morphemes of late Old Chinese, though their pronunciation, and often meaning, has shifted dramatically over two millennia. However, there are several words, many of them heavily used, which have no classical counterpart or whose etymology is obscure. Two strategies have been used to write such words:
- An unrelated character with the same or similar pronunciation might be used, especially if its original sense was no longer common. For example, the demonstrative pronouns zhè "this" and nà "that" have no counterparts in Classical Chinese, which used 此 cǐ and 彼 bǐ respectively. Hence the character 這 (later simplified as 这) for zhè "to meet" was borrowed to write zhè "this", and the character 那 for nà, the name of a country and later a rare surname, was borrowed to write nà "that".
- A new character, usually a phono-semantic or semantic compound, might be created. For example, gǎn "pursue, overtake", is written with a new character 趕, composed of the signific 走 zǒu "run" and the phonetic 旱 hàn "drought". This method was used to represent many elements in the periodic table.
The government of the PRC (as well as some other governments and institutions) has promulgated a set of simplified forms. Under this system, the forms of the words zhèlǐ ("here") and nàlǐ ("there") changed from 這裏/這裡 and 那裏/那裡 to 这里 and 那里.
Chinese characters were traditionally read from top to bottom, right to left, but in modern usage it is more common to read from left to right.
|English||Traditional characters||Simplified characters||Pinyin|
|What is your name?||你叫什麼名字？||你叫什么名字？||Nǐ jiào shénme míngzi?|
|My name is...||我叫...||我叫...||Wǒ jiào ...|
|How are you?||你好嗎？/ 你怎麼樣？||你好吗？/ 你怎么样？||Nǐ hǎo ma? / Nǐ zěnmeyàng?|
|I am fine, how about you?||我很好，你呢？||我很好，你呢？||Wǒ hěn hǎo, nǐ ne?|
|I don't want it / I don't want to||我不要。||我不要。||Wǒ bú yào.|
|Welcome! / You're welcome! (Literally: No need to thank me!) / Don't mention it! (Literally: Don't be so polite!)||歡迎！/ 不用謝！/ 不客氣！||欢迎！/ 不用谢！/ 不客气！||Huānyíng! / Búyòng xiè! / Bú kèqì!|
|Yes. / Correct.||是。 / 對。/ 嗯。||是。 / 对。/ 嗯。||Shì. / Duì. / M.|
|No. / Incorrect.||不是。/ 不對。/ 不。||不是。/ 不对。/ 不。||Búshì. / Bú duì. / Bù.|
|How much money?||多少錢？||多少钱？||Duōshǎo qián?|
|Can you speak a little slower?||您能說得再慢些嗎？||您能说得再慢些吗？||Nín néng shuō de zài mànxiē ma?|
|Good morning! / Good morning!||早上好！ / 早安！||早上好！ / 早安！||Zǎoshang hǎo! / Zǎo'ān!|
|How do you get to the airport?||去機場怎麼走？||去机场怎么走？||Qù jīchǎng zěnme zǒu?|
|I want to fly to London on the eighteenth||我想18號坐飛機到倫敦。||我想18号坐飞机到伦敦。||Wǒ xiǎng shíbā hào zuò fēijī dào Lúndūn.|
|How much will it cost to get to Munich?||到慕尼黑要多少錢？||到慕尼黑要多少钱？||Dào Mùníhēi yào duōshǎo qián?|
|I don't speak Chinese very well.||我的漢語說得不太好。||我的汉语说得不太好。||Wǒ de Hànyǔ shuō de bú tài hǎo.|
|Do you speak English?||你會說英語嗎？||你会说英语吗？||Nǐ huì shuō Yīngyǔ ma?|
|I have no money.||我沒有錢。||我没有钱。||Wǒ méiyǒu qián.|
- Chinese speech synthesis
- Comparison of national standards of Chinese
- Philippine Mandarin
- Malaysian Mandarin
- Singaporean Mandarin
- Taiwanese Mandarin
- Comparison of Cantonese and Standard Chinese
- Norman (1988), pp. 251.
- Liang (2014), p. 45.
- Luo, Chris (22 September 2014). "One-third of Chinese do not speak Putonghua, says Education Ministry". South China Morning Post.
- Only 7% of people in China speak proper Putonghua: PRC MOE, Language Log, 2014 Sept. 24
- 台灣手語簡介 (Taiwan) (2009)
- http://www.china-language.gov.cn/ (Chinese)
- Mair (2013), p. 737.
- Kane, Daniel (2006). The Chinese Language: Its History and Current Usage. Tuttle Publishing. pp. 22–23, 93. ISBN 978-0-8048-3853-5.
- Mair (1991), pp. 11.
- Norman (1988), pp. 133–134.
- Yuan, Zhongrui. (2008) "国语、普通话、华语 Archived 26 April 2009 at the Wayback Machine. (Guoyu, Putonghua, Huayu)". China Language National Language Committee, People's Republic of China
- Fell, Dafydd; Klöter, Henning; Chang, Bi-yu (2006). What Has Changed?: Taiwan Before and After the Change in Ruling Parties. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. p. 213. ISBN 9783447053792.
- Mair (2013), p. 738–744.
- Mair (2013), p. 743–744.
- Mair (1991), pp. 11–12.
- Norman (1988), p. 136.
- Coblin (2000), p. 537.
- Translation quoted in Coblin (2000), p. 539.
- Liberlibri SARL. "FOURMONT, Etienne. Linguae Sinarum Mandarinicae hieroglyphicae grammatica duplex, latinè, & cum characteribus Sinensium. Item Sinicorum Regiae Bibliothecae librorum catalogus" (in French). Liberlibri.com. Archived from the original on 13 July 2011. Retrieved 8 November 2010.
- Coblin (2000), pp. 549–550.
- L. Richard's comprehensive geography of the Chinese empire and dependencies translated into English, revised and enlarged by M. Kennelly, S.J. Shanghai: T'usewei Press, 1908. p. iv. (Translation of Louis Richard, Géographie de l'empire de Chine, Shanghai, 1905.)
- Chen (1999), pp. 16–17.
- Norman (1988), p. 134.
- Chen (1999), p. 18.
- Ramsey (1987), p. 10.
- Ramsey (1987), p. 15.
- Bradley (1992), pp. 313–314.
- Chen (1999), p. 24.
- "Law of the People's Republic of China on the Standard Spoken and Written Chinese Language (Order of the President No.37)". Gov.cn. 31 October 2000. Retrieved 27 April 2010.
For purposes of this Law, the standard spoken and written Chinese language means Putonghua (a common speech with pronunciation based on the Beijing dialect) and the standardized Chinese characters.Original text in Chinese: "普通话就是现代汉民族共同语，是全国各民族通用的语言。普通话以北京语音为标准音，以北方话为基础方言，以典范的现代白话文著作语法规范"
- Chen (1999), pp. 37–38.
- Chen (1999), pp. 27–28.
- "More than half of Chinese can speak Mandarin". Xinhua. 7 March 2007. Retrieved 10 November 2017.
- Luo, Chris (2014-09-23). "One-third of Chinese do not speak Putonghua, says Education Ministry". South China Morning Post. Hon Kong. Retrieved 2017-09-18.
- "17th National Putonghua Week" (Press release) (in Chinese). Ministry of Education. 15 September 2014.
- "中国仍有约4亿人不能用普通话进行交流-新华网". news.xinhuanet.com. Retrieved 2017-07-26.
- 白宛松. "教育部、国家语委：力争"十三五"期间使所有教师的普通话水平达标_滚动新闻_中国政府网". www.gov.cn. Retrieved 2017-07-26.
- Standing Committee on Language Education & Research (25 March 2006). "Putonghua promotion stepped up". Hong Kong Government. Retrieved 12 February 2011.
- Hong Kong Police. "Online training to boost Chinese skills". Hong Kong Government. Retrieved 12 February 2011.
- Hong Kong LegCo (19 April 1999). "Panel on Education working reports". Hong Kong Government. Retrieved 12 February 2011.
- New Hokkien drama aimed at seniors to be launched on Sep 9, Channel News Asia, 1 Sep 2016
- Lee Kuan Yew, From Third World to First: The Singapore Story: 1965–2000, HarperCollins, 2000. ISBN 0-06-019776-5.
- Semple, Kirk (21 October 2009). "In Chinatown, Sound of the Future Is Mandarin". The New York Times. Retrieved 18 July 2011.
- "Greater numbers speak Mandarin". China Daily. December 26, 2004.
- Norman (1988), pp. 138–139.
- Norman (1988), p. 139.
- Norman (1988), pp. 140–141.
- Lee & Zee (2003), p. 110.
- Norman (1988), p. 142.
- Lee & Zee (2003), p. 111.
- Norman (1988), pp. 143–144.
- Norman (1988), pp. 144–145.
- Duanmu (2007), p. 225.
- Norman (1988), p. 147.
- Duanmu (2007), p. 236.
- Surendran, Dinoj; Levow, Gina-Anne (2004), "The functional load of tone in Mandarin is as high as that of vowels" (PDF), in Bel, Bernard; Marlien, Isabelle, Proceedings of the International Conference on Speech Prosody 2004, SProSIG, pp. 99–102, ISBN 978-2-9518233-1-0
- Norman (1988), p. 148.
- Chen (1999), pp. 39–40.
- Norman (1988), p. 140.
- Blum, Susan D. (2002). "Ethnic and Linguistic Diversity in Kunming". In Blum, Susan Debra; Jensen, Lionel M. China Off Center: Mapping the Margins of the Middle Kingdom. University of Hawaii Press. pp. 160–161. ISBN 978-0-8248-2577-5.
- Li & Thompson (1981), pp. 15–16.
- Li & Thompson (1981), pp. 12–13.
- Norman (1988), p. 74.
- Norman (1988), pp. 74–75.
- Norman (1988), p. 76.
- Bradley, David (1992), "Chinese as a pluricentric language", in Clyne, Michael G., Pluricentric Languages: Differing Norms in Different Nations, Walter de Gruyter, pp. 305–324, ISBN 978-3-11-012855-0.
- Chen, Ping (1999), Modern Chinese: History and sociolinguistics, New York: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-64572-0.
- Coblin, W. South (2000), "A brief history of Mandarin", Journal of the American Oriental Society, 120 (4): 537–552, doi:10.2307/606615, JSTOR 606615.
- Duanmu, San (2007), The phonology of standard Chinese (2nd ed.), Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-921579-9.
- Lee, Wai-Sum; Zee, Eric (2003), "Standard Chinese (Beijing)", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 33 (1): 109–112, doi:10.1017/S0025100303001208.
- Li, Charles N.; Thompson, Sandra A. (1981), Mandarin Chinese: A functional reference grammar, Berkeley: University of California Press, ISBN 978-0-520-06610-6.
- Liang, Sihua (2014), Language Attitudes and Identities in Multilingual China: A Linguistic Ethnography, Springer International, ISBN 978-3-319-12618-0.
- Mair, Victor H. (1991), "What Is a Chinese "Dialect/Topolect"? Reflections on Some Key Sino-English Linguistic terms" (PDF), Sino-Platonic Papers, 29: 1–31.
- ——— (2013), "The Classification of Sinitic Languages: What Is "Chinese"?" (PDF), in Cao, Guangshun; Djamouri, Redouane; Chappell, Hilary; Wiebusch, Thekla, Breaking Down the Barriers: Interdisciplinary Studies in Chinese Linguistics and Beyond, Beijing: Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica, pp. 735–754.
- Norman, Jerry (1988), Chinese, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-29653-3.
- Ramsey, S. Robert (1987), The languages of China, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, ISBN 978-0-691-01468-5.
- Chao, Yuen Ren (1968). A Grammar of Spoken Chinese (2nd ed.). University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-00219-7.
- Hsia, T., China's Language Reforms, Far Eastern Publications, Yale University, (New Haven), 1956.
- Ladefoged, Peter; & Maddieson, Ian (1996). The sounds of the world's languages. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. ISBN 0-631-19814-8 (hbk); ISBN 0-631-19815-6 (pbk).
- Ladefoged, Peter; Wu, Zhongji (1984). "Places of articulation: An investigation of Pekingese fricatives and affricates". Journal of Phonetics. 12: 267–278.
- Lehmann, W. P. (ed.), Language & Linguistics in the People's Republic of China, University of Texas Press, (Austin), 1975.
- Lin, Y., Lin Yutang's Chinese-English Dictionary of Modern Usage, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1972.
- Milsky, C., "New Developments in Language Reform", The China Quarterly, No. 53, (January–March 1973), pp. 98–133.
- Seybolt, P. J. and Chiang, G. K. (eds.), Language Reform in China: Documents and Commentary, M. E. Sharpe (White Plains), 1979. ISBN 978-0-87332-081-8.
- Simon, W., A Beginners' Chinese-English Dictionary of the National Language (Gwoyeu): Fourth Revised Edition, Lund Humphries (London), 1975.