Roman Konoplev

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Roman Konoplev
Roman Konoplev in 2007.jpg
Roman Konoplev. Tiraspol. October 9, 2007
Born
Roman Yevgenyevich Konoplev

(1973-09-04) September 4, 1973 (age 46)
Pochep, Bryansk Oblast, Russian SFSR
NationalityRussian
CitizenshipSoviet (1973–1991)
Russian (1992–present)
Alma materInternational Institute of Economics and Law
Bryansk State Technical University
Occupationstrategist, publicist, writer
Years active1992–present
Spouse(s)Dina Konopleva

Roman Yevgenyevich Konoplev (Russian: Роман Евгеньевич Коноплёв,Romanian: Roman Conopliov) is a Russian political and public figure, strategist, publicist, writer, now resident in Portugal.[1]

Biography[edit]

Roman Konoplev was born on September 4, 1973 in Bryansk Oblast, Russian SFSR. In 1978 Roman and his parents moved to the town of Dnestrovsc, Moldavian SSR. In October 1992 he moved to Russia. In the summer of 2002 Konoplev returned to Pridnestrovie (also known as Transnistria).

Roman Konoplev graduated from the International Institute of Economics and Law – "political science" branch of juridical faculty (1993–1996), and from Bryansk State Technical University – computer software faculty (2003).

His career as a publicist started at the age of 16 (his first publication was in the newspaper "Power engineer"). In 1998 – 2002 his publications appeared in the Russian opposition press.

From 2002 Roman Konoplev was mostly occupied by the problematics of moldo-Transnistrian conflict, the expert of several analytical centers.

Most of Roman Konoplev's publications touch upon Transnistrian conflict problematics, social and political problems of Russia and foreign countries, Transnistrian democratic statehood becoming an inter-ethnic dialogue in Black Sea Region.

From February till September 2006 Roman Konoplev travelled in Scandinavia. Hid sketch book "Norwegian papers", first published in Russia, was later reprinted by several foreign media.

Roman Konoplev was the chief editor of Internet portal "PRIDNESTROVIE National policy. Orientation. Ideology." from August 2002 till October 2005. From July 2002 till December 2006, he was the head of the department of politics of the Transnistrian weekly "Transnistrian Courier".

Roman Konoplev's publications have appeared in the leading Russian analytical Internet portals "APN", "Russian Journal", etc.

He is the author of Transnistrian news agency "Lenta PMR". He was the chief editor of "Lenta PMR" from July 2004 to Match 2008, chief editor of Transnistrian newspaper "Russian Proriv!" from January 2007 to Match 2008 and chief editor of news agency "DNIESTER" from July 2009 to September 2017.[2]

After the presidential elections of 2011 in Transnistria the agency DNIESTER has become known as an opposition-leaning. On April 2012 Konoplev moved from Transnistria after receiving a series of threats.[3][4][5] On October 2012 news agency DNIESTER was blocked within Transnistria.[6]

Political activity[edit]

On May 9, 1993 Roman Konoplev became a member of the Public-Political movement "Rossi". He took part in opposition processions. On September 24, 1993 Roman joined the defenders of the House of Councils who formed Militia commandant's platoon of the Russian Supreme Council. He left the House of Councils together with other defenders on the day of the attack on October 4, 1993 at 5 p.m.

From the spring of 1997 till the summer of 1999 Roman gave concerts as rock-bard, the leader of the rock band "Volshebnaya Gora" (transl. "Magic Mountain"). He took part in political concerts and rock-festivals: "Oskolskaya Lira", "Zhelesniy March", etc.

From 1998 to 2003 Roman Konoplev was a member of the National Bolshevik Party (NBP), he was the leader of Bryansk regional department of the party, and a member of Central Committee of the party. Konoplev left his Party activities after the Party's ideology had changed. In the December 2000 he took part in the Bryansk local elections.

Roman Konoplev took part in the organization of the international forum "We – Russia" in Transnistria in the summer of 2002. He organized a mass meeting of the NBP near Moldova's embassy in Moscow to support Transnistria on July 15, 2002.

Konoplev introduced the idea of holding a demonstration "Russian March" in Tiraspol on November 4, 2006, and was the head of the organizing committee.[7] Roman Konoplev was the initiator of and a participant in numerous political actions to support international recognition of Transnistria.

From October 2006 to 2009 Roman Konoplev was a member, political adviser, strategist of Party "Proriv!", trainer of the Che Guevara School of Political Leadership.

Views evolution[edit]

Conservative social and political journalism represented by such periodicals as "Our contemporary" and "Young Guard" just before the USSR fell apart played a significant role when Konoplev's political view was being formed. At that period he was fascinated by Igor Shafarevich's works, he became familiar with different anti-soviet and anti-communist literature. When in school, Konoplev held the position of deputy secretary of the komsomol organization on ideology, he prepared and implemented political information based on Russian service of BBC, radio "Liberty", "Voice of America" on the school radio. Visiting Estonia in 1987 and 1990 made certain influence on Konoplev as well.

Political consequences of military conflict between Moldova and Transnistria, as well as massive human rights violations of the Russian population in the republics of the former Soviet Union, were a sort of arguments for Konoplev to become member of the opposition to Boris Eltsin. Being one of the leaders of National Bolshevik Party Konoplev represented its so called "right wing" and he stood for the necessity to criticize the ruling elite of Russian Federation from the position of national-liberalism (combining moderate Russian nationalism and economic and political liberalism). At that period Konoplev was interested in the works of such philosophers and theorists of "conservative revolution" whose ideas in Russia were promulgated by Alexander Dugin – one of the founders of the NBP. Aleksandr Nepomniachtchi, Konoplev's friend from "Russian rock-movement", introduced Roman to the Party.

In the spring of 1998, after Dugin left the NBP, Konoplev stayed in the party and later he was included in the Central Committee of the party. He started engaging new supporters of his ideas – the ideas that differed from the position of most party's leaders. Konoplev did not support the idea of an armed incursion to Kazakhstan. When the leaders of the NBP insisted that Roman Konoplev had to organize confrontation in Moldova by bursting upon Chisinau from Transnistria when thousands of pro-European students were organizing mass meetings of Christian Democratic People's Party, the intraparty conflict blazed up. Konoplev deserted the party, and in some time NBP's activity was clamped down by Russian court. Later Konoplev criticized in his publications the tactics of "direct action" – when the NBP organized anarchist actions as the result of which the activists of the party were held criminally liable and were sentenced to jail.

Because of being in opposition, Konoplev was several times called in for questioning by the FSB (Federal Security Service of Russia), and he was arrested by the Ministry of the Interior of Russia for distributing the newspaper "Ultra. Info. Bryansk" in December 2000. Konoplev was included in the federal list of extremists in 2006.[8]

From 2002 Konoplev was mostly occupied by the problematics of Moldo-Transnistrian conflict, protection of rights of national minorities in Moldavia and finding the idea of "Transnistrian identity". In 2006 he declared the necessity to form "Transnistrian political nation"[9] during the conference "Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic's state sovereignty".

From 2006 to 2008 in Russia Konoplev continued cooperating with Russian non-governmental periodicals, and he expressed moral support to moderate Russian nationalists and regionalists. A series of his publications were printed in "Nazlobu" magazine. Roman Konoplev took part in the conference "New political nationalism" in June 2008 in Moscow.

From 2008 Konoplev supported the concept of saving Russian socio-cultural space and the ideas of European liberalism in economics and politics.[10] He was trying to promote these ideas as the ideological platform for Transnistrian elite, blaming Transnistrian authorities for "closedness" and the conception of "besieged fortress".[11]

Speaking about Russia – Konoplev has supported the European integration strategy of Russia, and harmonization with European standards.

Target for criticism[edit]

Criticism from Moldavian communists[edit]

Konoplev was called "Transnistrian Goebbels" and "ideologist of Transnistrian separatism"[12] by governmental Media of Moldova when Vladimir Voronin was the president of the country. After Moldavian Communist Party was removed from power in 2009 Konoplev was also criticized by communists of Moldova and Transnistria who accused him of separatism, "attempts to rend Moldavia away from Russia" and of "libel on Transnistrian people" and of "sympathizing with Mihai Ghimpu".[13]

Criticism from Romanian nationalists[edit]

Nicolae Dabija, chief editor of Chisinau newspaper "Literatura şi Arta", accused Roman Konoplev of Russian chauvinism.[14] In particular, Dabija said: "I think that it is necessary to recall his accreditation and to expel him from the Republic of Moldova".[15]

Criticism in Transnistrian press[edit]

In his article, published in the governmental Transnistrian information agency "Olvia Press", political analyst V. Nikitin, characterized Konoplev's views as "right" and "pro-European". The article claims: "In Konoplev's opinion, to become a successful country Transnistria has to overcome Soviet era heritage, to demount monuments to Lenin, to clamp down communist parties and governmental media, to introduce private land ownership, to bring liberal economy with the help of European Union and to introduce European-based legal system. Konoplev, like Moldavian politician Oazu Nantoi, has his own three "D" – "deradicalization, demilitarization and desovietization of information stream". It means that the author of the report wants to say that any mentioning of Transnistria as "USSR fraction" and "Russian empire fortress" should disappear from information streams and at the same time the information has to become more tolerant to EU politicies… The proposal to demount monuments to Lenin and to clamp down communist organizations do not much comport with European practice, but smells like Mihai Ghimpu and extremism…".[16]

Criticism in Moldavian press[edit]

Moldavian analysts have an opinion that Konoplev is the popularizer of supporting radical pro-Romanian dynamics in Moldova, so that Transnistria will get recognition as soon as possible. The article also says that Konoplev is promoting a very unpopular scenario in Transnistria – "the building of absolutely independent state, a characterful "Transnistrian Switzerland". After Valeriy Litskay, ex-foreign minister of Transnistria left his position, this idea had not many supporters in Transnistria, with the exception of outcasts such as Roman Konoplev. Most people understand that Transnistria won't have a chance to survive as an independent state especially introducing multiple-vector policies".[17]

Writer[edit]

Roman Konoplev is the author of novels "The Gospel according to extremist", "Dromomania" and "Defeat".

Private life[edit]

Family[edit]

Married.

Hobbies and interests[edit]

His interests focus on such fields as: geopolitics, Russian national idea, constitutional law, political and religious extremism and ethno-politics.

Literature[edit]

Roman Konoplev is the author of more than 500 journalistic and op-ed pieces.

References[edit]

  1. ^ "Transilvania Regional Business: Va fi Shevciuc reales președinte?", Apr 7, 2015
  2. ^ „Приднестровье варится в собственном соку”/Интервью с Романом Коноплёвым | ИА Moldova.org
  3. ^ Hotade journalister söker asyl | "VF"
  4. ^ "Report on democratisation (electoral process, civil society, independent media, governance) and rule of law (corruption) in 2014" (ID 305996) / Freedom House | ecoi.net European Country of Origin Information Network
  5. ^ "2015 Nations in Transit Report on Moldova – Moldova" | Freedom House
  6. ^ „Peisajul mediatic si narativele presei transnistrene. Tablou incomplet”/ Nr. 1 | Aprilie 2017| IDIS "Viitorul"
  7. ^ В Тирасполе в "Русском марше" приняли участие более 500 человек (in Russian). "REGNUM". November 4, 2006. Retrieved September 12, 2018.
  8. ^ "Приднестровского журналиста выдавливают из России".Интервью (in Russian). "Polit.ru". February 22, 2010. Retrieved September 12, 2018.
  9. ^ Р.Коноплёв: Необходимо формирование приднестровской политической нации (in Russian). "Point.md". Retrieved February 2, 2006.
  10. ^ Роман Коноплев: Приднестровье: Шаг к Свободе (in Russian). "Dniester.ru". November 13, 2009. Retrieved September 12, 2018.
  11. ^ Роман Коноплев: Блуждающие в темноте (in Russian). "Dniester.ru". June 20, 2010. Retrieved September 12, 2018.
  12. ^ Политический комментарий агентства "Молдпрес": Косовский синдром. Кто желает раздела Молдовы? (in Russian). "Независимая Молдова". Retrieved February 3, 2006.
  13. ^ "Коноплёв как Гимпу" (in Russian). "Правда Приднестровья". Retrieved July 7, 2010.
  14. ^ «Literatura şi Arta»: Şovin de profesie(ro)
  15. ^ Николай Дабижа. "Неофашист Николай Дабижа против русофона Романа Коноплева: Профессия Шовинист" (in Russian). "Лента ПМР". Retrieved September 12, 2018.
  16. ^ Вячеслав Никитин (October 17, 2010). "Приднестровье перед выборами: туман рассеивается…" (in Russian). "Ольвия Пресс". Retrieved September 12, 2018.
  17. ^ Олег Сандуляк. "За кого проголосует Приднестровье" (in Russian). "AVA.MD". Retrieved September 12, 2018.

External links[edit]