Rwandan Patriotic Front
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|Rwandan Patriotic Front|
|Chamber of Deputies|
|Politics of Rwanda
The Rwandan Patriotic Front (also translated as: Rwandese Patriotic Front; or referred to as: Patriotic Front of Rwanda) abbreviated as RPF (also often referred to as FPR from French: Front patriotique rwandais) is the current ruling political party of Rwanda, led by President Paul Kagame. It governs in a coalition with other parties.
The RPF was created in 1987 by Rwandan refugees. The first Tutsi refugees fled to Uganda to escape ethnic purges in the beginning of 1959. These resulted from the "social revolution" of 1959, led by Grégoire Kayibanda, that overthrew the Tutsi-led monarchy, and instability that continued through independence from Belgium in 1962. While 50,000 to 70,000 Tutsi arrived in the initial refugee influx, periodic ethnic violence resulted in a refugee population of about 200,000 by 1990, though only about 82,000 of these had registered as refugees with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
Uganda had perhaps the harshest refugee laws in the region. Refugees were confined to designated refugee camps and refugee status was transferred between generations: the children born in Uganda from refugee parents were themselves considered refugees. However, as the refugee numbers grew the population overflowed the boundaries of the camps set up during the initial refugee crisis. The one benefit of refugee status was that it gave children access to United Nations aid, in particular UNHCR scholarships, which allowed most young people to escape the camps and find work in urban areas in Uganda and abroad. This, along with the resulting success of many Tutsi, bred resentment among Ugandan nationals, which often manifested as work-place discrimination.
During the political crisis of the late 1960s, the administration of Milton Obote passed a bill called the Control of Alien Refugees Act, which declared Rwandese to be a special class subject to arbitrary detention. In 1969, Obote ordered all "unskilled foreigners" to be removed from government jobs, affecting thousands of Banyarwanda. ("Banyarwanda" are all persons who speak the Kinyarwanda language, which includes the indigenous Banyarwanda who lived in southern border regions, the descendants of Hutus who had come as migrant laborers in the mid-1920s, and the more recent Tutsi refugees.) Obote also ordered a census of all ethnic Banyarwanda, with the intention of ensuring that they would have no influence over the political process. The census was interrupted by the 1971 coup of Idi Amin, which was greeted with relief by many Banyarwanda. While some Banyarwanda joined the security forces, others joined the anti-Amin forces gathering in Tanzania. Prominent among these was a teenage Fred Rwigyema, who was recruited by Yoweri Museveni into his Front for National Salvation.
Rwandese Alliance for National Unity (RANU)
Following the overthrow of Amin in 1979, the Tutsi refugee intelligentsia set up the region's first political refugee organization, the Rwandese Alliance for National Unity (RANU), to discuss the possible return to Rwanda. Though primarily a forum for intellectual discussion, it became radicalized after Obote's rigged election of 1980 resulted in many Tutsi refugees joining Museveni in fighting the Ugandan Bush War. In response, Obote denounced Museveni's National Resistance Army (NRA) as composed of Banyarwanda. A failed attempt to force all Tutsi refugees into the refugee camps in February 1982 resulted in a massive purge, driving 40,000 refugees back into Rwanda. Rwanda declared that they recognized only 4000 of these as Rwandan nationals, while Uganda declared that they would take back only 1000. The remaining 35,000 were left in a legal limbo along the border region that lasted for years, from where many refugee youth left to join the NRA.
Two of the 27 people who were part of the 1981 NRA raid at Kabamba that began the war were Tutsi refugees: Fred Rwigyema and Paul Kagame, who had grown up together in Kahunge refugee camp and were both active members of RANU. By the time that the victorious NRA entered Kampala in 1986, about a quarter of its 16000 combatants were Banyarwanda, while Rwigyema was its deputy commander. After the Museveni government was formed, Rwigyema was appointed deputy minister of defense and deputy army commander-in-chief, second only to Museveni in the military chain of command for the nation. Kagame was appointed acting chief of military intelligence. Other Tutsi refugees were highly placed: Peter Baingana was head of NRA medical services and Chris Bunyenyezi was the commander of the 306th Brigade, while Adam Waswa was the Commander of the 316th Brigade at Moroto in northern Uganda, Steven Ndugute was commander of the 79th Battalion, and Kanyemera Sam Kaka was Military Police Commander. Tutsi refugees formed a disproportionate number of NRA officers for the simple reason that they had joined the rebellion early and thus had accumulated more experience.
The contributions of the Banyarwanda in the war were immediately recognized by the new government. Six months after taking power, Museveni reversed the decades-old legal regime and declared that Banyarwanda who had resided in Uganda would be entitled to citizenship after 10 years. In December 1987, RANU held its seventh congress in Kampala and renamed itself the Rwanda Patriotic Front. The new RPF, dominated by Banyarwanda veterans of the war, was far more militaristic than the original RANU.
Citizenship and indigeneity
Some critics of the RPF have argued that the Tutsi diaspora always intended to form an "army within an army" that would be used to invade Rwanda. This argument states that the Tutsi rebels of RANU had joined with Museveni as part of a long-planned conspiracy. However, Ugandan scholar Mahmood Mamdani argues that the 1990 invasion was the result of a debate among the refugees in response to events, the most important of which was the rising nativist urge in Uganda. Criticism that the NRA was overly dominated by refugees resulted in Major-General Fred Rwigyema being transferred from the powerful position of deputy commander of the army to the more ceremonial position of deputy minister of defense in 1987. The next year he was removed from even this position.
Nevertheless, in a 1988 conference of the political diaspora in Washington, D.C., most of the exiled community agreed that the Tutsi should become naturalized citizens of the countries in which they resided, while those who wished to return could do so through a process of peaceful negotiation with the Rwandan government.
The final change came with a 1990 debate on ranches in Mawogola County, Masaka District and the issues it raised about whether citizenship should emanate from resident or indigenous status. The ranches had been gradually taken over by 200,000 pastoralists, about 80,000 of whom were said to be refugees. The owners of the land had raised the rent for using the land and for access to water, eventually resulting in a squatter uprising and outbreak of violence. A political firestorm erupted when the government sided with the squatters, as ranchers and others accused the president of favoring the nonindigenous Banyarwanda over the 'real Ugandans'. The opposition managed to put the topic of indigeneity and its relationship to citizenship and legal rights at the center of the political debate. Thus backed into a corner and in need of maintaining his political coalition, the president backed down, agreeing that the Banyarwanda were foreigners with no rights as citizens. Within the army, refugee officers were systematically removed, with the replacement of refugees in favor of individuals with claims to indigeneity eventually extending into other government agencies.
A senior RPF commander, speaking in 1995, summed up the effect this experience had on him:
"You stake your life and at the end of the day you recognize that no amount of contribution can make you what you are not. You can't buy it, even with blood."
Rwandan Civil War and Genocide
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On 1 October 1990, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), the armed wing of the RPF, deserted their posts in the Ugandan army and invaded northern Rwanda. After initial gains in threatening Kigali, the offensive was turned back with the help of Zairean and French troops sent to reinforce the Habyarimana regime. The RPF suffered a major setback when Rwigyema was killed in the second day of the war and was forced to retreat in disarray into the mountainous border region. There the RPA regrouped under Kagame and began a classic insurgency campaign. The war reached a stalemate and the two sides entered into peace negotiations. These talks resulted in the signing of the Arusha Accords in 1993 to create a power-sharing government.
The cease-fire ended on 6 April 1994 when Habyarimana's plane was shot down near Kigali Airport, killing the President and Cyprien Ntaryamira, the President of Burundi. It is still unknown who launched the attack; the RPF blamed Hutu extremists in the Rwandan Government, while the Government claimed that the RPF was responsible for the attack. The shooting down of the plane served as the catalyst for the Rwandan Genocide, which began within a few hours. Over the course of approximately 100 days, 1,000,000 Tutsi were killed, on the orders of the interim government. The Tutsi RPF restarted their offensive, and took control of the country methodically by cutting off government supply routes and taking advantage of the deteriorating social order. The international response was limited, with major powers reluctant to strengthen the token few hundred in the UN peacekeeping force. The RPF took control of Kigali on 4 July and the whole country by July 18, 1994. A transitional government was sworn in with Pasteur Bizimungu as President.
After its conquest of Rwanda, the RPF was split into a political division which retained the RPF name, and a military one, called the Rwandan Patriotic Army (now the Rwandan Defence Forces).
The RPF's role in the widespread violence in Rwanda following the genocide and its coming to power remains controversial. During this time, the RPF put an end to the genocide and saved many innocent civilians' lives. However, it also carried out mass murders against both Hutus and Tutsis, sometimes indiscriminately, as a means of political control (Gérard Prunier, Africa's World War).
Leadership of Rwanda
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The RPF continues to be the dominant political party in Rwanda under President Paul Kagame, former commander of the RPA.
- Mamdani 2002, p. 164.
- Mamdani 2002, pp. 165–166.
- Mamdani 2002, pp. 166–168.
- Mamdani 2002, pp. 168–169.
- Mamdani 2002, pp. 172–173.
- Mamdani 2002, p. 182.
- Mamdani 2002, pp. 173 & 175.
- Mamdani 2002, pp. 176–182.
- Mamdani 2002, p. 174.
- Dannenbaum, Tom, Stopping Wars and Making Peace: Studies in International Intervention, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2009, p86
- BBC News (I) 2010.
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- Dallaire 2005, p. 386.
- UNPO 2008, History.
- Dallaire 2005, p. 299.
- Dallaire 2005, p. 364.
- Briggs & Booth 2006, p. 18.
- BBC News (I) (2010-01-12). "Hutus 'killed Rwanda President Juvenal Habyarimana'". Retrieved 2010-06-16.
- Briggs, Philip; Booth, Janice (2006). Rwanda – The Bradt Travel Guide (3rd ed.). London: Bradt Travel Guides. ISBN 1-84162-180-3. Retrieved 2010-09-21.
- Dallaire, Roméo (2005). Shake Hands With The Devil: The Failure of Humanity in Rwanda. London: Arrow. ISBN 0-09-947893-5. Retrieved 2010-11-02.
- Henley, Jon (2007-10-31). "Scar tissue". The Guardian (London). Retrieved 2010-09-02.
- Mamdani, Mahmood (2002). When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-10280-5.
- Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) (2008-03-25). "Batwa". Retrieved 2011-03-06.
- Rwandan Patriotic Front Human Rights Watch Report (1999)
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