NR PChW SR MPCh MWM
|11th Prime Minister of Thailand|
9 February 1959 – 8 December 1963
|Preceded by||Thanom Kittikachorn|
|Succeeded by||Thanom Kittikachorn|
16 June 1908|
|Died||8 December 1963
|Spouse(s)||Nuanchan Thanarat (two children), Chawee (two children), Praima (two children)Vichitra Thanarat (no children, but adopted nephew and gave the Thanarat last name)|
|Service/branch||Royal Thai Army|
|Years of service||1928 - 1963|
|Rank|| Field Marshal
Admiral of the Fleet
Marshal of the Air Force
|Battles/wars||Japanese conquest of Burma|
Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat (Thai: สฤษดิ์ ธนะรัชต์, alternatively spelled Dhanarajata) was a Thai officer who staged a coup in 1957, replacing Phibunsongkram as Thailand's prime minister until his death in 1963. He was born in Bangkok, but grew up in his mother's home town in Lao-speaking northeastern Thailand and considered himself from Isan. His father, Major Luang Ruangdetanan (birth name Thongdi Thanarat), was a career army officer best known for his translations into Thai of Cambodian literature.
- 1 Military career
- 2 Events leading to the coup
- 3 The coup
- 4 Influences on Sarit's rule
- 5 Sarit's Tenure
- 6 The monarchy
- 7 Sarit's death and aftermath
- 8 Posthumous revelations
- 9 Royal decorations
- 10 See also
- 11 References
Sarit Thanarat was educated at a monastery school, and entered the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy in 1919, not completing his military studies until 1928, after which he was commissioned as a second lieutenant. During World War II he served as commander of an infantry battalion and took part in the invasion and occupation of the Shan States in Burma. Unlike many of his fellow officers, Sarit was not discharged at the end of the war. Instead, he was promoted to command the 1st Infantry Regiment of the Bangkok-based Guards Division. As a colonel, he played a leading role in the 1947 military coup that overthrew the government of Prime Minister Thawal Thamrong Navaswadhi, a protege of Pridi Phanomyong, reinstalling the previously deposed Field Marshal Luang Phibunsongkram as premier. Sarit thereafter took a lasting interest in politics. He became Commander of the Royal Thai Army in 1954.
Events leading to the coup
During the early1950s, the Phibun government was experiencing great public discontent as the result of several events. This paved the way for the rise of Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat.
Elections of February 26, 1957
The passing of the 1955 Political Party Bill led to the proliferation of more than twenty five political parties at that time. The government's Legislative Committee was revamped into the Seri Manangkhasila Party which was headed by Phibun and had Sarit as the deputy chief and Phao as secretary general. Sarit did not play a significant role in the election process and generally left Phao to take charge.
Although the Seri Manangkhasila Party won the Democrat's, the latter was seen to have won a moral victory. The Democrat Party and the press accused the government of rigging the votes and using hooligans to terrorize both candidates and voters. In a bid to repress public discontent, Phibun declared a state of emergency and Sarit was appointed as the Supreme Commander of military forces to maintain order. However, Sarit effectively disassociated himself from the corrupt party when he commented that the 1957 elections "were dirty, the dirtiest. Everybody cheated." 
The Isan Crisis
In same year, one of Isan's worst droughts occurred. This saw the mass exodus of people from the Northeast to Bangkok which led to a host of social problems. However, the government seemed to regard this movement as natural and said that this movement could neutralize peasant's discontent. The then Minister of Agriculture Marshal Phin said that Northesaterners migration to the city and the consumption of frogs and lizards were normal and that there was nothing to worry about. At Hua Lamphong railway station in Bangkok, there were so many refugees arriving daily that students and monks had to set up emergency help stations.
On August 10, the Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Phin was sent by helicopter to survey the Isan region where he found nothing wrong. The second survey, also done by air, was published and again indicated that there was no crisis in Isan area as all the land were in acceptable condition. In a final attempt to resolve the issue, the Phibun government allocated fifty - three million baht which was to be divided equally among the fifty - three Isan representatives.
The Lumber Swindle
Before the government could recover from its bad management of the Isan crisis, its credibility was once again questioned. Thailand was rewarded US $66,000,000 for Project Bhumibhol which was the building of a damn 505 feet high on the Ping river in Tak. This project was to go on for 6 years and had to pay for itself after completion. Many MPs were against this loan as it came immediately after the Isan famine. However, out of respect to the king, this plan for the dam was not as severely disputed. Things further escalated when Thiem Khomrit, Director - General of the Forestry Department was forced to resign and was charge for administrative incompetence.
Enraged by the charges, Thiem went to the press to reveal the actual reason for his dismissal. He stated that several powerful figures within the Thai government wanted to establish the Forestry Company of Thailand which would merge with other private companies and hence, monopolize the lumber and teak industries. Phin, who headed this project, wanted to suspend all forestry licenses when other companies refused to collude. The plan to establish the Forestry Company of Thailand involved Project Bhumibhol as members of the Forestry Company wanted to monopolize the cutting of valuable timber in the areas which would be flooded by the dam. Thiem further revealed that the Seri Manangkhasila Party had sent a representative to send an early application for license to cut down the trees in the mentioned areas. According to Thiem, his refusal to approve the government's application was the cause of his dismissal.
On September 13, 1957, Sarit handed Phibun the army's ultimatum. The ultimatum, signed by fifty - eight army officers, called for the resignation of the government. The public was very supportive of Sarit's ultimatum.
On the September 15, a public gathering was held at Hyde Park to protest Phibun and his government. The crowd which quickly grew in numbers, marched to Sarit's residence to show support for the army's demands. As Sarit was not at home, the crowd proceeded to break into the government compound where they made speeches condemning the government. The protesters later returned to Sarit's home where he was waiting to address them. In his speech, Sarit said 
" In the name of the army and deputies of the second category, I have conducted my activities
based on popular will, and the interests of the people - your coming here gives me moral
support to continue. "
The following morning, Sarit and his army staged a coup d'etat. In less than an hour, the army successfully captured all the strategic points without any resistance. To identify themselves, Sarit's forces wore white arm bands which was a sign of purity. Following these developments, Phibun immediately fled the country and Phao was deported to Europe. Thus began Sarit's rule.
Influences on Sarit's rule
According to many Western academics, the Cold War situation largely propped up Sarit's regime. In his book, Daniel Fineman  states that Phibun and later Sarit, aligned their foreign policies alongside American anti-communist foreign policy, so as to receive financial and military aid. Sarit's strict stance against communism further reinforced the American's belief that only the Thai military could contain the perceived communist threat.
In contrast, Likhit Dhiravegin  stresses that the notion of phokho (patriarchal ruler) from the Sukhothai period and devaraja (god – king) and sakdina (dignity marks) from the Atuthaya period are important in understanding modern Thai politics. Likhit analyses Sarit Thanarat and his policies and his analysis shows how Sarit combines paternalistic rule from the Sukothai (pho khun) with Ayuthaya’s despotic power to create his personal political style. According to Thak, Luang Wichit Wathakan, who even though was not politically power, was essential in moulding the leadership principles of Phibun and Sarit. From him, Sarit was introduced to the idea of pattiwat (revolution) and guiding leadership principle of phokhun.
Within days of the coup, electric rates were lowered  and families living in the water scarce Bangkok- Thonburi area were given 300 large buckets of water free every month. To help the needy, the Revolutionary Council stated that the municipal government had been ordered to get rid of certain taxes, charges for official service and license fees. Hospitals were also ordered to give out free medicine and healthcare to the less fortunate while student nurses and social workers were instructed to make house visits to help in child delivery and health problems.
To lower food prices, Sarit ordered the opening of new markets modeled after the Sunday flea markets at Sanam Luang. Merchants could sell their goods directly to the public instead of going through the middle man, thus reducing food prices. In addition, participating merchants only had to pay nominal fee. Sarit also lowered the price of iced black coffee, a popular beverage among locals, from 70 satang per glass to 50 satang per glass. To evade this, merchants simply served the coffee in smaller glasses, added less coffee mixture or more ice into the beverage. Thais was then forced to order the "special" coffee which was the original coffee at the previous price.
The Association of Rice Merchants also agreed to lower their rice prices in the stores they controlled. In a bid to show that everyone was participating in the revolution of the country, the navy was called on by Sarit to source for cheap coconuts to be sold to the public.
Even though many of these programs did not last for long and many were not actually implemented, the way in which they were announced helped to create an atmosphere of enthusiasm for the incumbent government.
Dealing with deviants
Soon after the coup, Sarit ordered the arrest and reformation of hooligans (anthaphan) living in the urban areas. According to the Revolutionary Council's Proclamation No. 21, anthaphan were the bane of the society and to maintain common people's happiness, there was a need to get rid of them. Youths who had long hair, flashy clothing and tight pants which was in fashion at that time was also targeted. Weekly dances at Lumpini Garden were banned and rock and roll music was prohibited from government parties. Upon the release of the victims, Sarit said that he did not hate them but his actions were for necessary for the "family".
Prostitution was also considered as a menace to society. Sarit ordered all arrested prostitutes be reformed by sending them to institutions which would equip them with new skills. He also passed the Law Against Prostitution, B.E. 2503. During times of economic depression, fires and arsonists were commonplace. In 1958 alone, five arsonists were executed by Sarit.
Getting rid of opium
Sarit was determined to end the consumption and sales of opium in Thailand for several reasons. Firstly, he wanted to illustrate to the people that he did not intend to earn from the opium trade occurring within the country, unlike his predecessor Phao. Secondly, he wanted to please the Western powers who believed that the drug was used by communists to undermine the morals and economy of democratic countries. Lastly, he saw the eradication of opium as part of his mission to morally uplift his country. Consequently, 43,445 opium pipes were destroyed in the inferno  and in addition, the Committee to Combat Addictive Drugs personally headed by Sarit was created.
Article 17 of the Interim Constitution of Thailand, B.E. 2502 or " M 17" was the legal basis for Sarit to order executions and the like. Using the M 17, the parliament was abolished, newspapers were strictly censured, parties were prohibited and people who were suspected of colluding with communists were imprisoned. From 1958 till 1963, eleven people were executed under the M 17. Five were given death penalty for arson, one for heroin production, one for spearheading a messianic uprising and four on charges of communism. Moreover, the Revolutionary Council Proclamation No. 12 dated October 22, 1958 gave investigating authorities the power to detain suspects for as long as needed. In reality, many of these suspects were not actual communists, they were writers or intellectuals, who opposed Sarit's rule. Under this Proclamation, an estimated 1,000 suspects were imprisoned.
According to Frank Darling, Sarit's regime was authoritarian and furthermore, it presented a step back from what little democracy was gained during the 1932 revolution. However, Thak suggests that Sarit's strict rule can be understood as the modern phokhun style of leadership, where the benevolent leader would intervene to help his people whenever deemed necessary.
Under Sarit's rule, the monarchy was revived and brought back into the fold of politics. Sarit arranged for King Bhumibhol Adulyadej to attend public ceremonies, visit the provinces, patronize development projects, and present diplomas to Thailand's university graduates, helping to bring the monarchy closer to the people and raising the stature of the king to that of high reverence. The practice of prostration with the head touching the ground before royal audiences, banned decades earlier by King Chulalongkorn, was reinstated.On December 5, 1982, the Army's 21st regiment was transferred to the palace and queen was appointed its honorary commanding colonel.
The Sarit government was also responsible for reviving traditional festivals and ceremonies which were abandoned after the 1932 revolution. An example was the revival of the First Ploughing ceremony (Raek Nakhwan) which dates back from the Sukothai time.
According to Thak, the Sarit regime had two main reasons for reviving the monarchy. Firstly, the monarchy legitimize not only the regime but its policies as well. Sarit's plan to stage a coup against Phibun was supported by the monarchy as evidenced through a published letter written by the king. The letter expressed the king's confidence in Sarit and urged Sarit to do his duties to the government. Secondly, the monarch contributed to regime's paternalistic programs too. In this instance, the throne acted as an institution, collecting funds from private donors and channeled them into public programs that enhanced both the regime's and the monarchy's reputation.
Since 1966, the number of public visitations made by the king increased and as the years passed, more visits were made. The king's newly powerful position was evidenced by the number of scheduled audiences with the Prime Minister and other cabinet ministers. The monarchy also moved closer to the military as illustrated by the number of military affairs attended by the king in 1963.
Sarit's death and aftermath
Sarit died unexpectedly in late-1963 from liver failure, just as his economic measures were proving successful. There was a peaceful transfer of power to Sarit's deputy generals, Thanom Kittikachorn, who became prime minister, and Praphas Charusathian, who became deputy prime minister. Thanom and Praphas maintained Sarit's authoritarian style of government, his anti-communism, and his pro - American policies.
Sarit's relationship with King Bhumibol was evident when the king ordered 21 days of official mourning in the palace after his death, with Sarit's body lying in state under royal patronage for 100 days and the king and queen attending his cremation on 17 March 1964.
After Sarit's death, his reputation took a blow when an inheritance battle between his son, Major Setha Thanarat, and his last wife, Thanpuying Vichitra Thanarat, revealed the massive extent of Sarit's wealth, which totaled over US$100 million. He was discovered to have owned a trust company, a brewery, 51 cars and some 30 plots of land, most of which he gave to his dozens of mistresses. Thai language newspapers published the names of 100 women who claimed to have shared his bed, shocking the public when his corruption was uncovered.
- Safeguarding the Constitution Medal – 1934 – for helping put down the Boworadej Rebellion
- Companion (Fourth Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant – 1940
- Commander (Third Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand – 1941
- Chakra Mala Medal – 1942
- Knight Commander (Second Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand. – 1948
- Knight Grand Cross (First Class) of the Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand – 1949
- Knight Grand Cross (First Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant – 1950
- King Rama VIII Royal Cypher Medal, 2nd Class – 1950
- Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand – 1951
- Knight Commander (Second Class, lower grade) of The Most Illustrious Order of Chula Chom Klao – 1952
- Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant – 1952
- King Rama IX Royal Cypher Medal, 2nd Class – 1953
- Knight Grand Commander (Second Class, higher grade) of the Most Illustrious Order of Chula Chom Klao – 1953
- King Rama IX Royal Cypher Medal, 1st Class – 1958
- Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of The Most Illustrious Order of Chula Chom Klao – 1959
- Knight of The Ancient and Auspicious Order of the Nine Gems – 1959
- Border Service Medal – 1962
- Knight Grand Commander of the Honourable Order of Rama – 1962
- Boy Scout Citation Medal – 1962
- Victory Medal – World War II – 1962
- Gale, T. 2005. Encyclopedia of World Biographies.
- Smith Nieminen Win. Historical Dictionary of Thailand. Praeger Publishers. p. 225. ISBN 0-8108-5396-5.
- Richard Jensen, Jon Davidann, Sugita (2003). Trans-Pacific Relations: America, Europe, and Asia in the Twentieth Century. Praeger Publishers. p. 222. ISBN 0-275-97714-5.
- Thak Chaloemtiarana. Thailand: The Politics of Despotic Paternalism. Thammasat University Press (1979).
- Chaloemtiarana, Thak (1979). Thailand The Politics of Despotic Paternalism. Thailand: Thammasat University. pp. 106–107.
- Sayam Nikon. March 3, 1957. Missing or empty
- Huntington, Samuel (1968). Political Order in Changing Societies. London: New Haven:Yale University Press. pp. 279–280.
- Sayam Nikon. August 15, 1957. Missing or empty
- Sayam Nikon. August 20, 1957. Check date values in:
|date=(help); Missing or empty
- Sayam Nikon. August 17, 1957. Missing or empty
- World Bank. Augus 20, 1957. Check date values in:
|date=(help); Missing or empty
- Sayam Nikon. August 29, 1957. Check date values in:
|date=(help); Missing or empty
- Sayam Nikon. August 11, 1957. Check date values in:
|date=(help); Missing or empty
- Sayam Nikon. September 17, 1957. Missing or empty
- Fineman, Daniel (1997). A special relationship: The united states and military government in thailand, 1947 - 1958. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
- Dhiravegin, Likhit (1992). Demi - democracy: The evolution of the thai political system. Singapore: Times Academic Press.
- Sayam Rat. October 26, 1958. Missing or empty
- "Sayam Rat". November 6, 1958. Check date values in:
- "Sayam Rat". November 14, 1958.
- "Sayam Rat". December 12, 1958. Check date values in:
- "Prakat khong Khana Pattiwat No. 21". November 2, 1958. Check date values in:
- "Cremation Volume of Sarit Thanarat". [Cabinet ed] pg 50. Check date values in:
- "Ratchakitcha,". Vol 77, section 89, November 1, 1960. Check date values in:
- Chaloemtiarana, Thak. Thai Politics. pp. 819–821.
- Frank, C. Darling (1960). "Mrashal Sarit and Absolutist Rule in Thailand". Pacific Affairs. 33(4): 347–360.
- Joehnk, Tom Felix; Garger, Ilya (22 March 2016). "How America Can Put Thailand Back on Track". New York Times. Retrieved 23 October 2016.
- "Thailand: Sarit's Legacy". Time. 27 March 1964. Retrieved 23 October 2016.
- Bio of Sarit Thanarat at the Royal Thai Army website (in Thai). Accessed 19 November 2008.
- Royal Gazette, Vol. 58, p. 2966. 18 September, B.E. 2484 (C.E. 1941). Accessed 20 November 2008.
- Royal Gazette, Vol. 65 No. 71, p. 3979. 7 December, B.E. 2491 (C.E. 1948). Accessed 20 November 2008.
- Royal Gazette, Vol. 66 No. 66, p. 5425. 6 December, B.E. 2492 (C.E. 1949). Accessed 20 November 2008.
- Royal Gazette, Vol. 67 No. 67, p. 6346. 12 December, B.E. 2493 (C.E. 1950). Accessed 20 November 2008.
- Royal Gazette, Vol. 67 No. 39, p. 3039. 18 July, B.E. 2493 (C.E. 1950). Accessed 20 November 2008.
- Royal Gazette, Vol. 68 No. 74, p. 5646. 11 December, B.E. 2494 (C.E. 1951). Accessed 20 November 2008.
- Royal Gazette, Vol. 69 No. 29, p. 1287. 13 May, B.E. 2495 (C.E. 1952). Accessed 20 November 2008.
- Royal Gazette, Vol. 69 No. 72, p. 4647. 9 December, B.E. 2495 (C.E. 1952). Accessed 20 November 2008.
- Royal Gazette, Vol. 70 No. 29, p. 2053. 12 May, B.E. 2496 (C.E. 1953). Accessed 20 November 2008.
- Royal Gazette, Vol. 76 No. 53, p. 1400. 19 May, B.E. 2502 (C.E. 1959). Accessed 20 November 2008.
- Royal Gazette, Vol. 76 No. 115 (Special), p. 36. 16 December, B.E. 2502 (C.E. 1959). Accessed 20 November 2008.
|Prime Minister of Thailand