Religion in China
China has long been a cradle and host to a variety of the most enduring religio-philosophical traditions of the world. Confucianism and Taoism, and later Buddhism, constitute the "three teachings", philosophical frameworks which historically have had a significant impact in shaping Chinese culture, each of them finding a functional role within common (or popular) Chinese religion. Chinese religions are not mutually exclusive, with the exception of people who enter a priestly or monastic order. The emperors of China claimed the Mandate of Heaven and participated in Chinese religious practices. Since 1949, China has been governed by the Communist Party of China, which, in theory, is an atheist institution and prohibits party members from practicing religion while in office. During Mao Zedong's rule, religious movements were oppressed. Under following leaders, religious organisations have been given more autonomy. At the same time, China is considered a nation with a long history of humanist and secularist, this-worldly thought since the time of Confucius,[note 2] who stressed shisu (Chinese: 世俗; pinyin: shìsú, "being in the world"). The Party formally and institutionally recognises five religions in China: Buddhism, Taoism, Islam, Protestantism, and Catholicism (though despite historic links, the Party enforces a separation of the Chinese Catholic Church from the Roman Catholic Church), and there has been more institutional recognition for Confucianism and the Chinese folk religion.
Demographically, the largest religious system is "Chinese religion", otherwise called popular or folk religion, which comprehends Confucianism, Taoism and certain Buddhist elements but includes a variety of other traditions. These traditions include respect for the forces of nature, gods of human groups, ancestors and figures from Chinese mythology and history, as well as organised sects. Among widespread cults even officially promoted there are those of Mazu (goddess of the seas), Huangdi (divine patriarch of all the Chinese, "Volksgeist" of the Chinese nation), Guandi (god of war and business), Caishen (god of prosperity and richness), Pangu and many others. China has many of the world's tallest statues, including the tallest of all. Most of them represent buddhas and deities and were built in the 2000s. The world's tallest statue is the Spring Temple Buddha, located in Henan. Recently built in the country are also the world's tallest pagoda in Tianning Temple, and the world's tallest stupa in Famen Temple. Chinese Buddhism has developed since the 1st century, and retains a great influence in modern China.
Scholars have noted that in China there is no clear boundary between religions, especially Buddhism, Taoism and local popular folk religious practice. According to the most recent demographic analyses, an average 80% of the population in China, that is hundreds of millions of people, practice some kinds of Chinese folk religions and Taoism, 10–16% are Buddhists, 2–4% are Christians, and 1–2% are Muslims. In addition to Han people's local religious practices, there are also ethnic minority groups who maintain religions that can be found nowhere else. Folk religious sects constitute 2–3% of the population, while Confucianism as a religious self-designation is popular among intellectuals.
Significant faiths specifically connected to certain ethnic groups include Tibetan Buddhism and the Islamic religion of the Hui and Uyghur peoples. Christianity in China was introduced two times between the 7th and the 15th centuries, but did not take root until it was reintroduced in the 16th century by Jesuit missionaries. Protestant missions and later Catholic missionaries expanded the presence of Christianity, which influenced the Taiping Rebellion of the mid 19th century. Under Communism, foreign missionaries were expelled, most churches closed and their schools, hospitals and orphanages seized. During the Cultural Revolution, many priests were imprisoned. After the late 1970s, religious freedoms for Christians improved.
- 1 History
- 2 Geographic distribution
- 3 General definition of what in China is religious
- 4 Main religions
- 5 Ethnic minorities' indigenous religions
- 6 Abrahamic religions
- 7 Other religions
- 8 Anti-metaphysical and anti-theistic thoughts
- 9 See also
- 10 Notes
- 11 References
- 12 Further reading
- 13 External links
Ancient and prehistoric
Prior to the formation of the Chinese civilisation and the spread of world religions in the region generally known today as East Asia (which includes the territorial boundaries of modern-day China), local tribes were united by animistic, shamanic and totemic worldviews, and mediatory individuals such as shamans were the way in which prayers, sacrifices or offerings were communicated to the spiritual world. The ancient spiritual and shamanic heritage is preserved to this day in the forms of Chinese folk religion, including Taoism.
Ancient shamanism exhibits features that are especially connected to ancient Neolithic cultures such as the Hongshan culture. The Flemish philosopher Ulrich Libbrecht traces the origins of some features of Taoism to what Jan Jakob Maria de Groot called "Wuism", or Chinese shamanism.
Libbrecht distinguishes two layers in the development of the Chinese theology and religion that continues to this day, traditions derived respectively from the Shang and subsequent Zhou dynasties. The religion of the Shang era conceived God as the great ancestor of the universe. The main gods from this period are not forces of nature or concepts in the Indo-European way, but deified virtuous men and progenitors. They were called di (帝), "deities", and the greatest of them was Shangdi (上帝, "Highest Deity"), who is identified with the dragon, symbol of the universal power (qi) in its yang (engendering) aspect.
The Zhou dynasty, succeeding the Shang, was more rooted in an agricultural worldview. With them, gods of nature became dominant. The universal God in this period was conceived as Tian (天, the "Great Oneness", "Heaven"). With Di (地, "earth") he forms the whole cosmos in a complementary duality.
Buddhism brought a model of afterlife to Chinese people and had a deep influence on Chinese culture. The story Mulian Rescues His Mother, for instance, adapted an originally Buddhist fable to show Confucian values of filial piety. In it, a virtuous monk descends into hell to rescue his mother, who had been condemned for her transgressions.
From the 16th century, the Jesuit China missions played a significant role in opening dialogue between China and the West. The Jesuits brought Western sciences, becoming advisers to the imperial court on astronomy, taught mathematics and mechanics, but also adapted Chinese religious ideas such as admiration for Confucius and ancestor worship into the religious doctrine they taught in China.
Chinese traditional religions were exposed to waves of persecution already in the 19th century, during the rule of the Qing dynasty. Many folk religious and institutional religious temples were destroyed during the Taiping Rebellion and the Boxer Rebellion in the late 1800s. The former was organised by Christian movements which established a separate state against the Qing dynasty, while the latter rebellion was started by indigenous Chinese movements against the influence of Western culture and colonialism. In the Christian-inspired Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, official policies pursued the elimination of Chinese religions to substitute them with forms of Christianity. In this effort, the libraries of the Buddhist monasteries were destroyed, almost completely in the Yangtze River Delta.
20th and 21st centuries
China entered the 20th century under the Manchu Qing dynasty, whose rulers favoured traditional Chinese religions, and participated in public religious ceremonies, with state pomp, as at the Temple of Heaven in Beijing, where prayers for the harvest were offered. On the empire's fringe, Tibetan Buddhists recognized the Dalai Lamas as their spiritual and temporal leaders.
Things began to change between 1898 and 1904 the imperial government issued a measure to "build schools with temples' property" (庙产兴学 miàochǎn xīngxué).:3 Various "anti-superstition" campaigns followed. After the Xinhai Revolution of 1911 "most temples were turned to other uses or were destroyed, with a few changed into schools".
In the past, popular cults were regulated by imperial government policies, promoting certain deities while suppressing other ones. In the 20th century, with the fall of the empire, increasing urbanisation and Western influence, the issue for the new intellectual class was no longer controlling unauthorised worship of unregistered gods, but became the delegitimisation of religion, especially folk religion, as a superstitious obstacle to modernisation.
The Guomindang government of the early republic intensified the suppression of local religion with the 1928 "Standards for retaining or abolishing gods and shrines"; the policy abolished all cults of gods with the exception of human heroes such as Yu the Great, Guan Yu and Confucius. Sun Yat-sen, the first president of the Republic of China, and his successor nationalist leader of China, Chiang Kai-shek, were both Christians. During the Japanese invasion of China between 1937 and 1945 many temples were used as barracks by soldiers and destroyed in warfare.
These policies were the background of those that were implemented in the People's Republic of China established in 1949. With the triumph of Mao Zedong's communists, the Chinese government became formally atheist. The government viewed religion as emblematic of feudalism and foreign colonialism, and maintained the secularist policies of separation of state and religion, the latter institutionalised in a number of official "churches", which were already implemented in the former republican government.:3 The Cultural Revolution between 1966 and 1976 of the Maoist period was the last systematic effort to destroy religions in China. The historian Arthur Waldron suggests, however, that "communism was, in effect, a religion for its early Chinese converts: more than a sociological analysis, it was a revelation and a prophecy that engaged their entire beings and was expounded in sacred texts, many imported from Moscow and often printed in English".
This policy relaxed considerably in the late 1970s at the end of the Cultural Revolution and more tolerance of religious expression has been permitted since. Since 1978, the Constitution of the People's Republic of China guarantees "freedom of religion". Its article 36 states that:
Citizens of the People's Republic of China enjoy freedom of religious belief. No state organ, public organization or individual may compel citizens to believe in, or not to believe in, any religion; nor may they discriminate against citizens who believe in, or do not believe in, any religion. The state protects normal religious activities. No one may make use of religion to engage in activities that disrupt public order, impair the health of citizens or interfere with the educational system of the state. Religious bodies and religious affairs are not subject to any foreign domination.
Since the 1980s and through the 2000s there has been a development of anthropology of religion in China, accompanying the cultural renaissance especially of folk religion.:4 Starting with the "cultural fever" (文化热 wénhuà rè) of the 1990s, that is the intellectual movement looking at "culture" as the keyword for understanding the social and political past and present of China, but also of the world, major forms of folk religion began to be supported as "culture" or "cults".:5-7 A turning point was reached in 2005, when folk religious cults began to be protected and promoted under the policies of intangible cultural heritage.:9 Not only traditions interrupted for decades are being resumed, but even ceremonies forgotten for many centuries are being reinvented, for example the annual worship of the god Cáncóng (蚕丛) of Shu religion at a ceremonial complex near the Sanxingdui archaeological site in Sichuan.
In recent years, the Chinese government has been open especially to traditional religions such as Mahayana Buddhism, Taoism and folk religion, emphasizing the role of religion in building a "Harmonious Society" (hexie shehui), a Confucian idea. Starting in the mid-2000s China has hosted a variety of religious meetings and conferences including the first World Buddhist Forum in 2006 and the subsequent World Buddhist Fora, a number of international Taoist fora and local conferences on folk religions. Aligning with anthropologists' discourse about the importance of "culture", the government considers these religions as integral expressions of national "Chinese culture".
In late 2013, Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, expressed hope that "traditional cultures" may fill "moral void" and fight corruption. Folk religion is especially viewed as the "hardware" of what has been conceptualised by Mou Zhongjian as a "religious ecology" of China, that is to say religion as the glue of society as a "living system".:12 This theory has been put into contrast with that of the "religious market" elaborated by the Chinese American Christian author Fenggang Yang, which has been severely criticised by Chinese scholars, especially Lu Yunfeng and Ji Zhe, for its limitations in explaining Chinese religion and its reduction of religion to a product or tool of society rather than explaining society as a product of spirit.:14 At the same time, there is a tendency to contrast this idealized image of harmony among Chinese religions with the hostility among the monotheistic religions of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Intellectuals sometimes blame Christianity for being intolerant and exclusive, even imperialistic and arrogant. Some intellectuals criticise Christianity for disrupting the socio-cultural complex and for culture loss.
The Communist Party, which remains an atheist organisation, presently grants recognition to five "religious doctrines" to be managed at state level: Buddhism, Taoism, Islam, Protestantism, and Catholicism (though despite historic links, for political reasons, the Chinese Catholic Church has been separated from the Roman Catholic Church). Meanwhile, Western scholars have begun to acknowledge the role of religion—of Chinese religion—in Chinese state-making and local society, so that in 2010 John Lagerwey, an important scholar of religion in China, published a book which starting from the title defines that "China is a religious state and Chinese society a religious society. The religious dimension of Chinese society ad the Chinese state being inseparable from each other, not taking that dimension into account, makes it impossible to make sense of anything Chinese". China as a not religious state is a misinterpretation of the Jesuits, who succeeded in convincing Western intellectuals, and ultimately gave rise to the attempts of Chinese political movements of the 20th century to separate religion and civil society.
The varieties of Chinese religion are spread across the map of China in different degrees. Southern provinces have experienced the most evident revival of Chinese folk religion, although it is present all over China in a great variety of forms, intertwined with Taoism, fashi orders, Confucianism, Nuo rituals, shamanism and other religious currents. Quanzhen Taoism is mostly present in the north, while Sichuan is the area where Tianshi Taoism developed and the early Celestial Masters had their main seat. Along the southeastern coast, ritual functions of the folk religion are reportedly dominated by Taoism, both in registered and unregistered forms (Zhengyi Taoism and unrecognised fashi orders), which since the 1990s has developed quickly in the area.
Vincent Goossaert has recently (2011) published a review of scholarly works which study "north China folk religion" as a distinct phenomenon. In contrast to the folk religion of southern and southeastern provinces which is primarily focused on the lineages and their churches (zōngzú xiéhuì 宗族协会) focusing on ancestral gods, the folk religion of central-northern China (North China Plain) predominantly hinges on the communal worship of tutelary deities of creation and nature as identity symbols by villages populated by families of different surnames, structured into "communities of the god(s)" (shénshè 神社, or huì 会, "association"), which organise temple ceremonies (miaohui 庙会), involving processions and pilgrimages, and led by indigenous ritual masters (fashi) who are often hereditary and linked to secular authority.[note 3] Northern and southern folk religions also have a different pantheon, of which the northern one is composed of more ancient gods of Chinese mythology.
Folk religious sects have historically been more successful in the central plains and in the northeastern provinces than in southern China, and central-northern folk religion shares characteristics of some of the sects, such as the heavy importance of mother goddess worship and shamanism, as well as their scriptural transmission.:92 Confucian churches as well have historically found much resonance among the population of the northeast; in the 1930s the Universal Church of the Way and its Virtue alone aggregated at least 25% of the population of the state of Manchuria and contemporary Shandong has been analysed as an area of rapid growth of folk Confucian groups.
Goossaert talks of this distinction, although recognising it as an oversimplification, of a "Taoist south" and a "village-religion/Confucian centre-north",:47 with the northern context also characterised by important orders of "folk Taoist" ritual masters, one of which are the 阴阳生 yīnyángshēng,:86 and sectarian traditions,:92 and also by a low influence of Buddhism and official Taoism.:90
The folk religion of northeast China (Manchuria) has unique characteristics deriving from the interaction of Han religion with Tungus and Manchu shamanisms; these include chūmǎxiān (出马仙 "riding for the immortals") shamanism, the worship of Fox Gods and other zoomorphic deities, and the Great Lord of the Three Foxes (胡三太爷 Húsān Tàiyé) and the Great Lady of the Three Foxes (胡三太奶 Húsān Tàinǎi) usually positioned at the head of pantheons. Otherwise, in the religious context of Inner Mongolia there has been a significant integration of Han Chinese into the traditional folk religion of the region.
Across China in recent years Han religion has adopted deities from Tibetan folk religion, especially wealth gods. In Tibet, across broader western China, and in Inner Mongolia, there has been a growth of the cult of Gesar with the explicit support of the Chinese government, Gesar being a cross-ethnic Han-Tibetan, Mongol and Manchu deity (the Han identify him as an aspect of the god of war analogically with Guandi) and culture hero whose mythology is embodied as a culturally important epic poem.
The Han Chinese schools of Buddhism are mostly distributed in the eastern part of the country. On the other hand, Tibetan Buddhism is the dominant religion in Tibet, and significantly present in other westernmost provinces where ethnic Tibetans constitute a significant part of the population, and has a strong influence in Inner Mongolia in the north. The Tibetan tradition is also having a growing influence among the Han Chinese.
Christians are especially concentrated in the three provinces of Henan, Anhui and Zhejiang. The latter two provinces were in the area affected by the Taiping event, and Zhejiang along with Henan were hubs of the intense Protestant missionary activity in the 19th and early 20th century.
Islam is the majority religion in areas inhabited by the Hui Muslims, particularly the province of Ningxia, and in the province of Xinjiang which is inhabited by the Uyghurs. Many ethnic minority groups in China follow their own traditional ethnic religions: Benzhuism of the Bai, Bimoism of the Yi, Bön of the Tibetans, Dongbaism of the Nakhi, Miao folk religion, Qiang folk religion, Yao folk religion, Zhuang folk religion, Mongolian shamanism or Tengerism, and Manchu shamanism among Manchus.
|Geographic distribution of religions in China, by share of total population by province|
Counting the number of religious people anywhere is hard; counting them in China is even harder. Low response rates, non-random samples, and adverse political and cultural climates are persistent problems. One scholar concludes that statistics on religious believers in China "cannot be accurate in a real scientific sense", since definitions of "religion" exclude people who do not see themselves as members of a religious organization but are still "religious" in their daily actions and fundamental beliefs. The concept of "religion" in China is very different from that in the Western world. The Chinese mindset is characterised by an harmonious holism, that is a worldview in which all things are part of the whole. There is an organic oneness in which every aspect reflects and presupposes the other aspects in a constant process of growing and transforming. For this reason, the forms of Chinese religious expression tend to be syncretic and following one religion does not necessarily mean the rejection or denial of others.
Another matter of current debate is whether some important belief systems, primarily Confucianism, constitute "religions". As Daniel L. Overmeyer writes, in recent years there has been a "new appreciation... of the religious dimensions of Confucianism, both in its ritual activities and in the inward search for an ultimate source of moral order". Many Chinese belief systems have concepts of a sacred and sometimes spiritual natural world yet do not invoke a concept of personal god.
Surveys have found very few people who call themselves Taoists. This is because to most Chinese, Taoism is the same as the Chinese folk religion, while scholars such as Kristofer Schipper hold that Taoism is more accurately defined as a doctrinal and liturgical framework of the folk religion. Traditionally, the Chinese language has not included a term for a lay follower of Taoism. In earlier Western sinological literature as in Chinese common usage, the term "Taoist" (道教徒 dàojiàotú, "disciple of the teachings about the Tao") means the daoshi (道士, "masters of the Tao")—the "Taoist priests"—, the ordained clergymen of a Taoist institution who "represent Taoist culture on a professional basis". The same discourse applies to the fashi (法師, "ritual masters"), the popular non-Taoist specialists of rites. The concept of "Taoist" as lay member or believer in Taoism, is a neologism that derives from the Western category of "religion" as membership in a church institution.
Analysing Chinese traditional religions is further complicated by discrepancies between the terminologies used in Chinese and Western languages. While in the English current usage "folk religion" means broadly all forms of common cults of gods and ancestors, in Chinese usage and in academia these cults have not had an overarching name. By "folk religion" (民間宗教 mínjiān zōngjiào) or "folk beliefs" (民間信仰 mínjiān xìnyǎng) Chinese scholars have usually meant organised sects originating from the common religion. Furthermore, in the 1990s some of these organised sects began to register as branches of the official Taoist Association and therefore to fall under the label of "Taoism". "Folk beliefs" is sometimes used to define the common cults by contemporary scholars, but it is only an academic term and it entered into usage at first among Taiwanese scholars from Japanese language during Japan's occupation (1895–1945), and later between the 1990s and the early 21st century among mainland Chinese scholars. In order to address this terminological confusion, some Chinese intellectuals have proposed recognition and legal management of the indigenous religion by the state and to adopt the label "Chinese native (or indigenous) religion" (民俗宗教 mínsú zōngjiào) or "Chinese ethnic religion" (民族宗教 mínzú zōngjiào), or other names.[note 7]
- According to the results of an official census provided in 1995 by the Information Office of the State Council of China, at that time the Chinese traditional religions were already popular among nearly 1 billion people.
- 2005: a survey of the religiosity of urban Chinese from the five cities of Beijing, Shanghai, Nantong, Wuhan and Baoding, conducted by professor Xinzhong Yao, found that only 5.3% of the analysed population belonged to religious organisations, while 51.8% were non religious, in that they did not belong to any religious association. Nevertheless, 23.8% of the population regularly worshipped gods and ancestors, 23.1% worshipped Buddha or identified themselves as Buddhists, up to 38.5% had beliefs and practices associated with the folk religions such as feng shui or belief in celestial powers, and only 32.9% were convinced atheists.
- Three surveys conducted respectively in 2005, 2006 and 2007 by the Horizon Research Consultancy Group on a disproportionately urban and suburban sampling, found that Buddhists constituted between 11% and 16% of the total population, Christians were between 2% and 4%, and Muslims approximately 1%. The surveys also found that ~60% of the population believed in concepts such as fate and fortune associated to the folk religion.
- 2007: a survey conducted by the East China Normal University taking into account people from different regions of China, concluded that there were approximately 300 million religious believers (≈31% of the total population), of whom the vast majority ascribable to Buddhism, Taoism and folk religions. Some scholars considered this number an underestimate, given possible higher numbers for the Chinese folk religion alone.
- 2008: a survey conducted in that year by Yu Tao of the University of Oxford with a survey scheme led and supervised by the Center for Chinese Agricultural Policy and the Peking University, analysing the rural populations of the six provinces of Jiangsu, Sichuan, Shaanxi, Jilin, Hebei and Fujian, each representing different geographic and economic regions of China, found that followers of the Chinese folk religions were 31.9% of the analysed population, Buddhists were 10.85%, Christians were 3.93% of which 3.54% Protestants and 0.39% Catholics, and Taoists were 0.71%. The remaining 53.41% of the population claimed to be not religious.
- 2010: the Chinese Spiritual Life Survey directed by the Purdue University's Center on Religion and Chinese Society concluded that many types of Chinese folk religions and Taoism are practiced by possibly hundreds of millions of people; 56.2% of the total population or 754 million people practiced Chinese ancestral religion[note 8], but only 16% claiming to "believe in the existence" of the ancestor;[note 9] 12.9% or 173 million practiced Taoism on a level indistinguishable from the folk religion; 0.9% or 12 million people identified exclusively as Taoists; 13.8% or 185 million identified as Buddhists, of which 1.3% or 17.3 million had received formal initiation; 2.4% or 33 million identified as Christians, of which 2.2% or 30 million as Protestants (of which only 38% baptised in the official churches) and 0.02% or 3 million as Catholics; and an additional 1.7% or 23 million were Muslims.
- 2012: the Chinese Family Panel Studies (CFPS) institute conducted a survey of 25 of the provinces traditionally with a Han majority, with the exception of Hainan and Qinghai, and the exclusion of the autonomous regions of Inner Mongolia, Ningxia, Tibet and Xinjiang, and of Hong Kong and Macau. The survey found only ~10% of the population belonging to organised religions; specifically, 6.75% were Buddhists, 2.4% were Christians (of which 1.89% Protestants and 0.41% Catholics), 0.54% were Taoists, 0.46% were Muslims, and 0.40% declared to belong to other religions. Although ~90% of the population declared to not belong to any religion, the authors of the survey estimated that only 6.3% were atheists while the remaining 81% (≈1 billion people) prayed to or worshipped gods and ancestors in the manner of the popular religion. The results also provided detailed demographics of religions in the five selected regions of Shanghai, Liaoning, Henan, Gansu and Guangdong.
- Four surveys conducted respectively in the years 2006, 2008, 2010 and 2011 as part of the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) of the Renmin University of China found an average 6.2% of the Chinese identifying as Buddhists, 2.3% as Christians (of which 2% Protestants and 0.3% Catholics), 2.2% as members of folk religious sects, 1.7% as Muslims, and 0.2% as Taoists.
- 2012-2014: analyses published in a study of Fenggang Yang and Anning Hu found that 55.5% of the adult population (15+) of China, or 578 million people in absolute numbers, believed and practiced folk religions, including a 20% who practiced ancestor religion or communal worship of deities, and the rest who practiced what Yang and Hu define "individual" folk religions like devotion to specific gods such as Caishen. Members of folk religious sects were not taken into account. Around the same year, Kenneth Dean estimated 680 million people involved in folk religion, or 51% of the total population.[note 10] In the same years, reports of the Chinese government claim that the sects have about the same number of followers of the five state-sanctioned religions counted together (~13% ≈180 million).
Besides the surveys based on fieldwork, estimates using projections have been published by the Pew Research Center as part of its study of the Global Religious Landscape in 2010. This study estimated 21.9% of the population of China believed in folk religions, 18.2% were Buddhists, 5.1% were Christians, 1.8% were Muslims, 0.8% believed in other religions, while unaffiliated people constituted 52.2% of the population. According to the surveys of Phil Zuckerman published on Adherents.com, 59% of the Chinese population was not religious in 1993, and in 2005 between 8% and 14% was atheist (from over 100 to 180 million). A survey held in 2012 by WIN/GIA found that in China the atheists comprise 47% of the population.
Yu Tao's survey of the year 2008 provided a detailed analysis of the social characteristics of the religious communities. It found that the proportion of male believers is higher than the average among folk religious people, Taoists, and Catholics, while it is lower than the average among Protestants. The Buddhist community shows a greater balance of male and female believers. Concerning the age of believers, folk religious people and Catholics tend to be younger than the average, while Protestant and Taoist communities were composed by older people. The Christian community is more likely than other religions to have members belonging to the ethnic minorities. The study analysed the proportion of believers that are at the same time members of the local section of the Communist Party of China, finding that it is exceptionally high among the Taoists, while the lowest proportion is found among the Protestants. About education and wealth, the survey found that the wealthiest populations are those of Buddhists and especially Catholics, while the poorest is that of the Protestants; Taoists and Catholics are the better educated, while the Protestants are the less educated among the religious communities. These findings confirm a description by Francis Ching-Wah Yip that the Protestant population was predominantly composed of illiterate and semi-illiterate people, elderly people, and women, already in the 1990s and early 2000s.
The Chinese Family Panel Studies' findings for 2012 show that Buddhists tend to be younger and better educated, while Christians are older and more likely to be illiterate. Furthermore, Buddhists are generally wealthy, while Christians most often belong to the poorest parts of the population. Henan has been found to be host to the largest percentage of Christians of any province of China, about 6%. According to Zhe Ji, Chan Buddhism and individual, non-institutional forms of folk religiosity are particularly successful among the contemporary Chinese youth.
- General surveys' results
- Geographic and socioeconomic distributions
|Religious community||Weighed proportion (%)||Male proportion (%)||Average age (years)||Agricultural household proportion (%)||Ethnic minority proportion (%)||Married proportion (%)||Communist Party member proportion (%)||Education (years)||Annual family income (yuan)|
|Traditional folk religion||31.09||64.8||46.46||96.4||1.1||94.6||9.8||5.94||29.772|
|Religious people average||46.59||61.6||49.45||96.2||1.2||93.8||9.6||5.94||30.816|
|Not religious people||53.41||64.6||50.62||96.3||5.5||93.3||15.0||6.40||26.448|
- Beijing, Shanghai, Nantong, Wuhan, Baoding.
- Although a lower 215 million, or 16% said they "believed in the existence" of ancestral spirits.
- Center for Chinese Agricultural Policy
- The populations surveyed were those of the provinces of Jiangsu, Sichuan, Shaanxi, Jilin, Hebei and Fujian.
- According to the authors of the survey, only 6.3% of the respondents are not religious in the sense of "atheists", the others are not religious in the sense that they "do not belong to an organised religion", while they pray or worship gods and ancestors of the traditional popular religion.
- Data for all provinces with Han Chinese majority, excluding Hainan, Hong Kong, Inner Mongolia, Macau, Ningxia, Qinghai, Tibet and Xinjiang.
- Mostly Catholicism (0.6%), while nobody declared affiliation with Protestantism (0%).
General definition of what in China is religious
Chinese civilisation claims an unusual continuity of several thousands of years and, as its habitat, several thousands of square miles. This continuity is possible through China's religious traditions, understood as systems of knowledge transmission.
A worthy Chinese is supposed to remember a vast amount of information from the past, and to draw on this past to form a basis of moral reasoning. The meticulous remembrance of the past is important equally for urban and rural people, where local history is entwined with the identities of descent-based groups. The identity, outlook and behavior, of a person who grows up in a certain group is molded by the process of learning from their past through a multitude of oral, written and performative media (mythology).
This is the foundation of the Chinese practice of ancestor veneration or worship (拜祖 baizu or 敬祖 jingzu) that dates back to prehistory, and is the focal aspect of Chinese religion. Defined as "the essential religion of the Chinese", it is the actual mean of memory and therefore cultural vitality of the entire Chinese civilisation.
Relying on lineage rhetoric, sacrificial rites, and the updating of genealogies (zupu, "books of ancestors"), it evokes memory and thus identity of each generation. Temple festivals and local arts are other displays of group identities. Religious rituals, symbols, objects and ideas, are the means of the construction, maintaining, and transmission of these identities.
A practice developed in Chinese folk religion of post-Maoist China, that started in the 1990s from the Confucian temples managed by the Kong kin (the lineage of the descendants of Confucius himself), is the representation of ancestors in ancestral shrines no longer just through tablets with their names, but through statues. Statuary effigies were previously exclusively used for Buddhist bodhisattva and Taoist gods.
Besides the lineage worship of the founders of Chinese surnames and kins, virtuous historical figures that have had an important impact in the history of China are revered as gods. Notable examples include Confucius, Guandi, or Huangdi, considered the patriarch of all Han Chinese.
The two major festivals involving ancestor veneration are the Qingming Festival and the Double Ninth Festival, but veneration of ancestors is conducted in many other ceremonies, including weddings, funerals, and triad initiations. Worshipers generally offer prayers in a jingxiang rite, with food, light incense and candles, and burn offerings of joss paper. These activities are typically conducted at the site of ancestral graves or tombs, at an ancestral temple, or at a household shrine.
Concepts of religion, tradition and doctrine
|"Chief Star pointing the Dipper" 魁星点斗 Kuíxīng diǎn Dòu|
|Kuixing ("Chief Star"), the god of exams, composed of the characters describing the four Confucian virtues (Sìde 四德), standing on the head of the ao (鰲) turtle (an expression for coming first in the examinations), and pointing at the Big Dipper (斗)".[note 11]|
Understanding religion primarily as an ancestral tradition and its transmission, the Chinese have a relationship with the divine that is meaningful and functional socially, politically as well as spiritually. The Chinese concept of "religion", zōngjiào (宗教), draws the divine near to the human world. To the Chinese the universal God (Tian or Shangdi) is manifested and embodied by the chief gods of each phenomenon and of each human kin, making the worship of the highest god possible even in each ancestral temple.
Because "religion" refers to the bond between the human and the divine, there is always a danger that this bond will be broken. However, the Chinese term zōngjiào—instead of separation—emphasises communication, correspondence and mutuality between the ancestor and the descendant, the master and the disciple, and between the Way (Tao, the way of the divine in nature) and its ways. Zōng (宗 "ancestor", "model", "mode", "master", "pattern", but also "purpose") implies that the understanding of the ultimate derives from the transformed figure of the great ancestor or ancestors, who continue to support—and correspondingly rely on—their descendants, in a mutual exchange of benefit. Jiào (教 "teaching") is connected to filial piety (xiao), as it implies the transmission of knowledge from the elders to the youth and of support from the youth to the elders.
The mutual support of elders and youth is needed for the continuity of the ancestral tradition, that is communicated from generation to generation. With an understanding of religion as teaching and education, the Chinese have a staunch confidence in the human capacity of transformation and perfection, enlightenment or immortality. In the Chinese religions, humans are confirmed and reconfirmed with the ability to improve themselves, in a positive attitude towards eternity. Hans Küng has defined Chinese religions as the "religions of wisdom", thereby distinguishing them from the "religions of prophecy" (Judaism, Christianity and Islam) and from the "religions of mysticism" (Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism).
It is important to note that no term described "religion" in Classical Chinese. The combination of zong (宗) and jiao (教), despite being in circulation since the Tang dynasty in Chan circles to define the Buddhist doctrine, was used to translate the Western concept of "religion" only by the end of the 19th century. Chinese intellectuals also likened the concept to the Japanese shūkyō. Under the influence of Western rationalism and later Marxism, what most of the Chinese today mean as zōngjiào are "organised doctrinal teachings", that is "superstructures consisting of superstitions, dogmas, rituals and institutions". The cults of gods and ancestors, that in recent (originally Western) literature have been classified as "traditional folk religion(s)", traditionally neither have a common name nor are considered zōngjiào ("doctrinal teaching").[note 12]
Economy of temples and rituals
The economic dimension of Chinese folk religion is also important. Yang Mayfair (2007) has studies how rituals and temples interweave a form of grassroots socio-economic capital for the well-being of local communities, fostering the circulation of wealth and its investment in the "sacred capital" of temples, gods and ancestors.
This religious economy already played a role in periods of imperial China, plays a significant role in modern Taiwan, and is seen as a driving force in the rapid economic development in parts of rural China, especially the southern and eastern coasts.
According to Law (2005), in his study about the relationship between the revival of folk religion and the recostruction of patriarchal civilisation:
- «Similar to the case in Taiwan, the practice of folk religion in rural southern China, particularly in the Pearl River Delta, has thrived as the economy has developed. [...] In contrast to Weberian predictions, these phenomena suggest that drastic economic development in the Pearl River Delta may not lead to total disenchantment with beliefs concerning magic in the cosmos. On the contrary, the revival of folk religions in the Delta region is serving as a countervailing re-embedding force from the local cultural context, leading to the coexistence of the world of enchantments and the modern world.»
Yang defines it as an "embedded capitalism", which preserves local identity and autonomy, and an "ethical capitalism" in which the drive for individual accumulation of money is tempered by religious and kinship ethics of generosity which foster the sharing and investment of wealth in the construction of civil society.
Common idea of God and fundamental theology
Tian 天 ("Heaven" or "Sky", philologically "Great One") is the idea of the absolute principle or God that is the spring of universal reality, in Chinese common religion and philosophy. According to classical theology he manifests in five primary forms (五方上帝 Wǔfāng Shàngdì, "Five Forms of the Highest Deity").
Various interpretations have been elaborated by Confucians, Taoists, and other schools of thought. A popular representation is the Jade Deity (玉帝 Yùdì) or Jade Emperor (玉皇 Yùhuáng)[note 14] originally formulated by Taoists. Tian is defined in many ways, with many names, other well-known being Tàidì 太帝 (the "Great Deity") and Shàngdì 上帝 (the "Highest Deity") or simply Dì 帝 ("Deity").[note 15] Tengri is the equivalent of Tian in Altaic shamanic religions.
Confucianism, which inherited scholarship and sacred books from the Shang and Zhou dynasty, distinguishes Shangdi as the logos (word of order, way, or path; Tao or li) of Tian, and rites as the logos of Shangdi. In the tradition of New Text Confucianism, Confucius is regarded as a "throne-less king" of Shangdi and a savior of the world. Otherwise, the school of the Old Texts persisted that Confucius is a sage of Shangdi who had given new interpretation to the heritage from previous great dynasties. Neo-Confucian thinkers such as Zhu Xi developed the idea of li 理, the "reason", "order" of Heaven, that develops in the polarity of yin and yang. In Taoist theology Shangdi is discussed as the Jade Purity (玉清 Yùqīng) the "Heavenly Honourable of the First Beginning" (元始天尊 Yuánshǐ Tiānzūn), whereas in Taoist philosophical discourse the Tao 道 ("Way") denotes in one concept both the impersonal absolute Tian and its order of manifestation (li).
In Chinese religion Tian is both transcendent and immanent, inherent in the multiple phenomena of nature (polytheism or cosmotheism, yǔzhòu shénlùn 宇宙神论). Gods (shen 神; "beings that give birth") and ancestors (zu 祖) are interwoven energies or principles that generate phenomena which reveal or reproduce the order of Heaven.
An elaborate ceremony for the worship of Tian at the Temple of Heaven (in which Tian is enshrined as 皇天上帝 Huángtiān Shàngdì, "Highest Deity of the Shining Heaven" or "Highest Deity the King of Heaven") in Beijing was conducted once a year by the emperors of China and has been revived in the 2000s by Confucian and civil religion groups. This cult dates back, according to registered history, to the Shang dynasty, and lasted until the overthrow of the Qing dynasty. The emperor of China was known as the "Son of Heaven" (tianzi), invested with the Mandate of Heaven (tianming), that was the legitimacy as ruler of the Chinese state.
Chinese traditional religion
Chinese folk or popular religion, or simply "Chinese religion", defines the common religious tradition of the Chinese, in which government officials and common people of China share religious practices and beliefs, including veneration of forces of nature and ancestors, exorcism of harmful forces, and a belief in the rational order of nature which can be influenced by human beings and their rulers. Worship is devoted to a multiplicity of gods and immortals (神 shén), who can be deities of phenomena, of human behaviour, or progenitors of lineages. Stories regarding some of these gods are collected into the body of Chinese mythology.
This common religion historically doesn't have a name in Chinese. "Chinese Universism", not in the sense of "universalism", that is a system of universal application, but in the original sense of "uni-verse" which is "towards the One", that is Tian in Chinese thought, is a coinage of Jan Jakob Maria de Groot that refers to the metaphysical perspective that lies behind the Chinese religious tradition. In more recent times, mainland Chinese scholars have proposed other names to define the local indigenous cults of China, including "Chinese native religion" or "Chinese indigenous religion" (民俗宗教 mínsú zōngjiào), "Chinese ethnic religion" (民族宗教 mínzú zōngjiào), or simply "Chinese religion" (中華教 Zhōnghuájiào), "Shenism" (神教 Shénjiào) and "Shenxianism" (神仙教 Shénxiānjiào, "religion of deities and immortals"); this is meant to avoid terminological confusion, since "folk religion" (民间宗教 mínjiān zōngjiào) or "folk belief" (民间信仰 mínjiān xìnyǎng) historically defined the folk religious sects and not local indigenous cults, and to identify a "national Chinese religion" similarly to Hinduism in India and Shinto in Japan.
Taoism has been defined by scholar and Taoist initiate Kristofer Schipper as a doctrinal and liturgical framework functional to the development of indigenous religions. The Zhengyi school is especially intertwined with local cults, with Zhengyi daoshi (道士, "masters of the Tao", otherwise commonly translated simply the "Taoists", as common followers and folk believers who are not part of Taoist orders are not identified as such) often performing rituals for local temples and communities. Various orders of ritual ministers often identified as "folk Taoists" operate in folk religion but are outside the jurisdiction of the state's Taoist Church or religious schools clearly identified as Taoist. Confucianism advocates worship of gods and ancestors through appropriate rites. Folk temples and ancestral shrines on special occasions may choose Confucian liturgy (儒 rú or 正统 zhèngtǒng, meaning "orthoprax" ritual style) led by Confucian "sages of rites" (礼生 lǐshēng), who in many cases are the elders of a local community. Confucian liturgies are alternated with Taoist liturgies and popular ritual styles. Taoism in its various currents, either comprehended or not within the Chinese folk religion, has some of its origins from Chinese shamanism (Wuism).
Despite this great diversity there is a common theological core which can be summarised as four cosmological and moral concepts:—Tian (天), Heaven, the "transcendently immanent" source of moral meaning, who is God; qi (气), the breath or energy that animates the universe; jingzu (敬祖), the veneration of ancestors; and bao ying (报应), moral reciprocity; together with two traditional concepts of fate and meaning: ming yun (命运), the personal destiny or burgeoning; and yuan fen (缘分), "fateful coincidence", good and bad chances and potential relationships.
In Chinese religion yin and yang is the polarity that describes the order of the universe, held in balance by the interaction of principles of growth (shen) and principles of waning (gui), with act (yang) usually preferred over receptiveness (yin). Ling (numen or sacred) is the "medium" of the two states and the inchoate order of creation.
Both the present day government of China and the imperial dynasties of the Ming and Qing tolerated village popular religious cults if they bolstered social stability but suppressed or persecuted those that they feared would undermine it. After the fall of the empire in 1911, governments and elites opposed or attempted to eradicate folk religion in order to promote "modern" values, and many condemned "feudal superstition". These conceptions of folk religion began to change in Taiwan in the late 20th century and in mainland China in the 21st. Many scholars now view folk religion in a positive light.
In recent times Chinese folk religions are experiencing a revival in both mainland China and Taiwan. Some forms have received official understanding or recognition as a preservation of traditional Chinese culture, such as Mazuism and the Sanyi teaching in Fujian, Huangdi worship, and other forms of local worship, for example the Longwang, Pangu or Caishen worship. In mid-2015 the government of Zhejiang began the registration of more than twenty thousand folk religious associations.
According to the most recent demographic analyses, an average 80% of the population of China, approximately 1 billion people, practices cults of gods and ancestors or belongs to folk religious sects. Moreover, according to one survey approximately 14% of the population claims different levels of affiliation with Taoist practices. Other figures from the micro-level testify the wide proliferation of folk religions: in 1989 there were 21,000 male and female shamans (shen han and wu po respectively, as they are named locally), 60% of them young, in the Pingguo County of Guangxi alone; and by the mid-1990s the government of the Yulin Prefecture of Shaanxi counted over 10,000 folk temples on its territory alone, for a population of 3.1 million, an average of one temple per 315 persons.
According to Wu and Lansdowne:
- «... numbers for authorised religions are dwarfed by the huge comeback of traditional folk religion in China. ... these actually may involve the majority of the population. Chinese officials and scholars now are studying "folk faiths" ... after decades of suppressing any discussion of this phenomenon. Certain local officials for some time have had to treat regional folk faiths as de facto legitimate religion, alongside the five authorized religions.»
Chinese religion mirrors the social landscape, and takes on different meanings for different people. Chinese folk religion is a "diffused religion" rather than "institutional". It is a meaning system of social solidarity and identity, ranging from the kinship systems to the community, the state, and the economy, that serves to integrate Chinese culture.
According to Yiyi Lu, discussing the reconstruction of Chinese civil society:
- «... the two decades after the reforms have seen the revival of many folk societies organized around the worshipping of local deities, which had been banned by the state for decades as "feudal superstition". These societies enjoy wide local support, as they carry on traditions going back many generations, and cater to popular beliefs in theism, fatalism and retribution ... Because they build on tradition, common interest, and common values, these societies enjoy social legitimacy ...»
Folk religious sects
China has a long history of sect traditions characterised by a soteriological and eschatological character, often called "salvationist religions" (救度宗教 jiùdù zōngjiào), which emerged from the common religion but are neither ascribable to the lineage cult of ancestors and progenitors, nor to the communal deity religion of village temples, neighbourhood, corporation, or national temples. The 20th-century expression of this religions has been studied under Prasenjit Duara's definition of "redemptive societies" (救世团体 jiùshì tuántǐ), while modern Chinese scholarship describes them as "folk religious sects" (民間宗教 mínjiān zōngjiào, 民间教门 mínjiān jiàomén or 民间教派 mínjiān jiàopài), abandoning the ancient derogatory definition of xiéjiào (邪教), "evil religion".
They are characterised by egalitarianism, a foundation through a charismatic figure and a direct divine revelation, a millenarian eschatology and voluntary path of salvation, an embodied experience of the numinous through healing and cultivation, and an expansive orientation through good deeds, evangelism and philanthropy. Their practices are focused on improving morality, body cultivation, and recitation of scriptures.
Many of the redemptive religions of the 20th and 21st century aspire to become the repository of the entirety of the Chinese tradition in the face of Western modernism and materialism. This group of religions includes Yiguandao and other sects belonging to the Xiantiandao (先天道 "Way of Former Heaven"), Jiugongdao (九宮道 "Way of the Nine Palaces"), various proliferations of the Luo teaching, the Zaili teaching, and the more recent De teaching, Weixinist, Xuanyuan and Tiandi teachings, the latter two focused respectively on the worship of Huangdi and the universal God. Also, the qigong schools are developments of the same religious context. These movements were banned in the early Republican China and later Communist China. Many of them still remain illegal, underground or unrecognised in China, while others—specifically the De teaching, Tiandi teachings, Xuanyuan teaching, Weixinism and Yiguandao—have developed cooperation with mainland China's academic and non-governmental organisations. The Sanyi teaching is an organised folk religion founded in the 16th century, present in the Putian region (Xinghua) of Fujian where it is legally recognised. Some of these sects began to register as branches of the state Taoist Association since the 1990s.
Another category that has been sometimes confused with that of the sects of salvation by scholars, is that of the secret societies (會道門 huìdàomén, 祕密社會 mìmì shèhuì, or 秘密結社 mìmì jiéshè). They are religious communities of initiatory and secretive character, including rural militias such as the Red Spears (紅槍會) and the Big Knives (大刀會), and fraternal organisations such as the Green Gangs (青幫) and the Elders' Societies (哥老會). They became very popular in the early republican period, and often labeled as "heretical doctrines" (宗教異端 zōngjiào yìduān). Recent scholarship has created the label of "secret sects" (祕密教門 mìmì jiàomén) to distinguish the peasant "secret societies" with a positive dimension of the Yuan, Ming and Qing periods, from the negatively viewed "secret societies" of the early republic that became instruments of anti-revolutionary forces (the Guomindang or Japan).
A further distinctive type of sects of the folk religion, that are possibly the same as the positive "secret sects", are the martial sects. They combine two aspects: the wénchǎng (文场 "cultural field"), that is the doctrinal aspect characterised by elborate cosmologies, theologies, initiatory and ritual patterns, and that is usually kept secretive; and the wǔchǎng (武场 "martial field"), that is the body cultivation practice and that is usually the "public face" of the sect. They were outlawed by Ming imperial edicts that continued to be enforced until the fall of the Qing dynasty in the 20th century. An example of martial sect is Meihuaism (梅花教 Méihuājiào, "Plum Flowers"), that has become very popular throughout northern China. In Taiwan, virtually all of the "redemptive societies" operate freely since the late 1980s.
Confucianism (儒教 Rújiào, "teaching of the refined ones"; or 孔教 Kǒngjiào, "teaching of Confucius") is a religion[note 17] and broaderly speaking an ethico-political system, developed from the teachings of the Chinese philosopher Confucius (孔夫子 Kǒng Fūzǐ, "Master Kong", 551–479 BCE). Confucianism originated during the Spring and Autumn Period and developed metaphysical and cosmological elements in the Han dynasty, becoming the core idea of the Chinese empire.
Confucianism lost its influence in the 20th century, substituted by the "Three Principles of the People" with the establishment of the Republic of China, and then Maoism under the People's Republic of China. In the late twentieth century, some people credited Confucianism with the rise of the East Asian economy and it enjoyed a rise in popularity both in China and abroad. A contemporary New Confucian revival continues revitalisation movements of the early 20th century.
The core of Confucianism is humanistic, or, according to the Herbert Fingarette's concept of "the secular as sacred", a religion that deconstructs the sacred-profane dichotomy regarding the secular real of human action as a manifestation of the sacred. Confucianism focuses on the order of reality that is given by a this-worldly awareness of the Tian (Heaven, God) and a proper respect of the gods (shen) through ritual and sacrifice, with particular emphasis on the importance of family bonds and social harmony between larger groups, rather than on a soteriology projecting the hopes of humanity in a transcendental future.
By the words of Tu Weiming and other Confucian scholars, who recover the work of Kang Youwei, Confucianism revolves around the pursuit of the unity of the self and Heaven (Tian), and the relationship of humankind to the Heaven. The principle of Heaven (Tian li or Tao), is the order of the creation and divine authority, monistic in its structure. Individuals can realise their humanity and become one with Heaven through the contemplation of this order. This transformation of the self can be extended to the family and society to create a harmonious fiduciary community. The moral-spiritual ideal of Confucianism conciles both the inner and outer polarities of self-cultivation and world redemption, synthesised in the ideal of "sageliness within and kingliness without".
In Confucian thought human beings are teachable, improvable, and perfectible through personal and communal endeavor especially self-cultivation and self-creation. Some of the basic Confucian ethical concepts and practices include rén, yì, and lǐ, and zhì. Ren is translated as "humaneness" or the essence proper of a human being, that is characterised by compassionate mind; it is the virtue endowed by Heaven and at the same time what allows man to achieve oneness with Heaven—in the Datong shu it is defined as "to form one body with all things" and "when the self and others are not separated ... compassion is aroused". Yi is the upholding of righteousness and the moral disposition to do good. Li is a system of ritual norms and propriety that determines how a person should properly act in everyday life. Zhi is the ability to see what is right and fair, or the converse, in the behaviors exhibited by others. Confucianism holds one in contempt, either passively or actively, for the failure of upholding the cardinal moral values of ren and yi.
Confucianism never developed an institutional structure similar to that of Taoism, and its religious bodies never completely differentiated themselves from Chinese folk religion. Since the 2000s, Confucianism has been embraced as a religious identity by a large numbers of intellectuals and students in China. In 2003 the Confucian intellectual Kang Xiaoguang published a manifesto in which he made four suggestions: Confucian education should enter official education at any level, from elementary to high school; the state should establish Confucianism as the state religion by law; Confucian religion should enter the daily life of ordinary people through standardization and development of doctrines, rituals, organisations, churches and activity sites; the Confucian religion should be spread through non-governmental organisations. Another modern proponent of the institutionalisation of Confucianism in a state church is Jiang Qing.
In 2005 the Center for the Study of Confucian Religion was established, and guoxue education started to be implemented in public schools. Being well received by the population, even Confucian preachers started to appear on television since 2006. The most enthusiast New Confucians proclaim the uniqueness and superiority of Confucian Chinese culture, and have generated some popular sentiment against Western cultural influences in China.
The idea of a "Confucian Church" as the state religion of China has roots in the thought of Kang Youwei, an exponent of the early New Confucian search for a regeneration of the social relevance of Confucianism, at a time when it was de-institutionalised with the fall of the Qing dynasty and the Chinese empire. Kang modeled his ideal "Confucian Church" after European national Christian churches, as a hierarchical and centralised institution, closely bound to the state, with local church branches, devoted to the worship and the spread of the teachings of Confucius.
In contemporary China, the Confucian revival has developed into different, yet interwoven, directions: the proliferation of Confucian schools or academies (shuyuan 书院 or 孔学堂 Kǒng xuétáng, "Confucian learning halls"), the resurgence of Confucian rites (chuantong liyi), and the birth of new forms of Confucian activity on the popular level, such as the Confucian communities (shequ ruxue 社区儒学). Some scholars also consider the reconstruction of lineage churches and their ancestral temples, as well as cults and temples of natural gods and national heroes within broader Chinese traditional religion, as part of the revival of Confucianism.
Other forms of revival are folk religious or salvationist religious groups with a Confucian focus or Confucian churches, for example the Yidan xuetang (一耽学堂) based in Beijing, the Mengmutang (孟母堂) of Shanghai, the Way of the Gods according to the Confucian Tradition or phoenix churches, the Confucian Fellowship (儒教道坛 Rújiào Dàotán) in northern Fujian which has spread rapidly over the years after its foundation, and ancestral temples of the Kong (Confucius') kin operating as Confucian-teaching churches.
Also, the Hong Kong Confucian Academy has expanded its activities to the mainland, with the construction of statues of Confucius, Confucian hospitals, restoration of temples and sponsorship of other activities. In 2009 Zhou Beichen founded another institution that inherits the idea of Kang Youwei's Confucian Church, the Holy Hall of Confucius (孔圣堂 Kǒngshèngtáng) in Shenzhen affiliated with the Federation of Confucian Culture of Qufu City, the first of a nationwide movement of congregations and civil organisations that was unified in 2015 as the Holy Confucian Church (孔圣会 Kǒngshènghuì). The first spiritual leader of the Holy Church is the renowned scholar Jiang Qing, the founder and manager of the Yangming Confucian Abode (阳明精舍 Yángmíng jīngshě), a Confucian academy in Guiyang, Guizhou.
Chinese folk religion's temples and kinship ancestral shrines on certain occasions may choose Confucian liturgy (that is called 儒 rú, or sometimes 正统 zhèngtǒng, meaning "orthoprax" ritual style) led by Confucian ritual masters (礼生 lǐshēng) to worship the gods, instead of Taoist or popular ritual. "Confucian businessmen" (儒商人 rúshāngrén, also "refined businessman"), is a recently recovered term that defines people of the entrepreneurial or economic elite that recognise their social responsibility and therefore apply Confucian culture to their business.
Taoism (道教 Dàojiào) refers to a variety of related orders of philosophy and rite that operate in Chinese religion. They share elements going back to the 4th century BCE and to the prehistoric culture of China, such as the School of Yin and Yang and the thought of Laozi and Zhuangzi. Taoism has a distinct scriptural tradition, with the Dàodéjīng (道德经 "Book of the Way and its Virtue") of Laozi being regarded as its keystone. Taoism can be precisely described, as does the scholar and Taoist initiate Kristofer Schipper in The Taoist Body (1986), as a doctrinal and liturgical framework or structure for the local cults of the indigenous religion. Taoist traditions emphasise living in harmony with the Tao (also romanized as Dao). The term Tao means "way", "path" or "principle", and can also be found in Chinese philosophies and religions other than Taoism. In Taoism, however, Tao denotes something that is both the source and the driving force behind everything that exists. It is ultimately ineffable: "The Tao that can be told is not the eternal Tao."
Only by the Han dynasty the various sources of Taoism coalesced into a coherent tradition of religious organisations and orders of ritualists. In earlier ancient China, Taoists were thought of a hermits or recluses who did not participate in political life. Zhuangzi was the best known of these, and it is significant that he lived in the south, where he was part of local shamanic traditions. Women shamans played an important role in this tradition, which was particularly strong in the southern state of Chu. Early Taoist movements developed their own institution in contrast to shamanism, but absorbed basic shamanic elements. Shamans revealed basic texts of Taoism from early times down to at least the 20th century.
Institutionalized forms evolved in various strains that in more recent times are conventionally grouped into two main branches: Quanzhen Taoism and Zhengyi Taoism. Taoist schools traditionally feature reverence for Laozi, immortals or ancestors, along with a variety of divination and exorcism rituals, and practices for achieving ecstasy, longevity or immortality. Taoist propriety and ethics may vary depending on the particular school, but in general tends to emphasize wu wei (effortless action), "naturalness", simplicity, spontaneity, and the Three Treasures: compassion, moderation, and humility.
Taoism has had profound influence on Chinese culture in the course of the centuries, and clerical "Taoists" (Chinese: 道士; pinyin: dàoshi, "masters of the Tao") usually take care to note distinction between their ritual tradition and those of vernacular orders which are not recognised as Taoist.
Taoism was suppressed during the Cultural Revolution but its traditions endured in secrecy and revived in following decades. In 1956 a national organization, the Chinese Taoist Association, was set up to govern the activity of Taoist orders and communities. According to demographic analyses approximately 13% of the population of China claims a loose affiliation with Taoist practices, while self-proclaimed "Taoists" by exclusivity (a title that traditionally is only used for experts of Taoist doctrines and rites, if not strictly for priests) might be 12 million (~1%). The definition of "Taoists" is complicated by the fact that many folk sects of salvation and their members began to be registered as branches of the Taoist association in the 1990s.
There are two types of Taoists, following the distinction between the Quanzhen and Zhengyi traditions. Quanzhen daoshi are celibate monks, and therefore the Taoist temples of the Quanzhen school are monasteries. Contrarywise, the Zhengyi daoshi, also known as sanju daoshi ("scattered" or "diffused" Taoists) or huoju daoshi ("Taoists who live at home"), are part-time priests who may marry and have other jobs, they live among the common people, and perform Taoist rituals within the field of common Chinese religion, for local temples and communities.
While the Chinese Taoist Association started as a Quanzhen institution, and remains based at the White Cloud Temple of Beijing, that is the central temple of the Quanzhen sect, since the 1990s it started to open to the sanju daoshi of the Zhengyi branch, who are more numerous than the Quanzhen monks. The Chinese Taoist Association had already 20.000 registered sanju daoshi in the mid-1990s, while in the same years the total number of Zhengyi priests including the unregistered ones was estimated at 200.000. The Zhengyi sanju daoshi are trained by other priests of the same sect, and historically received formal ordination by the Celestial Master, although the 63rd Celestial Master Zhang Enpu fled to Taiwan in the 1940s during the Chinese Civil War. Taoism, both in registered and unregistered forms, has experienced a strong development since the 1990s and dominates the religious life of coastal provinces.
Ritual mastery traditions
Chinese ritual masters, also referred to as practitioners of Faism (法教 fǎjiào, "ritual traditions"), also named Folk Taoism (民间道教 Mínjiàn Dàojiào), are orders of priests that operate within the Chinese folk religion, but outside any institution of official Taoism. The "masters of rites", the fashi (法師), are known by a variety of names including the appellation of hongtou daoshi (紅頭道士) popular in southeast China, meaning "redhead" or "redhat" daoshi, in contradistinction with the wutou daoshi (烏頭道士), "blackhead" or "blackhat" daoshi, as they call the sanju daoshi of Zhengyi Taoism that were traditionally ordained by the Celestial Master. In some provinces of north China they are known as yīnyángshēng (阴阳生 "sages of yin and yang"),:86 and by a variety of other names.
Although the two types of priests, daoshi and fashi, have the same roles in Chinese society—in that they can marry and they perform rituals for communities' temples or private homes—Zhengyi daoshi emphasize their Taoist tradition, distinguished from the vernacular tradition of the fashi. Popular priests are defined as "kataphatic" ("filling") in character, while professional Taoists are "kenotic" ("emptying", apophatic).
Fashi are practitioners of tongji possession, healing, exorcism and jiao rituals (although historically they were excluded from performing the jiao liturgy). They aren't shamans (wu), with the exception of those of the order of Mount Lu of east China. Rather, they represent an intermediate level between the wu and the Taoists. Like the wu the ritual masters identify with their deity, but while the wu embody wild forces, the ritual masters represent order like the Taoists. Unlike the Taoists, both ritual masters and wu find their institutional base in local cults to particular deities, although the ritual masters are itinerant.
Chinese shamanic traditions
Shamanism was the prevalent modality of pre-Han dynasty Chinese indigenous religion. The Chinese usage distinguishes the Chinese wu tradition (Wuism: 巫教 wūjiào; properly shamanic, with control over the gods) from the tongji tradition (童乩; mediumship, without control of the godly movement), and from non-Han Chinese Altaic shamanisms (萨满教 sàmǎnjiào) that are practiced in northern provinces.
With the rise of Confucian orthodoxy in the Han period, shamanic traditions found a more institutionalised and intellectualised state within the esoteric philosophical discourse of Taoism. According to Chirita (2014), Confucianism itself, with its emphasis on hierarchy and ancestral rituals, derived from the shamanic discourse of the Shang dynasty. What Confucianism did was to marginalise the "dysfunctional" features of old shamanism. However, shamanic traditions continued uninterrupted within the folk religion and found precise and functional forms within Taoism.
In the Shang and Zhou dynasty, shamans had a role in the political hierarchy, and were represented institutionally by the Ministry of Rites (大宗拍). The emperor was considered the supreme shaman, intermediating between the three realms of heaven, earth and man. The mission of a shaman (巫 wu) is "to repair the dis-functionalities occurred in nature and generated after the sky had been separated from earth":
- «The female shamans called wu as well as the male shamans called xi represent the voice of spirits, repair the natural dis-functions, foretell the future based on dreams and the art of divination ... "a historical science of the future", whereas shamans are able to observe the yin and the yang ...».
Since the 1980s the practice and study of shamanism has undergone a massive revival in Chinese religion as a mean to repair the world to a harmonious whole after industrialisation. Shamanism is viewed by many scholars as the foundation for the emergence of civilisation, and the shaman as "teacher and spirit" of peoples. The Chinese Society for Shamanic Studies was founded in Jilin City in 1988.
In China, Buddhism (佛教 Fójiào) is represented by a large number of people following the Mahayana. This is distinguished in two very different cultural traditions, the schools of Chinese Buddhism followed by the Han Chinese, and the schools of Tibetan Buddhism followed by Tibetans and Mongols. The vast majority of Buddhists in China, counted in the hundreds of millions, are Chinese Buddhists, while Tibetan Buddhists are in the number of the tens of millions. Small communities of the Theravada exist among minority ethnic groups who live in southwestern provinces of Yunnan and Guangxi which border Burma, Thailand and Laos, and the Li people of Hainan.
With the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949 Buddhism was suppressed and temples closed or destroyed. The Buddhist Association of China was founded in 1953. Restrictions lasted until the reforms of the 1980s, when Buddhism began to recover popularity and its place as the largest organised faith in the country. While estimates of the number of Buddhists in China range widely, the most recent surveys have found that an average 10–16% of the population of China claims a Buddhist affiliation, with even higher percentages in urban agglomerations.
Buddhism was introduced into China from its western neighbouring peoples during the Han dynasty, traditionally in the 1st century. It became very popular among Chinese of all walks of life, admired by commoners, and sponsored by emperors in certain dynasties. The expansion of Buddhism reached its peak during the Tang dynasty, in the 9th century, when Buddhist monasteries had become very rich and powerful.
The wealth of Buddhist institutions was among the practical reasons (the ideal reason was that Buddhism was a "foreign religion") why the Tang emperors decided to enact a wave of persecutions of the religion, starting with the Great Anti-Buddhist Persecution by Emperor Wuzong of Tang, through which many monasteries were destroyed and the religion's influence in China was greatly reduced. Buddhism survived and regained a place in the Chinese society over the following centuries.
The entry of Buddhism into China was marked by interaction with Taoism in particular, from which a set of uniquely Chinese Buddhist schools emerged (汉传佛教 Hànchuán Fójiào, "Han Buddhism" or "Chinese Buddhism"). Originally seen as a kind of "foreign Taoism", Buddhism's scriptures were translated into Chinese using the Taoist vocabulary. Chan Buddhism in particular was shaped by Taoism, integrating distrust of scripture, text and even language, as well as the Taoist views of embracing "this life", dedicated practice and the "every-moment". In the Tang dynasty Taoism itself absorbed Buddhist influences such as monasticism, vegetarianism, prohibition of alcohol, and the doctrine of emptiness. During the same period, Chan Buddhism grew to become the largest sect in Chinese Buddhism.
Buddhism was not universally welcomed, particularly among the gentry. The Buddha's teaching seemed alien and amoral to conservative and Confucian sensibilities. Confucianism promoted social stability, order, strong families, and practical living, and Chinese officials questioned how a monk's monasticism and personal attainment of Nirvana benefited the empire. However, Buddhism and Confucianism eventually reconciled after centuries of conflict and assimilation.
Today the most popular forms of Chinese Buddhism are the Pure Land and Chán schools. In the 2000s and 2010s the influence of Chinese Buddhism has been expressed through the construction of large-scale statues, pagodas and temples, including the Guan Yin of the South Sea of Sanya inaugurated in 2005, and the Spring Temple Buddha, the highest statue in the world. Many temples in China also claim to host relics of the original Gautama Buddha.
The revival of Chinese Buddhism in the 21st century has seen the introduction or reintroduction of the Humanistic Buddhist movement from Taiwan and the Chinese overseas, with organisations such as the Cíjì (慈济), which has been working in mainland China since 1991 and has opened its mainland headquarters in the 2010s in Suzhou.
The Buddhist schools that emerged in the cultural sphere of Tibet (藏传佛教 Zàngchuán Fójiào or 喇嘛教 Lǎmajiào, "Lamaism") also have an influence throughout China that dates back to historical interactions of the Han Chinese with Tibetans and Mongols. Tibetan Buddhism is the dominant religion in Tibet, among Tibetans in Qinghai, and has a historical and significant presence in Inner Mongolia (where its traditional name is Burkhany Shashin, "Buddha's religion", or Shira-in Shashin, the "Yellow religion"—黄教 Huángjiào in Chinese[note 18]). However, there are many Tibetan Buddhist temples as far east as northeast China. The Yonghe Temple in Beijing is one example.
There are controversies around the Tibetan Buddhist hierarchy, specifically the succession of Tenzin Gyatso the 14th Dalai Lama, who was not only the spiritual leader of Gelug, the major branch of Tibetan Buddhism, but also the reputed traditional political ruler of Tibet and was exiled with the establishment of the modern People's Republic of China. The Panchen Lama, the Tibetan hierarch in charge of the designation of the future successor of the Dalai Lama, is a matter of controversy between the Chinese government and Tenzin Gyatso. The government of China asserts that the present (11th) incarnation of the Panchen Lama is Gyancain Norbu, while the 14th Dalai Lama asserted in 1995 that it was Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, who has not been seen in public since being detained by Chinese authorities in that year.
Since the liberalisation of religions in China in the 1980s, there has been a growing movement of adoption of the Gelug sect, and other Tibetan-originated Buddhist schools, by the Han Chinese. This movement has been favoured by the proselytic activity of Chinese-speaking Tibetan lamas.
Theravada Buddhism is a major form of Buddhism, practiced mostly in Southeast Asia but also among some minority ethnic groups in southwest China. Theravada Buddhism spread from Myanmar to present day Xishuangbanna, Dehong, Simao, Lincang, and Baoshan areas in Yunnan during sixth and seventh centuries. This school of Buddhism is today popular among the ethnic minority Dai, and also the Palaung, Blang, Achang, and Jingpo ethnic groups.
The first Buddhist temple in Yunnan province, the Wabajie Temple in Xishuangbanna, was erected in 615. After the 12th century, Theravada Buddhist influence into the region began to come from Thailand. Thais began to bring copies of the Pali canon to Yunnan, to translate the scriptures and to construct new temples. The people living in areas in Yunnan where Theravada Buddhism is a popular religion follow similar norms as the Buddhists in Thailand and it is often intermixed with local folk beliefs. Theravada Buddhism suffered from persecution in the region during the Cultural Revolution, but since the 1980s has seen some revival.
Nichiren Buddhism, a denomination of the Buddhist religion which was founded in Japan, has been spreading in China in the last decades in the form of the Soka Gakkai (in Chinese: 创价学会 Chuàngjià xuéhuì). This society has engaged in missionary efforts in China partially aided by the good relationship it has interlaced with the Chinese government. Delegations from the Japanese Soka Gakkai and the Chinese government and intellectual class have made visits to each other, so that the society has been called an "intimate friend of the Chinese government".:127 Soka Gakkai members in China are organised in the form of the house church, as they "meet quietly in small groups in the homes of other members", with little interference from the government.:118-119
Besides Tibetan Buddhism and the Vajrayana streams found within Chinese Buddhism, Vajrayana Buddhism is practiced in China in some independent forms. For instance, Azhaliism (Chinese: 阿吒力教 Āzhālìjiào) is a Vajrayana Buddhist religion practiced among the Bai people.
The Vajrayana current of Chinese Buddhism is known as Tangmi (唐密 "Tang Mysteries"), as they flourished in China during the Tang dynasty just before the great suppression of Buddhism by imperial decision. Another name for this body of traditions is "Han Chinese Transmission of the Esoteric (or Mystery) Tradition" (汉传密宗 Hànchuán Mìzōng, where Mizong is the Chinese name of all Vajrayana). Tangmi, togerther with the broader religious tradition of Tantrism (in Chinese: 怛特罗 Dátèluō or 怛特罗密教 Dátèluó mìjiào; which may include Hindu forms of religion):3 has undergone a revitalisation in recent times togerther with the revival of Buddhism overall.
The Gateway of the Hidden Flower (华藏宗门 Huácáng Zōngmén) and the True Awakening Tradition (真佛宗 Zhēnfó Zōng) are two new Han Chinese movements within the Vajrayana, and are among the Buddhist sects officially proscribed by the government.
Ethnic minorities' indigenous religions
Various Chinese non-Han minority populations practice unique indigenous religions. The government of China promotes and protects the indigenous religions of minority nations as the focus of their culture and ethnic identity.
Benzhuism (本主教 Běnzhǔjiào, "religion of the patrons") is the indigenous religion of the Bai people, an ethnic group of Yunnan. It consists in the worship of the ngel zex, Bai word for "patrons" or "source lords", rendered as benzhu (本主) in Chinese, that are local gods and deified ancestors of the Bai nation. It is very similar to Han Chinese religion.
Bimoism (毕摩教 Bìmójiào) is the indigenous religion of the Yi people(s), the largest ethnic group in Yunnan after the Han Chinese. This faith is represented by three types of religious specialists: the bimo (毕摩, "ritual masters", "priests"), the sunyi (male shamans) and the monyi (female shamans).
What distinguishes the bimo and the shamans is the way they derive their authority. While both are regarded as the "mediators between men and the divine", the shamans are initiated through a "spirit-possessed inspiration" (comprising illness or vision) whereas the bimo—who are always males with few exceptions—are literates, who can read and write traditional Yi script, have a tradition of theological and ritual scriptures, and are initiated through a tough edicational system.
Since the 1980s, Bimoism has undergone a comprehensive revitalisation, both on the grassroots level and on the scholarly level, with the bimo now celebrated as an "intellectual class" whose role is that of creators, preservers and transmitters of Yi high culture. Since the 1990s, Bimoism has undergone an institutionalisation, starting with the foundation of the Bimo Culture Research Center in Meigu County in 1996. The founding of the centre received substantial support from local authorities, especially those whose families were directly affiliated with one of the many bimo hereditary families. Since then, large temples and ceremonial complexes for Bimoist practices have been constructed.
"Bon" (Tibetan: བོན་; Chinese: 苯教 Běnjiào) is the post-Buddhist name of the pre-Buddhist folk religion of Tibet. Buddhism spread into Tibet starting in the 7th and 8th centuries, and the name "Bon" was adopted as the name of the indigenous religion in Buddhist historiography. Originally, bon was the title of the shamans-priests of that indigenous religion. This is in analogy with the names of the priests of the folk religions of peoples related to the Tibetans, such as the dong ba of the Nakhi or the bø of Mongolians and other Siberian peoples. Bonpo ("believers of Bon") claim that the word bon means "truth" and "reality".
The spiritual source of Bon is the mythical figure of Tonpa Shenrab Miwoche. Since the late 10th century, the religion then designated as "Bon" started to organise adopting the style of Tibetan Buddhism, including a monastic structure and a Bon Canon (Kangyur) that made it a codified religion. The Chinese sage Confucius is worshipped in Bon as a holy king, master of magic and divination.
Dongbaism (東巴教 Dōngbajiào, "religion of the eastern Ba") is the main religion of the Nakhi people. The "dongba" ("eastern Ba") are masters of the culture, literature and the script of the Nakhi. They originated as masters of the Tibetan Bon religion ("Ba" in Nakhi language), many of whom, in times of persecution when Buddhism became the dominant religion in Tibet, were expelled and dispersed to the eastern marches settling among Nakhi and other eastern peoples.
Dongbaism historically formed as beliefs brought by Bon masters commingled with older indigenous Nakhi beliefs. Dongba followers believe in a celestial shaman called Shi-lo-mi-wu, with little doubt the same as the Tibetan Shenrab Miwo. They worship nature and generation, in the form of many heavenly gods and spirits, chthonic Shu (spirits of the earth represented in the form of chimera-dragon-serpent beings), and ancestors.
Manchu folk religion
Manchu folk religion is the ethnic religion practiced by most of the Manchu people, the major of the Tungusic peoples, in China. It can also be called "Manchu Shamanism" (满族萨满教 Mǎnzú sàmǎnjiào) by virtue of the word "shaman" being originally from Tungusic šamán ("man of knowledge"),:235 later applied by Western scholars to similar religious practices in other cultures.
It is a patheistic system, believing in a universal God called Apka Enduri ("God of Heaven") which is the omnipotent and omnipresent source of all life and creation. Deities (enduri) enliven every aspect of nature, and the worship of these gods is believed to bring favour, health and prosperity.:236 Many of the deities are original Manchu kins' ancestors, and people with the same surname are generated by the same god.
Miao folk religion
Most of the Miao people (or Hmong) in China have retained their traditional folk religion. It is pantheistic and deeply influenced by Chinese religion, sharing the concept of yeeb ceeb and yaj ceeb representing respectively the realm of the gods in potentiality and the manifested or actual world of living things as a complementary duality.:59
Miao believe in a supreme universal God, Saub, who is somewhat a deus otiosus who created reality and left it to develop according to its ways, but nonetheless can be appealed in times of need. He entrusted a human, Siv Yis, with his healing powers and he became the first shaman.:60 On his death he ascended to heaven, but he left behind his instruments which became the equipment of the shaman class. They (txiv neeb) regard Siv Yis as their archetype and identify as him when they are imbued by the gods.:60-61
Various gods (dab or neeb, the latter defining those who work with shamans) enliven the world. Among them the most revered are the water god Dragon King (Zaj Laug), the Thunder God (Xob), the gods of life and death (Ntxwj Nyug and Nyuj Vaj Tuam Teem), Lady Sun (Nkauj Hnub) and Lord Moon (Nraug Hli), and various deified human ancestors.:60-62
Mongolian folk religion
Mongolian folk religion, that is Mongolian shamanism (蒙古族萨满教 Ménggǔzú sàmǎnjiào), alternatively named Tengerism (腾格里教 Ténggélǐjiào), is the native and major religion among the Mongols of China, mostly residing in the region of Inner Mongolia.
It is centered on the worship of the tngri (gods) and the highest Tenger (Heaven, God of Heaven, God) or Qormusta Tengri. In the Mongolian native religion, Genghis Khan is considered one of the embodiments, if not the main embodoment, of the Tenger. In worship, communities of lay believers are led by shamans (called böge if males, iduγan if females), who are intermediaries of the divine.
Since the 1980s there has been an unprecedented development of Mongolian religion in Inner Mongolia, including böge, the cult of Genghis Khan and the Heaven in special temples (many of which yurt-style), and the cult of aobao as ancestral shrines. There has been a significant integration of the Han Chinese of Inner Mongolia into the traditional Mongolian spiritual heritage of the region. The cult of Genghis is also shared by the Han, claiming his spirit as the founding principle of the Yuan dynasty.
Aobaoes (敖包 áobāo) are sacrificial altars of the shape of a mound that are traditionally used for worship by Mongols and related ethnic groups. Every aobao is thought as the representation of a god. There are aobaoes dedicated to heavenly gods, mountain gods, other gods of nature, and also to gods of human lineages and agglomerations.
The aobaoes for worship of ancestral gods can be private shrines of an extended family or kin (people sharing the same surname), otherwise they are common to villages (dedicated to the god of a village), banners or leagues. Sacrifices to the aobaoes are made offering slaughtered animals, joss sticks, and libations.
Qiang folk religion
Qiang people are mostly followers of a native Qiang folk religion.:14 It is pantheistic, involving the worship of a variety of gods of nature and of human affairs, including Qiang progenitors. White stones are worshipped as it is believed they can be invested with the power of some gods through rituals.:14 They believe in an overarching God, called Mubyasei ("God of Heaven"), which is connected to the Chinese concept of Tian and clearly identified by the Qiang with the Taoist-originated Jade Deity.:140-144
Religious ceremonies and rituals are directed by priests called duāngōng in Chinese. They are shamans who acquire their position through years of training with a teacher. Duāngōng are the custodians of Qiang theology, history and mythology. They also administer the coming of age ceremony for 18 years-old boys, called the "sitting on top of the mountain", which involves the boy's entire family going to mountain tops to sacrifice a ship or cow and to plant three cypress trees.:14-15
Two of the most important religious holidays are the Qiang New Year, falling on the 24th day of the sixth month of the lunar calendar (though now it is fixed on October 1st), and the Mountain Sacrifice Festival, held between the second and the sixth month of the lunar calendar. The former festival is to give sacrifice to the God of Heaven, while the latter is dedicated to the god of mountains.:14
Yao folk religion
The Yao people, who reside in Guangxi and Hunan and surrounding provinces, follow a folk religion that is deeply integrated with Taoism since the 13th century, so much that it is frequently defined as "Yao Taoism". Yao folk religion was described by a Chinese scholar of the half of the 20th century as an example of deep "Taoisation" (道教化 Dàojiàohuà). In the 1980s it was found that the Yao clearly identified with the Chinese-language Taoist theological literature, seen as a prestigious statute of culture (文化 wénhuà).:290
The reason of this tight identification of Yao religion and identity with Taoism is that in Yao society every male adult is initiated as a Taoist, and Yao Taoism is therefore a communal religion; this is in sharp contrast to Chinese Taoism, which is an order of priests disembedded from the common Chinese folk relgion. A shared sense of Yao identity is based additionally on tracing their descent from the mythical ancestor Panhu.:48-49
Zhuang folk religion
Zhuang folk religion, sometimes called Moism (摩教 Mójiào) or Shigongism (师公教 Shīgōngjiào, "religion of the [Zhuang] ancestral father"), after two of its forms, is practiced by most of the Zhuang people, the largest ethnic minority of China, who inhabit the province of Guangxi. It is a polytheistic-monistic and shamanic religion centered on the creator god usually expressed as Buluotuo, the mythical primordial ancestor of the Zhuang. Its beliefs are codified into a mythology and a sacred scripture, the "Buluotuo Epic". A very similar religion of the same name is that of the Buyei people, kindred to the Zhuang.
The Zhuang religion is intertwined with Taoism. In fact, Chinese scholars divide the Zhuang religion into several categories according to the type of ritual specialists who conduct the rites; these categories include Shigongism, Moism, Daogongism (道公教 Dàogōngjiào) and shamanism (巫教 Wūjiào).
"Shigongism" refers to the dimension led by the shīgōng (师公) ritual specialists, a term that can be translated variously as "ancestral father" or "teaching master", and which refers to the generating principle and the men who can represent it. Shīgōng specialists practice masked dancing and worship the Three Primordials, the generals Tang, Ge and Zhou. "Moism" refers to the dimension led by mógōng (摩公), who are vernacular ritual specialists able to transcribe and read texts written in Zhuang characters and worship Buluotuo and the goddess Muliujia. "Daogongism" is Zhuang Taoism, that is the indigenous religion directed by Zhuang Taoist priests, known as dàogōng (道公 "lords of the Tao") in the Zhuang language, according to Taoist doctrines and rites. Zhuang shamanism entails the practices of mediums who provide direct communication between the material and the spiritual worlds, known as momoed if female and gemoed if male.
Since the 1980s and the 1990s there has been a revival of this religion that has taken place in two directions. The first is a grassroots revival of cults to local deities and ancestors led by shamans; the second way is a promotion of the religion on the official institutional level, through a standardisation of Moism elaborated by Zhuang officials and intellectuals.
Christianity (基督教 Jīdūjiào, "religion of Christ") in China comprises Protestantism (基督教新教 Jīdūjiào xīnjiào, "New-Christianity"), Roman Catholicism (天主教 Tiānzhǔjiào, "religion of the Lord of Heaven"), and a small number of Orthodox Christians (正教 Zhèng jiào). Also Mormonism (摩爾門教 Mó'ěrménjiào) has a tiny presence. The Orthodox Church, which has believers among the Russian minority and some Chinese in the far northeast and far northwest, is officially recognised only in Heilongjiang. There are also a number of heterodox sects of Christian inspiration, including Zhushenism, Linglingism, Fuhuodao, Mentuhui and Eastern Lightning or the Church of Almighty God.
Christianity had existed in China as early as the 7th century AD, having multiple cycles of strong presence for hundreds of years at a time, disappearing for hundreds of years, and then being re-introduced. The arrival of the Persian missionary Alopen in 635, during the early part of the Tang dynasty, is considered by some to be the first entry of the Christian religion into China. What Westerners referred to as Nestorian Christianity flourished for hundreds of years, until Emperor Wuzong of the Tang dynasty adopted anti-religious measures in 845, expelling Buddhism, Christianity, and Zoroastrianism and confiscating their considerable assets. Christianity again came to China in the 13th century during the Mongol-established Yuan dynasty, when the Mongols brought Nestorianism back to the region, and contacts began with the Papacy, such as Franciscan missionaries in 1294. When the native Chinese Ming dynasty overthrew the Yuan dynasty in the 14th century, Christians were again expelled from China.
At the end of the Ming dynasty in the 16th century, Jesuits arrived in Beijing via Guangzhou. The most famous of the Jesuit missionaries was Matteo Ricci, an Italian mathematician who came to China in 1588 and lived in Beijing in 1600. Ricci was welcomed at the imperial court and introduced Western learning into China. The Jesuits followed a policy of accommodation to the traditional Chinese practice of ancestor worship, but this doctrine was eventually condemned by the Pope. Roman Catholic missions struggled in obscurity for decades afterwards.
Christianity began to take root in a significant way in the late imperial period, during the Qing dynasty, and although it has remained a minority religion in China, it has had significant recent historical impact. Further waves of missionaries came to China in the Qing period as a result of contact with foreign powers. Russian Orthodoxy was introduced in 1715 and Protestants began entering China in 1807. The pace of missionary activity increased considerably after the First Opium War in 1842. Christian missionaries and their schools, under the protection of the Western powers, went on to play a major role in the Westernization of China in the 19th and 20th centuries.
The Taiping Rebellion was influenced to some degree by Christian teachings, and the Boxer Rebellion was in part a reaction against Christianity in China. Christians in China established the first modern clinics and hospitals, and provided the first modern training for nurses. Both Roman Catholics and Protestants founded numerous educational institutions in China from the primary to the university level. Some of the most prominent Chinese universities began as religious-founded institutions. Missionaries worked to abolish practices such as foot binding, and the unjust treatment of maidservants, as well as launching charitable work and distributing food to the poor. They also opposed the opium trade and brought treatment to many who were addicted. Some of the early leaders of the Chinese Republic, such as Sun Yat-sen were converts to Christianity and were influenced by its teachings. By 1921, Harbin, Manchuria's largest city, had a Russian population of around 100,000, constituting a large part of Christianity in the city.
Christianity, especially in its Protestant form, gained momentum in China between the 1980s and the 1990s. In more recent times it has been curbed by the rapid regeneration of indigenous beliefs. Protestants today, including both official and unofficial churches, have between 25 and 35 million adherents. Catholics are not more than 10 million. Various recent demographic analyses have found that an average 2–4% of the population of China claims a Christian affiliation.
Christians have an uneven geographic distribution, but a more even social composition. The only provinces in which they constitute a population significantly larger than 1 million persons are Henan, Anhui and Zhejiang. The social composition of Christianity in China is characterised by a prevalence of women, illiterate, and elderly people.
A significant amount of the members of the networks of churches unregistered with the government, and of their pastors, belong to the Koreans of China. Christianity has a strong presence in the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture, in Jilin. The Christianity of Yanbian Koreans has a patriarchal character; Korean churches are usually led by men, in contrast to Chinese churches which more often have female leadership. For instance, of the 28 registered churches of Yanji, only three of which are Chinese congregations, all the Korean churches have a male pastor while all the Chinese churches have a female pastor. Also, Korean church buildings are stylistically very similar to South Korean churches, with big spires surmounted by large red crosses. Yanbian Korean churches have been a matter of controversy for the Chinese government because of their links to South Korean churches.
In recent decades the Communist Party of China has become more tolerant of Christian churches outside party control, despite looking with distrust on organizations with international ties. The government and Chinese intellectuals tend to associate Christianity with subversive Western values, and many churches have been closed or destroyed. Since the 2010s policies against Christianity have been extended also to Hong Kong.
Islam (伊斯兰教 Yīsīlánjiào or 回教 Huíjiào) traditionally dates back to a diplomatic mission in 651, eighteen years after Muhammad's death, led by Sa`d ibn Abi Waqqas. Emperor Gaozong is said to have shown esteem for Islam and established the Huaisheng Mosque, or Memorial Mosque, in memory of the Prophet.
Muslims went to China to trade and virtually dominated the import and export industry by the time of the Song dynasty, with the office of Director General of Shipping consistently being held by a Muslim. Immigration increased when hundreds of thousands of Muslims were relocated to help administer China during the Yuan dynasty. A Muslim, Yeheidie'erding, led the construction of the Yuan capital of Khanbaliq, in present-day Beijing.
During the Ming dynasty, Muslims continued to have an influence among the high classes. Zhu Yuanzhang's most trusted generals were Muslim, including Lan Yu, who led a decisive victory over the Mongols, effectively ending the Mongol dream to re-conquer China. Zheng He led seven expeditions to the Indian Ocean. The Hongwu Emperor composed The Hundred-word Eulogy in praise of Muhammad. Muslims who were descended from earlier immigrants began to assimilate by speaking Chinese dialects and by adopting Chinese names and culture. They developed their own cuisine, architecture, martial arts and calligraphy. This era, sometimes considered the Golden Age of Islam in China, also saw Nanjing become an important center of Islamic study.
The rise of the Qing dynasty (1644–1911) saw numerous rebellions including the Panthay Rebellion, which occurred in Yunnan province from 1855 to 1873, and the Dungan revolt, which occurred mostly in Xinjiang, Shaanxi and Gansu, from 1862 to 1877. The Manchu government ordered the execution of all rebels killing a million people in the Panthay Rebellion, several million in the Dungan revolt. However, many Muslims like Ma Zhan'ao, Ma Anliang, Dong Fuxiang, Ma Qianling, and Ma Julung defected to the Qing dynasty side, and helped the Qing general Zuo Zongtang exterminate the Muslim rebels. These Muslim generals belonged to the Khafiya sect, and they helped Qing defeat Jahariyya rebels. In 1895, another Dungan Revolt (1895) broke out, and loyalist Muslims like Dong Fuxiang, Ma Anliang, Ma Guoliang, Ma Fulu, and Ma Fuxiang suppressed and massacred the rebel Muslims led by Ma Dahan, Ma Yonglin, and Ma Wanfu. A Muslim army called the Kansu Braves led by General Dong Fuxiang fought for the Qing dynasty against the foreigners during the Boxer Rebellion.
After the fall of the Qing, Sun Yat-sen, proclaimed that the country belonged equally to the Han, Manchu, Mongol, Tibetan and Hui people. In the 1920s the provinces of Qinhai, Gansu and Ningxia came under the control of Muslim Governors/Warlords known as the Ma clique, who served as generals in the National Revolutionary Army. During Maoist rule, in the Cultural Revolution, mosques were often defaced, destroyed or closed and copies of the Quran were destroyed by the Red Guards.
Today Islam is experiencing a revival. There is an upsurge in Islamic expression and many nationwide Islamic associations have organized to co-ordinate inter-ethnic activities among Muslims. Muslims are found in every province in China, but they constitute a majority only in Xinjiang, and a large amount of the population in Ningxia and Qinghai. Of China's recognised ethnic minorities, ten groups are predominantly Muslim. Accurate statistics on China's current Muslim population are hard to find; various surveys have found that they constitute 1–2% of the population of China, or between 20 and 30 million people. They are served by 35.000 to 45.000 mosques, 40.000 to 50.000 imams (ahong), and 10 Quranic institutions.
Judaism (犹太教 Yóutàijiào) was introduced during the Tang dynasty or earlier, by small groups of Jews settled in China. The most prominent early community was at Kaifeng, in Henan province (Kaifeng Jews). In the 20th century many Jews arrived in Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Harbin during those cities' periods of economic expansion in the first decades of the century, as well as for the purpose of seeking refuge from anti-Semitic pogroms in the Russian Empire (the early 1900s), the communist revolution and civic war in Russia (1917–1918), and anti-Semitic Nazi policy in Central Europe, chiefly in Germany and Austria (1937–1940), and the last wave from Poland and other Eastern European countries (the early 1940s).
Shanghai was particularly notable for its numerous Jewish refugees (Shanghai Ghetto), most of whom left after the war, the rest relocating prior to or immediately after the establishment of the People's Republic. Today, the Kaifeng Jewish community is functionally extinct. Many descendants of the Kaifeng community still live among the Chinese population, mostly unaware of their Jewish ancestry. Meanwhile, remnants of the later arrivals maintain communities in Shanghai and Hong Kong. In recent years a community has also developed in Beijing, especially by Chabad-Lubavitch.
More recently, since the late 20th century, along with the study of religion in general, the study of Judaism and Jews in China as an academic subject has begun to blossom (i.e. Institute of Jewish Studies (Nanjing), China Judaic Studies Association).
Manichaeism (摩尼教 Móníjiào), an Iranian religion, entered China between the 6th and 8th centuries through interactions between the Tang dynasty and states of Central Asia, Daxia (Bactria). In 731, a Manichaean priest was asked by the Chinese emperor to make a summary of the religion's teachings. He wrote the Compendium of the Teachings of Mani the Buddha of Light. The Tang emperors approved Manichaeism to be practiced by foreigners but prohibited preaching among Chinese people.
A turning point occurred in 762 with the conversion of Bogu Khan of the Uyghurs. Since 755, the Chinese Empire had been weakened by the An Shi Rebellion, and the Uyghurs had become the only fighting force serving the Tang dynasty. Bogu Khan encouraged the spread of Manichaeism into China. Manichaean temples were established in the two capitals, Chang'an and Luoyang, as well as in several other cities in northern and central China.
The decline of Uyghur power in 840 brought an end to the prosperity of Manichaeism. Emperor Wuzong of Tang started the Great Anti-Buddhist Persecution, which was not exclusively against Buddhism but extended to all foreign religions. Manichaeism was suppressed but didn't disappear. During the period of the Five Dynasties, it re-emerged as an underground phenomenon, particularly in southern China.
In 1120, a rebellion led by Fang Xi was believed to be caused by adherents of secret religious communities, whose meeting places were said to host political dissidents. This event brought crackdowns of unauthorized religious congregations and destruction of scriptures. In 1280, the rule of the Mongol Yuan dynasty gave a century of freedom to Manichaeism. Subsequently, since 1368 the Ming dynasty started a new policy of extermination of the religion, which eventually disappeared.
A small Hindu (印度教 Yìndùjiào) community of traders from India had existed in past centuries in coastal Fujian. A bilingual Tamil-Chinese inscription dated from the 13th century has been found within the remains of a Shiva temple in Quanzhou. This was one of possibly two Hindu temples of southern Indian architecture that were built in the southeastern area of the old port, where the foreign traders' enclave was located. Various influences from Hindu thought penetrated China through the spread of Buddhism in the country. Many victims in 2015 Bangkok bombing visiting a Hindu god temple are Chinese with different nationalities.
Zoroastrianism (琐罗亚斯德教 Suǒluōyàsīdéjiào or 祆教 Xiānjiào) expanded in northern China during the 6th century through the Silk Road. It gained the status of an officially authorised religion in some Chinese regions. Remains of Zoroastrian fire temples have been found in Kaifeng and Zhenjiang. According to some scholars, they were active until the 12th century, when the religion disappeared from China.
Between 1931 and 1945, with the establishment of the Japanese-controlled Manchukuo ("Manchu Country") in northeast China (Manchuria), many shrines of State Shinto (神社, Chinese: shénshè, Japanese: jinja) were established in the area.
They were part of the project of cultural assimilation of Manchuria into Japan, or Japanisation. The same was happening in Taiwan. With the end of World War II and the Manchu Country (Manchukuo) in 1945, and the return of Manchuria and Taiwan to China under the Guomindang, Shinto was abolished and the shrines destroyed.
During the same period also many Japanese new religions, or independent Shinto sects, proselytised in Manchuria establishing hundreds of congregations. Most of the missions belonged to the Omoto teaching, the Tenri teaching and the Konko teaching of Shinto.
Anti-metaphysical and anti-theistic thoughts
China has a history of schools of thought not relying on conceptions of an absolute, or putting absolutes into question. It is worth remembering that Confucianism itself is primarily pragmatic and humanist, in it the "thisworldliness" being the priority. Given the differences between Western and Chinese concepts of "religion", Hu Shih stated in the 1920s what has been translated in Western terminology as "China is a country without religion and the Chinese are a people who are not bound by religious superstitions".
The Classic of Poetry contains several catechistic poems in the Decade of Dang questioning the authority or existence of the God of Heaven. Later philosophers such as Xun Zi, Fan Zhen, Han Fei, Zhang Zai, and Wang Fuzhi also criticized religious practices prevalent during their times. During the efflorescence of Buddhism in the Southern and Northern dynasties, Fan Zhen wrote "On the Extinction of the Soul" (神灭论 Shénmièlùn) to criticise Buddhist ideas pf body-soul dualism, samsara and karma. He wrote that the soul is merely an effect or function of the body, and that there is no soul without the body (i.e., after the destruction and death of the body). Further, he considered that cause-and-effect relationships claimed to be evidence of karma were merely the result of coincidence and bias. For this, he was exiled by Emperor Wu of Liang.
|Religions by country|
- Freedom of religion in China
- Chinese ancestral religion
- Buddhism in China
- Chinese folk religion
- Chinese ritual mastery traditions
- Falun Gong
- Christianity in China
- Islam in China
- Religion in Inner Mongolia
- Religion in Hong Kong
- Religion in Macau
- Religion in Northeast China
- Religion in Taiwan
- The main axis of the Taoist Temple of Fortune and Longevity (福寿观 Fúshòuguān) has a Temple of the Three Patrons (三皇殿 Sānhuángdiàn) and a Temple of the Three Purities (三清殿 Sānqīngdiàn, the orthodox gods of Taoist theology). Side chapels include a Temple of the God of Wealth (財神殿 Cáishéndiàn), a Temple of the Lady (娘娘殿 Niángniángdiàn), a Temple of the Eight Immortals (八仙殿 Bāxiāndiàn), and a Temple of the (God of) Thriving Culture (文昌殿 Wénchāngdiàn). The Fushou Temple belongs to the Taoist Church and was built in 2005 on the site of a former Buddhist temple, the Iron Tiles Temple, which stood there until it was destituted and destroyed in 1950. Part of the roof tiles of the new temples are from the ruins of the former temple excavated in 2002.
- Some scholars consider Confucianism as humanist and secularist. Rather, Herbert Fingarette has described it as a religion that "sacralises the secular".
- Overmyer (2009, p. 73), says that from the late 19th to the 20th century few professional priests (i.e. licensed Taoists) were involved in local religion in the central and northern provinces of China, and discusses various types of folk ritual specialists including: the yuehu 樂戶, the zhuli 主禮 (p. 74), the shenjia 神家 ("godly families", hereditary specialists of gods and their rites; p. 77), then (p. 179) the yinyang or fengshui masters (as "[...] folk Zhengyi Daoists of the Lingbao scriptural tradition, living as ordinary peasants. They earn their living both as a group from performing public rituals, and individually [...] by doing geomancy and calendrical consultations for fengshui and auspicious days"; quoting: S. Jones (2007), Ritual and Music of North China: Shawm Bands in Shanxi). He also describes shamans or media known by different names: mapi 馬裨, wupo 巫婆, shen momo 神嬤嬤 or shen han 神漢 (p. 87); xingdao de 香道的 ("practitioners of the incense way"; p. 85); village xiangtou 香頭 ("incense heads"; p. 86); matong 馬童 (the same as southern jitong), either wushen 巫神 (possessed by gods) or shenguan 神官 (possessed by immortals; pp. 88-89); or "godly sages" (shensheng 神聖; p. 91). Further (p. 76), he discusses for example the sai 賽, ceremonies of thanksgiving to the gods in Shanxi with roots in the Song era, which leaders very often corresponded to local political authorities. This pattern continues today with former village Communist Party secretaries elected as temple association bosses (p. 83). He concludes (p. 92): "In sum, since at least the early twentieth century the majority of local ritual leaders in north China have been products of their own or nearby communities. They have special skills in organization, ritual performance or interaction with the gods, but none are full-time ritual specialists; they have all ‘kept their day jobs’! As such they are exemplars of ordinary people organizing and carrying out their own cultural traditions, persistent traditions with their own structure, functions and logic that deserve to be understood as such."
- Chinese ancestral or lineage religion is the worship of a family or kin's godly ancestors in the system of lineage churches and ancestral shrines. Note it well that this does not include other forms of Chinese religion, such as the worship of national ancestral gods or the gods of nature (which in northern China is more typical than ancestor worship), Taoism and Confucianism.
- The map attempts to represent the geographic diffusion of the tradition of folk religious sects, Confucian churches and jiaohua (transformative teachings), based on historical data and contemporary fieldwork. Due to incomplete data and ambiguous identity of many of these traditions the map may not be completely accurate. Sources include a World Religion Map from Harvard University, based on data from the World Religion Database, showing highly unprecise ranges of Chinese folk religions' membership by province. Another source, the studies of China's Regional Religious System, find "very high activity of popular religion and secret societies and low Buddhist presence in northern regions, while very high Buddhist presence in the southeast". Historical record and contemporary scholarly fieldwork testify certain central and northern provinces of China as hotbeds of folk religious sects and Confucian religious groups.
- Hebei: Fieldwork by Thomas David Dubois testifies the dominance of folk religious sects, specifically the Church of the Heaven and the Earth and the Church of the Highest Supreme, since their "energetic revival since the 1970s" (p. 13), in the religious life of the counties of Hebei. Religious life in rural Hebei is also characterised by a type of organisation called the benevolent churches and the folk sect known as Zailiism has returned active since the 1990s.
- Henan: According to Heberer and Jakobi (2000) Henan has been for centuries a hub of folk religious sects (p. 7) which constitute significant focuses of the religious life of the province. Sects present in the region include the Baguadao or Tianli ("Order of Heaven") sect, the Dadaohui, the Tianxianmiaodao, the Yiguandao, and many others. Henan also has a strong popular Confucian orientation (p. 5).
- Northeast China: According to official records by the then-government the Universal Church of the Way and its Virtue or Morality Society had 8 million members in Manchuria, or northeast China, making up about 25% of the total population of the area (note that the state of Manchuria also included the eastern end of modern-day Inner Mongolia). Folk religious sects of a Confucian nature, or Confucian churches, were in fact very successful in the northeast, gathering large slices of the population.
- Shandong: The province is traditionally a stronghold of Confucianism and is the area of origin of many folk religious sects and Confucian churches of the modern period, including the Universal Church of the Way and its Virtue, the Way of the Return to the One (皈依道 Guīyīdào), the Way of Unity (一貫道 Yīguàndào), and others. Alex Payette (2016) testifies the rapid growth of Confucian groups in the province in the 2010s.
- Percentage of Buddhist temples and monasteries per capita by province of China according to incomplete data from 2006, reported in Ji Zhe's Three Decades of Revival: Basic Data on Contemporary Chinese Buddhism (复兴三十年：当代中国佛教的基本数据, 2011). The analysts say that despite being based on incomplete data, being Buddhist temples and other institutions far more numerous than those registered in 2006, the density projected on the total population of each province is quite accurate.
- Other names that have been proposed are:
- These numerical results for practitioners of the folk religions exclude those who identified with one of the institutional religions, even the 173 million folk Taoists. p. 34 of Wenzel-Teuber (2011): «The CSLS questioned people on popular religious beliefs and practices as well, and came to the following estimates (excluding those who identified themselves with an institutional religion)».
- However, there is considerable discrepancy between what Chinese and Western cultures intend with the concepts of "belief", "existence" and "practice". The Chinese folk religion is often considered one of "belonging" rather than "believing".
- Scholar Kenneth Dean estimates 680 million people involved in folk temples and rituals. Quote: «According to Dean, "in the rural sector... if one takes a rough figure of 1000 people per village living in 680,000 administrative villages and assume an average of two or three temples per village, one arrives at a figure of over 680 million villagers involved in some way with well over a million temples and their rituals".»
- The image is a good synthesis of the basic virtues of Chinese religion and Confucian ethics, that is to say "to move and act according to the harmony of Heaven". The Big Dipper or Great Chariot in Chinese culture (as in other traditional cultures) is a symbol of the axis mundi, the source of the universe (God, Tian) in its way of manifestation, order of creation (li or Tao). The symbol, also called the Gate of Heaven (天门 Tiānmén), is widely used in esoteric and mystical literature. For example, an excerpt from Shangqing Taoism's texts:
- "Life and death, separation and convergence, all derive from the seven stars. Thus when the Big Dipper impinges on someone, he dies, and when it moves, he lives. That is why the seven stars are Heaven's chancellor, the yamen where the gate is opened to give life."
- The lack of an overarching name conceptualising the Chinese local indigenous cults has led to some confusion in the terminology employed in scholarly literature. In Chinese, with the terms usually translated in English as "folk religion" (i.e. 民間宗教 mínjiān zōngjiào) or "folk faith" (i.e. 民間信仰 mínjiān xìnyǎng) they generally refer to the folk religious sects, and not to the local indigenous cults of gods and ancestors. To resolve this issue some Chinese intellectuals have proposed to formally adopt "Chinese native religion" / "Chinese indigenous religion" (i.e. 民俗宗教 mínsú zōngjiào) or "Chinese ethnic religion" (i.e. 民族宗教 mínzú zōngjiào), or also "Chinese religion" (中華教 Zhōnghuájiào) and "Shenxianism" (神仙教 Shénxiānjiào), as single names for the local indigenous cults of China.
- The graphical etymology of Tian 天 as "Great One" (Dà yī 大一), and the phonetical etymology as diān 颠, were first recorded by Xu Shen. John C. Didier in In and Outside the Square (2009) for the Sino-Platonic Papers discusses different etymologies which trace the character Tian 天 to the astral square or its ellipted forms, dīng 口, representing the north celestial pole (pole star and Big Dipper revolving around it; historically a symbol of the absolute source of the universal reality in many cultures), which is the archaic (Shang) form of dīng 丁 ("square"). Gao Hongjin and other scholars trace the modern word Tian to the Shang pronunciation of 口 dīng (that is *teeŋ). This was also the origin of Shang's Dì 帝 ("Deity"), and later words meaning something "on high" or "top", including 顶 dǐng. The modern graph for Tian 天 would derive from a Zhou version of the Shang archaic form of Dì 帝 (from Shang oracle bone script → , which represents a fish entering the astral square); this Zhou version represents a being with a human-like body and a head-mind informed by the astral pole (→ ). Didier furtherly links the Chinese astral square and Tian or Di characters to other well-known symbols of God or divinity as the northern pole in key ancient cultural centres: the Harappan and Vedic-Aryan spoked wheels, crosses and hooked crosses (Chinese wàn 卍/卐), and the Mesopotamian Dingir . Jixu Zhou (2005), also in the Sino-Platonic Papers, connects the etymology of Dì 帝, Old Chinese *Tees, to the Indo-European Deus, God.
- The characters yu 玉 (jade), huang 皇 (emperor, sovereign, august), wang 王 (king), as well as others pertaining to the same semantic field, have a common denominator in the concept of gong 工 (work, art, craft, artisan, bladed weapon, square and compass; gnomon, "interpreter") and wu 巫 (shaman, medium) in its archaic form , with the same meaning of wan 卍 (swastika, ten thousand things, all being, universe). A king is a man or an entity who is able to merge himself with the axis mundi, the centre of the universe, bringing its order into reality. The ancient kings or emperors of the Chinese civilisation were shamans or priests, that is to say mediators of the divine rule. The same Western terms "king" and "emperor" traditionally meant an entity capable to embody the divine rule: king etymologically means "gnomon", "generator", while emperor means "interpreter", "one who makes from within".
- Tian, besides Taidi ("Great Deity") and Shangdi ("Highest Deity"), Yudi ("Jade Deity"), simply Shen 神 ("God"), and Taiyi ("Great Oneness") as identified as the ladle of the Tiānmén 天门 ("Gate of Heaven", the Big Dipper), is defined by many other names attested in the Chinese literary, philosophical and religious tradition:
- Tiānshén 天神, the "God of Heaven", interpreted in the Shuowen jiezi (說文解字) as "the being that gives birth to all things";
- Shénhuáng 神皇, "God the King", attested in Taihong ("The Origin of Vital Breath");
- Tiāndì 天帝, the "Deity of Heaven" or "Emperor of Heaven".
- A popular Chinese term is Lǎotiānyé (老天爷), "Old Heavenly Father".
- Huáng Tiān 皇天 —"Yellow Heaven" or "Shining Heaven", when it is venerated as the lord of creation;
- Hào Tiān 昊天—"Vast Heaven", with regard to the vastness of its vital breath (qi);
- Mín Tiān 旻天—"Compassionate Heaven" for it hears and corresponds with justice to the all-under-heaven;
- Shàng Tiān 上天—"Highest Heaven" or "First Heaven", for it is the primordial being supervising all-under-heaven;
- Cāng Tiān 苍天—"Deep-Green Heaven", for it being unfathomably deep.
- Huángdì (黄帝 "Yellow Emperor" or "Yellow Deity") or Huángshén (黄神 "Yellow God"), also known as Huángshén Běidǒu (黄神北斗 "Yellow God of the Northern Dipper"), Xuānyuánshì (轩辕氏 "Venerable of the Mysterious Origin") and Zhōngyuèdàdì (中岳大帝 "Great Deity of the Central Peak"), is the creator of Huaxia, the spiritual foundation of the civility of China. He represents the man who embodies or grasps the axis mundi (Kunlun Mountain), the hub of creation, identifying with the spring of the universe (天 Tiān), bringing the divine order into physical reality and thus opening the gateways to immortality. The character 黄 huáng, for the color "yellow", also means, by homophony and shared etymology with 皇 huáng, "august", "creator" and "radiant", other attributes which identify the Yellow Emperor with Shàngdì (上帝 "Highest Deity") in his human form. As a human, Xuanyuan was the fruit of virginal birth, as his mother Fubao conceived him as she was aroused, while walking in the country, seeing a yellow lightning around the Big Dipper. She delivered her son on the mount of Shou (Longevity) or mount Xuanyuan (Mysterious Origin), after which he was named.
- There is no consensus on whether Confucianism is a religion or not. Yong Chen opens his book on this very topic thus: "The question of whether Confucianism is a religion is probably one of the most controversial issues in both Confucian scholarship and the discipline of religious studies." In another work on this topic the authors observe that "There have been, and are still, those scholars who have understood Confucianism as a religion; others have argued that Confucianism is not a religion but something else, often, a philosophy."
- "Yellow religion", a synecdoche from the Yellow Hat sect, may also refer to yellow shamanism, that is a type of Mongolian shamanism which uses a Buddhist-like expressive style.
- The White Sulde (White Spirit) is one of the two spirits of Genghis Khan (the other being the Black Sulde), represented either as his white or yellow horse or as a fierce warrior riding this horse. In its interior, the temple enshrines a statue of Genghis Khan (at the center) and four of his men on each side (the total making nine, a symbolic number in Mongolian culture), there is an altar where offerings to the godly men are made, and three white suldes made with white horse hair. From the central sulde there are strings which hold tied light blue pieces of cloth with a few white ones. The wall is covered with all the names of the Mongol kins. The Chinese worship Genghis as the ancestral god of the Yuan dynasty.
- The Silver Turtle Temple (银龟神庙 Yínguīshénmiào) of Qiang folk religion was consecrated in 2014. It is a complex of temples dedicated to various gods: it hosts a Great Temple of Yandi (炎帝大殿 Yándì dàdiǎn), a Great Temple of Dayu (大禹大殿 Dàyǔ dàdiàn) and a Great Temple of Li Yuanhao (李元昊大殿 Lǐyuánhào dàdiàn), considered the most important deities of the Qiang people.
- Yao (2010), p. 11.
- Miller (2006), p. 57.
- Tam Wai Lun, "Local Religion in Contemporary China", in Xie, ed., 2006. p. 73
- Kuhn (2011), p. 373.
- Kuhn (2011), p. 362.
- Kuhn (2011), p. 368.
- Mark Juergensmeyer. Religion in Global Civil Society. Oxford University Press, 2005. p. 70, quote: «[...] humanist philosophies such as Confucianism, which do not share a belief in divine law and do not exalt faithfulness to a higher law as a manifestation of divine will [...]».
- Herbert Fingarette. Confucius: The Secular As Sacred. Waveland, 1998. ISBN 1577660102
- Chen (2012), p. 127.
- Rowan Callick. Party Time: Who Runs China and How. Black Inc, 2013. p. 112
- Laliberté (2011), p. 7-8.
- Wang (2011).
- Steven F. Teiser. What is Popular Religion?. Part of: Living in the Chinese Cosmos, Asia for Educators, Columbia University. Extracts from: Stephen F. Teiser. The Spirits of Chinese Religion. In: Religions of China in Practice. Princeton University Press, 1996.
- China Zentrum: Religions & Christianity in Today's China. Vol. IV, 2014, No. 1. ISSN 2192-9289. pp. 22-23
- Laliberté (2011), p. 7.
- Sautman (1997), pp. 80-81.
- Yao (2010), pp. 9-10.
- Bays (2012), p. 7-15, 18-21.
- Bays (2012), p. 48-52 ff.
- Geoffrey Blainey. A Short History of Christianity. Viking, 2011. p. 508
- Geoffrey Blainey. A Short History of Christianity. Viking, 2011. p. 531
- Geoffrey Blainey. A Short History of Christianity. Viking, 2011. p. 532
- Wang (2004), pp. 60-61.
- Yang & Lang (2011), p. 112.
- Sarah M. Nelson, Rachel A. Matson, Rachel M. Roberts, Chris Rock, Robert E. Stencel. Archaeoastronomical Evidence for Wuism at the Hongshan Site of Niuheliang. 2006.
- De Groot (1892), pp. passim vol. 6.
- Libbrecht (2007), p. 43.
- Teiser (1988), p. 8-9.
- Geoffrey Blainey. A Short History of Christianity. Viking, 2011. p. 384
- Fan & Chen (2013), p. 9.
- Tarocco, Francesca (2007), The Cultural Practices of Modern Chinese Buddhism: Attuning the Dharma, London: Routledge, p. 48
- Liang, Yongjia (2016). "The Anthropological Study of Religion in China: Contexts, Collaborations, Debates and Trends" (PDF). Asia Research Institute Working Paper Series (250): 25.
- Overmyer (2009), p. 50.
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- Overmyer (2009), p. 46.
- Overmyer (2009), p. 51.
- Overmyer (2009), p. 45.
- Waldron (1998), p. 325.
- "China's Policy on Religion". English.people.com.cn. Retrieved 17 October 2011.
- Constitution of the People's Republic of China (1982), English translation (page visited on 17 December 2015).
- Te Winkle, Kimberley S. (2005). "A Sacred Trinity: God, Mountain and Bird. Cultic Practices of the Bronze Age Chengdu Plain" (PDF). Sino-Platonic Papers. Victor H. Mair (149). ISSN 2157-9687.
- Christopher Marsh. Religion and the State in Russia and China: Suppression, Survival, and Revival. Continuum, 2011. ISBN 1441112472. p. 239
- Jesús Solé-Farràs. New Confucianism in Twenty-First Century China: The Construction of a Discourse. Routledge, 2013. p. 56
- Daniel A. Bell. China's New Confucianism: Politics and Everyday Life in a Changing Society. Princeton University Press, 2010. ASIN: B004R1Q79Q. p. 14
- Karrie J. Koesel. Religion and Authoritarianism: Cooperation, Conflict, and the Consequences. Cambridge University Press, 2014. ISBN 1139867792. p. 8
- China Digital Times: Xi Jinping Hopes Traditional Faiths Can Fill Moral Void.
- Lai Pan-chiu, "Christian Discourses on Religious Diversity in Contemporary China," in Perry Schmidt-Leukel, Joachim Gentz. Religious Diversity in Chinese Thought. Palgrave Macmillan, 2013. p. 218
- Clart (2014), pp. 407-408.
- "White Paper-Freedom of Religious Belief in China". China-embassy.org. 23 October 2003. Retrieved 17 October 2011.
- Lagerwey (2010), pp. 1-2.
- Source map #1. Dumortier, Brigitte, 2002, Atlas des religions, Autrement, collection Atlas, Paris, p. 32.
- Source map #2. Narody Vostochnoi Asii ("Ethnic Groups of East Asia" (1965)), Zhongguo Minsu Dili ("Folklore Geography of China" (1999)), Zhongguo Dili ("Geography of China" (2002)).
- Source map #3. 高文德 主编.中国少数民族史大辞典.长春：吉林教育出版社. 1995.
- Source map #4. 《中国少数民族艺术词典》编程委员会 编;殷海山,李耀宗,郭洁 主编.中国少数民族艺术词典.北京：民族出版社. 1991.
- Zhao Litao, Tan Soon Heng. Religious Revival in China. On: EAI Background Brief No. 368, 2008. Quote pp. i-ii: «Their revival is most evident in South-east China, where annual festivals for local and regional gods often mobilize the entire village population for elaborate rites and rituals. The deep and rich ritual traditions share close similarities with those of Taiwan and overseas Chinese and financial help from these connections make coastal Fujian a frontrunner in reviving local communal religion.»
- Chan (2005), p. 93, quoting: "By the early 1990s Daoist activities had become popular especially in rural areas, and began to get out of control as the line between legitimate Daoist activities and popular folk religious activities - officially regarded as feudal superstition - became blurred. [...] Unregulated activities can range from orthodox Daoist liturgy to shamanistic rites. The popularity of these Daoist activities underscores the fact that Chinese rural society has a long tradition of religiosity and has preserved and perpetuated Daoism regardless of official policy and religious institutions. With the growth of economic prosperity in rural areas, especially in the coastal provinces where Daoist activities are concentrated, with a more liberal policy on religion, and with the revival of local cultural identity, Daoism - be it the officially sanctioned variety or Daoist activities which are beyond the edge of the official Daoist body - seems to be enjoying a strong comeback, at least for the time being.".
- Overmyer (2009), p. 185: about Taoism in southeastern China: "Ethnographic research into the temple festivals and communal rituals celebrated within these god cults has revealed the widespread distribution of Daoist ritual traditions in this area, including especially Zhengyi (Celestial Master Daoism) and variants of Lushan Daoist ritual traditions. Various Buddhist ritual traditions (Pu’anjiao, Xianghua married monks and so on) are practiced throughout this region, particularly for requiem services". (quoting K. Dean (2003) Local Communal Religion in Contemporary Southeast China, in D.L. Overmyer (ed.) Religion in China Today. China Quarterly Special Issues, New Series, No. 3. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 32–34.)
- Goossaert, Vincent (2011). "Is There a North China Religion? A Review Essay". Journal of Chinese Religions. Routledge. 39 (1): 83–93. doi:10.1179/073776911806153907. ISSN 0737-769X.
- Overmyer (2009), pp. 12-13: «As for the physical and social structure of villages on this vast flat expanse; they consist of close groups of houses built on a raised area, surrounded by their fields, with a multi-surnamed population of families who own and cultivate their own land, though usually not much more than twenty mou or about three acres. [...] Families of different surnames living in one small community meant that lineages were not strong enough to maintain lineage shrines and cross-village organizations, so, at best, they owned small burial plots and took part only in intra-village activities. The old imperial government encouraged villages to manage themselves and collect and hand over their own taxes. [...] leaders were responsible for settling disputes, dealing with local government, organizing crop protection and planning for collective ceremonies. All these factors tended to strengthen the local protective deities and their temples as focal points of village identity and activity. This social context defines North China local religion, and keeps us from wandering off into vague discussions of ‘popular’ and ‘elite’ and relationships with Daoism and Buddhism.»
- Overmyer (2009), p. xii.
- Overmyer (2009), p. 10: "There were and are many such pilgrimages to regional and national temples in China, and of course such pilgrimages cannot always be clearly distinguished from festivals for the gods or saints of local communities, because such festivals can involve participants from surrounding villages and home communities celebrating the birthdays or death days of their patron gods or saints, whatever their appeal to those from other areas. People worship and petition at both pilgrimages and local festivals for similar reasons. The chief differences between the two are the central role of a journey in pilgrimages, the size of the area from which participants are attracted, and the role of pilgrimage societies in organizing the long trips that may be involved. [...] pilgrimage in China is also characterized by extensive planning and organization both by the host temples and those visiting them."
- Overmyer (2009), p. 3: "[...] there are significant differences between aspects of local religion in the south and north, one of which is the gods who are worshiped."; p. 33: "[...] the veneration in the north of ancient deities attested to in pre-Han sources, deities such as Nüwa, Fuxi and Shennong, the legendary founder of agriculture and herbal medicine. In some instances these gods were worshiped at places believed to be where they originated, with indications of grottoes, temples and festivals for them, some of which continue to exist or have been revived. Of course, these gods were worshiped elsewhere in China as well, though perhaps not with the same sense of original geographical location."
- Overmyer (2009), p. 15: «[...] Popular religious sects with their own forms of organization, leaders, deities, rituals, beliefs and scripture texts were active throughout the Ming and Qing periods, particularly in north China. Individuals and families who joined them were promised special divine protection in this life and the next by leaders who functioned both as ritual masters and missionaries. These sects were more active in some communities than in others, but in principle were open to all who responded to these leaders and believed in their efficacy and teachings, so some of these groups spread to wide areas of the country. [...] significant for us here though is evidence for the residual influence of sectarian beliefs and practices on non-sectarian community religion where the sects no longer exist, particularly the feminization of deities by adding to their names the characters mu or Laomu, Mother or Venerable Mother, as in Guanyin Laomu, Puxianmu, Dizangmu, etc., based on the name of the chief sectarian deity, Wusheng Laomu, the Eternal Venerable Mother. Puxian and Dizang are bodhisattvas normally considered ‘male’, though in Buddhist theory such gender categories don’t really apply. This practice of adding mu to the names of deities, found already in Ming period sectarian scriptures called baojuan ‘precious volumes’ from the north, does not occur in the names of southern deities.»
- Ownby (2008).
- Payette (2016).
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- Mapping of the diffusion of influence of the Taoist religion, i.e. local religion led by Taoist specialists, forms and institutions.
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- Ji Zhe's "Three Decades of Revival: Basic Data on Contemporary Chinese Buddhism / 复兴三十年：当代中国佛教的基本数据" (2011).
- Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) 2009. Report in Xiuhua Wang's Explaining Christianity in China: Why a Foreign Religion has Taken Root in Unfertile Ground, Baylor University (2015), p. 15. Data for Gansu, Guangdong, Henan, Liaoning and Shanghai updated according to the Chinese Family Panel Studies (CFPS) 2012.
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- Clart (2014), p. 393: «[...] The problem started when the Taiwanese translator of my paper chose to render "popular religion" literally as minjian zongjiao 民間宗教. The immediate association this term caused in the minds of many Taiwanese and practically all mainland Chinese participants in the conference was of popular sects (minjian jiaopai 民間教派), rather than the local and communal religious life that was the main focus of my paper.»
- Goossaert & Palmer (2011), p. 347, quoting: «[Since the 1990s] [...] a number of [...] lay salvationist groups (such as Xiantiandao in southern China and Hongyangism [弘阳教 Hóngyáng jiào] in Hebei) also successfully registered with the Taoist association, thus gaining legitimacy»..
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- Chinese Family Panel Studies's survey of 2012. Published in The World Religious Cultures issue 2014: 卢云峰：当代中国宗教状况报告——基于CFPS（2012）调查数据. p. 13, reporting the results of the Renmin University's Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) for the years 2006, 2008, 2010 and 2011, and their average. Note: although ~90% of the Chinese declare to be not affiliated to any religion (a term which in Chinese only defines "organised religions"), according to the researchers of CFPS, only 6.3% of the Chinese are not religious in the sense of atheism; the others are not religious in the sense that they do not belong to an organised religion, while they pray to or worship gods and ancestors in the manner of the traditional popular religion.
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- 2010 Chinese Spiritual Life Survey conducted by the Purdue University's Center on Religion and Chinese Society. Statistics published in: Katharina Wenzel-Teuber, David Strait. People’s Republic of China: Religions and Churches Statistical Overview 2011. On: Religions & Christianity in Today's China, Vol. II, 2012, No. 3, pp. 29-54, ISSN 2192-9289.
- Chinese Family Panel Studies's survey of 2012. Published on: The World Religious Cultures issue 2014: 卢云峰：当代中国宗教状况报告——基于CFPS（2012）调查数据.
- Chinese Family Panel Studies's survey of 2012. Published on: The World Religious Cultures issue 2014: 卢云峰：当代中国宗教状况报告——基于CFPS（2012）调查数据. p. 12
- Chinese Family Panel Studies's survey of 2012. Published on: The World Religious Cultures issue 2014: 卢云峰：当代中国宗教状况报告——基于CFPS（2012）调查数据. p. 13
- Chinese Family Panel Studies's survey of 2012. Published on: The World Religious Cultures issue 2014: 卢云峰：当代中国宗教状况报告——基于CFPS（2012）调查数据. p. 13, reporting the results of the Renmin University's Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) for the years 2006, 2008, 2010 and 2011.
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- Adherents.com - Top 20 Countries With Largest Numbers of Atheists / Agnostics (Zuckerman, 2005). From: Zuckerman, Phil. Atheism: Contemporary Rates and Patterns, chapter in: The Cambridge Companion to Atheism, ed. by Michael Martin, Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005.
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- Chinese Family Panel Studies's survey of 2012. Published on: The World Religious Cultures issue 2014: 卢云峰：当代中国宗教状况报告——基于CFPS（2012）调查数据. pp. 17-18
- Chinese Family Panel Studies's survey of 2012. Published on: The World Religious Cultures issue 2014: 卢云峰：当代中国宗教状况报告——基于CFPS（2012）调查数据. pp. 20-21
- Zhe Ji. Non-institutional Religious Re-composition among the Chinese Youth. On: Social Compass, SAGE Publications (UK and US), 2006, 53 (4), 535-549.
- 2010 Chinese Spiritual Life Survey (CSLS) conducted by the Purdue University's Center on Religion and Chinese Society. Statistics published in: Katharina Wenzel-Teuber, David Strait. People’s Republic of China: Religions and Churches Statistical Overview 2011. On: Religions & Christianity in Today's China, Vol. II, 2012, No. 3, pp. 29-54, ISSN: 2192-9289.
- Chinese Family Panel Studies's survey of 2012. Published on: The World Religious Cultures issue 2014: 卢云峰：当代中国宗教状况报告——基于CFPS（2012）调查数据. pp. 12-13
- Chinese Family Panel Studies's survey of 2012. Published on: The World Religious Cultures issue 2014: 卢云峰：当代中国宗教状况报告——基于CFPS（2012）调查数据. p. 17
- Sun Shangyang, Li Ding. Chinese Traditional Culture Study Fever, Scarcity of Meaning and the Trend of University Students' Attitudes towards Religions: A Survey in Beijing. On: Journal of Sino-Western Studies, issue 2011, pp. 53-68.
- Fenggang Yang, Joseph Tamney. Confucianism and Spiritual Traditions in Modern China and Beyond. Brill, 2011. ISBN 9004212396. p. 67.
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- Yao (2010), p. 39, quoting: «celestial gods [Shangdi and the Tian] [...] far removed from the normal spheres of human activities, undoubtedly had the more familiar ancestral spirits equated to them so that they could qualify for worship within the ancestral temple.» (quotes Blisky, 1975)..
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- Adler (2014), p. 10: «[...] Confucianism is basically non-theistic. While Heaven (tian) has some characteristics that overlap the category of deity, it is primarily an impersonal absolute, like dao and Brahman. "Deity" (theos, deus), on the other hand connotes something personal (he or she, not it).»
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