Settler colonialism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigation Jump to search

Settler colonialism is a form of colonialism that seeks to replace the original population of the colonized territory with a new society of settlers.[1] As with all forms of colonialism, it is based on exogenous domination, typically organized or supported by an imperial authority.[2] Settler colonialism is enacted by a variety of means ranging from violent depopulation of the previous inhabitants to more subtle, legal means such as assimilation or recognition of indigenous identity within a colonial framework.[3] Settler colonialism contrasts with exploitation colonialism, which entails a national economic policy of conquering a country to exploit its population as cheap or free labor and its natural resources as raw material. In this way, settler colonialism lasts indefinitely, except in the rare event of complete evacuation or settler decolonization.[3][better source needed]

Ancient world[edit]

Greek colonization[edit]

Map of Greek (in red) and Phoenician (in yellow) colonies around 8th to 6th century BC

Following the collapse of the Greek Bronze Age, Greek city-states, or poleis, began to grow. By the 8th century BC, population growth was no longer sustainable in and around the Aegean, prompting the Ancient Greeks to look to the other shores of the Mediterranean and Black Sea to direct their people to.[4] Miletus, an Ionian Greek city-state on the Western shore of Anatolia, was a rich polis that was considered to be the greatest Greek metropolis.[5] Pliny the Elder, in his book Natural History, credits Miletus with founding over 90 colonies, including Sinope in the Black Sea.[6] Sinope itself founded several Greek colonies in the Black Sea region and flourished in its own right, but the site of Sinope was once a Hittite port called Sinuwa before it was colonized by the Greeks.[7] The Hittite Empire, at its height, spanned across Anatolia. The Hittites were a distinct people from the Greeks, but contact between the two cultures extended back to the Late Bronze Age during the time of the Mycenaean Greeks.[8]

Sinope is an example of an αποικία apoikia (plural: αποικίαι, apoikiai), which is a colony that eventually develops into a self-determining city-state but keeps cultural ties with its mother city.[9] Greek colonies were founded across the Mediterranean and facilitated the Hellenization of the basin. Cicero, the Roman orator, once made a remark about the extensive colonization movements of the Greeks and spread of their culture by saying, "It were as though a Greek fringe has been woven about the shores of the barbarians."[10]


The Roman Republic and later the Roman Empire commonly established settler colonies in newly conquered regions. The colonists were often veterans of the Roman Army who received agricultural land to develop. The agricultural communities provided bastions of loyal citizens in often-hostile areas of the Empire and often accelerated the process of Romanization among the nearby conquered peoples. Near the city of Damascus, in present-day Syria, the contemporary settlements of Mezze and Deraya can trace their origins back to villages opened for settlement by the Romans during the 3rd century CE. Philip the Arab, the Roman emperor from 244 to 249, designated this area around Damascus a colonia and encouraged settlement by veterans of the VI Ferrata legion, as commemorated by coins minted in the city around that time.[11]

Middle Ages[edit]


Stages of German eastern settlement, 700-1400

Ostsiedlung was the medieval eastward migration and settlement of Germanic-speaking peoples into less-populated regions of Central Europe, parts of Eastern Europe, and the Baltics.


Natives called Emishi (Tang China: 毛人) in Mutsu Province lived politically independent from, yet in constant battle against, settlers and conquerors from further south. With Kyoto's victory over them in 802 AD, cultural extinction and forced assimilation gradually erased their culture and ethnicity by the time of the Northern Fujiwara.

Middle East[edit]

The Caliphate, 622–750
  Expansion under Muhammad, 622–632
  Expansion during the Rashidun Caliphs, 632–661
  Expansion during the Umayyad Caliphate, 661–750

Abu Bakr, the first Rashidun Caliph, began a campaign to conquer and colonise the Levant in 634CE.[citation needed] During the later Umayyad Caliphate, the Islamic empire grew to encompass not only the Levant, but much of the Maghreb, the Iberian Peninsula, Transoxiana, Sindh, and parts of the Caucasus.


In early modern and modern times[edit]

During the early modern period, some European nation-states and their agents adopted policies of colonialism, competing with each other to establish colonies outside of Europe, at first in the Americas, and later in Asia, Africa, and Oceania.

In the Americas[edit]

Territories in the Americas claimed by a European great power in 1750

European colonization of the Americas began as early as the 10th century, when Norse sailors explored and settled limited areas on the shores of present-day Greenland and Canada.[12] According to Norse folklore, violent conflicts with the indigenous population ultimately made the Norse abandon those settlements.

Extensive European colonization began in 1492, when a Spanish expedition headed by Genoese Christopher Columbus sailed west to find a new trade route to the Far East but inadvertently landed in the Americas. European conquest, large-scale exploration, colonization and industrial development soon followed. Columbus's first two voyages (1492–93) reached the Bahamas and various Caribbean islands, including Hispaniola, Puerto Rico and Cuba. In 1497, sailing from Bristol on behalf of England, John Cabot landed on the North American coast, and a year later, Columbus's third voyage reached the South American coast. As the sponsor of Christopher Columbus's voyages, Spain was the first European power to settle and colonize the largest areas, from North America and the Caribbean to the southern tip of South America. Spanish cities were founded as early as 1496 with Santo Domingo in today's Dominican Republic.

Other powers such as France also founded colonies in the Americas: in eastern North America, a number of Caribbean islands, and small coastal parts of South America. Portugal colonized Brazil, tried early (since 1499) colonizing of the coasts of present-day Canada, and sat for extended periods on the northwest bank of the River Plate (including it in the Brazilian region). This was the beginning of a dramatic territorial expansion for several European countries. Europe had been preoccupied with internal wars, and was only slowly recovering from the loss of population caused by the bubonic plague; thus the rapid rate at which it grew in wealth and power was unforeseeable in the early 15th century.[13]

Eventually, the entire Western Hemisphere came under the ostensible control of European governments, leading to profound changes to its landscape, population, and plant and animal life. In the 19th century alone over 50 million people left Europe for the Americas.[11] The post-1492 era is known as the period of the Columbian Exchange, a widespread exchange of animals, plants, culture, human populations (including slaves), communicable disease, and ideas between the Pan-American and Afro-Eurasian hemispheres following Columbus's voyages to the Americas.

Settler colonialism in the United States[edit]

In the context of the United States, early colonial powers generally respected the territorial and political sovereignty of the indigenous tribes, due to the need to forge local alliances with these tribes against other European colonial powers (i.e. British attempts to check French influence, etc.).[citation needed] The Euro-American colonial powers created economic dependency and imbalance of trade, incorporating Indigenous nations into spheres of influence and controlling them indirectly with the use of Christian missionaries and alcohol.[14] However, with the emergence of an independent United States, desire for land and the perceived threat of permanent indigenous political and spatial structures led to violent relocation of many indigenous tribes to the American West, including the notable example of the Cherokee in what is known as the Trail of Tears.[12] Frederick Jackson Turner, the father of the "frontier thesis" of American history, noted in 1901: "Our colonial system did not start with Spanish War; the U.S. had had a colonial history from the beginning...hidden under the phraseology of 'interstate migration' and territorial organization'".[14] While the United States government and local state governments directly aided this dispossession through the use of military forces, ultimately this came about through agitation by settler society in order to gain access to indigenous land, which in some cases (especially in the American South) used in order to build a plantation society and perpetuate the practice of slavery in the creation of said plantation.[12] The settler colonialism extended past the removal and extermination of the Indigenous people. The practice of disappearing the prior existence also was implemented, and continues to be perpetuated in local histories.[14]

U.S. territorial acquisitions–portions of each territory were granted statehood since the 18th century.

This forcible relocation of tribes came about in part through the mentality of Manifest Destiny, the mentality that it was the right and destiny of the United States to expand its territory and its rule across the North American continent, to the Pacific coast.[15] Through various armed conflicts between indigenous tribes on one side, with settler society backed by American military power on the other side, along with an increasing number of treaties centering around land cessation, Native American tribes were slowly pushed onto a system of reservations, where they traded territory for protection and support from the United States government.[16][17] However, this system could be disadvantageous for tribes, as they often were forced to relocate to reservations far from their traditional homelands, or had trouble obtaining goods and annuity payments that were promised by the government, leading to further armed revolts and conflicts such as the Dakota War of 1862 in Minnesota.[18] Cases of genocide that were carried out as policy include the Jacksonian era of forced removal and the California gold rush in Northern California.[14] An example from 1873, General William T. Sherman wrote, "We must act with vindictive earnestness against the Sioux, even to their extermination, men, women, and children..."[19]

Following the conclusion of U.S./Native American conflicts in the late 1800s, displacement of indigenous peoples and identities switched to a more legal basis. Attempts were made to assimilate them into American society while stripping away territory; legislation like the Dawes Act of 1887 led to the division of previously communally held indigenous lands into individually owned pieces of land that were to be held by tribal members.[20] While 'allotment' was as mentioned held up as a way to help indigenous people become 'civilized' and further assimilated into settler society, other motives included the erosion of tribal culture and social unity, along with allowing for more land for European-American settlement and economic ventures to make use of indigenous lands.[21][22] In the educational sphere, a system of boarding schools for Native children (Col. Richard Pratt's Carlisle School being a notable example) worked to strip indigenous languages, religions and cultures away from children in order for them to better assimilate into American culture, in schools that were often geographically distant from their home reservation.[22]

Further developments such as the Federal policies of termination and relocation in the 1950s and 1960s reinforced the aims of settler society to eliminate indigenous identity and occupation of space, through the disestablishment of Federal treaty/trust obligations to tribes, the transfer of civil and criminal jurisdiction over many reservations to the individual states, and the encouragement of Native Americans to leave their reservations and relocate to cities such as New York City, Minneapolis, Denver and Portland; it was hoped that this relocation would further erode tribal identity and speed up the process of assimilation.[22][23] In the wake of the 1950s termination and relocation policies, a pan-Indigenous movement arose in tandem to the African American civil rights movement and broad-based social justice and antiwar movements of 1960s.[14] While both policies were officially (in the case of termination) and unofficially (relocation) ended by the early 1970s, they had the effect of creating a large population of Native American urban populations, and the unintended side effect of giving rise to increased political awareness among Native Americans, leading to the creation of organizations such as the American Indian Movement.[22]

In the present day, the legacy of settler colonialism in the United States has created a complicated relationship between indigenous tribes and the United States, especially in the area of treaty rights and sovereignty.[24][25] Much contemporary literature written by indigenous scholars and scholars within the field of American Indian Studies/Native Studies centers around recognizing the disruptive effects that settler colonialism has had on Native American tribes, including land loss, destruction of tribal languages and cultures, and tribal efforts to maintain recognition of rights they have gained via treaties with the United States government.[26][27] Anishinaabe (Ojibwe) historian Jean O'Brien names the practice of writing Indians out of existence "firsting and lasting".[28]The national narrative tells of the "last" Indians or last tribes as well as the story of "first" settlement: the founder(s), the first school, first everything and the "last of Mohicans", "Ishi, the last Indian", and End of the Trail (sculpture by James Earle Fraser).[28] Elizabeth Cook-Lynn defines the effects of "American colonialism" within towns that sit outside of the Navajo Nation's boundaries.[29] Indigenous scholars, including Linda Tuhiwai Smith, have developed methodologies of Indigenous decolonization that center Indigenous knowledge and cultural practices.[30]


Starting from the 1880s, various governments of Afghanistan have pursued policies towards the goal of having more ethnic Pashtuns (Afghans) settle in northern Afghanistan (especially in Afghan Turkestan).[31][32] These Pashtun colonization policies had three major purposes—to strengthen Afghanistan's government's hold on its northern territories, to allow Afghan governments to deport their opponents up north, and to help economically develop northern Afghanistan.[31]


The native inhabitants of the plains have been the Madheshis. However, due to large planned settlement of Hills people by the King Mahendra of Nepal after construction of a parallel Highway to the existing Hulaki Rajmarg, in many places the native population has been reduced to a minority. Overall the demographic change in plains has been such that population of people of the hills origin has risen from 6% to 36% in between 1951 & 2011.[33]


The native inhabitants of the Central Highlands are the Degar (Montagnard) peoples. Vietnam conquered and invaded the area during its "march to the south" (Nam tiến). Ethnic Vietnamese (Kinh) people now outnumber the indigenous Degars after state sponsored colonization directed by both the government of South Vietnam and the current Communist government of unified Vietnam. The Montagnards have fought against and resisted all Vietnamese invaders, from the anti-Communist South Vietnamese government, the Vietcong, to the Communist government of unified Vietnam.

The Montagnard lands in the Central Highlands were subjected to state sponsored colonization by ethnic Vietnamese settlers under the South Vietnamese regime of Ngo Dinh Diem which resulted in estranging the Montagnards and leading them to reject Vietnamese rule.[34]

The South Vietnamese and Communist Vietnamese colonization of the Central Highlands have been compared to the historic Nam tiến of previous Vietnamese rulers. During the Nam tiến (March to the South) Khmer and Cham territory was seized and militarily colonized (đồn điền) by the Vietnamese which was repeated by the state sponsored colonization of Northern Vietnamese Catholic refugees on Montagnard land by the South Vietnamese leader Diem and the introduction to the Central Highlands of "New Economic Zones" by the now Communist Vietnamese government.[35]: 151- 

Map of Vietnam showing the conquest of the south (the Nam tiến, 1069–1757).

The thousand year violent war the Vietnamese in the lowlands had with the Montagnards in the mountains was a long established custom and the Vietnamese used the derogatory word "Moi" (savages) to address the Montagnards, the South Vietnamese government was strongly against the autonomous Montagnard CIDG (Civilian Irregular Defense Groups) who were fighting against the Vietcong because they feared that the Montagnards would gain independence so the South Vietnamese and Montagnards violently clashed against each other. The Vietnamese Communists implemented harsh punishment against the Montagnards after the defeat of South Vietnam.[36]

The Vietnamese viewed and dealt with the indigenous Montagnards in the CIDG from the Central Highlands as "savages" and this caused a Montagnard uprising against the Vietnamese.[37]: 145 

The Montagnard Rhades mounted a revolt, seizing hundreds of Vietnamese civilians and soldiers, assassinating officers of the Vietnamese special forces and seizing American advisers on 19–20 September but the 23rd Division of the South Vietnamese army stopped them from sizing Ban Me Thout, the provincial capital of Darlac Province.[37]: 146 

The South Vietnamese and Communists "victimized" the Montagnards.[38]

In the Central Highlands the Montagnard FULRO organization fought against both the Communists and South Vietnamese due to discrimination by the South Vietnamese army against the Montagnards. After the victory of the Communist North Vietnamese, the Vietnamese refused autonomy to the Montagnards, and on Montagnard land they settled around one million ethnic Vietnamese in addition to using "reducation camps" on the Montagnards, leading the Montagnard FULRO to continue the armed struggle against the Vietnamese.[39]

The Vietnamese were originally centered around the Red River Delta but engaged in conquest and seized new lands such as Champa, the Mekong Delta (from Cambodia) and the Central Highlands during Nam Tien, while the Vietnamese received strong Chinese influence in their culture and civilization and were Sinicized, and the Cambodians and Laotians were Indianized, the Montagnards in the Central Highlands maintained their own native culture without adopting external culture and were the true indigenous natives of the region, and to hinder encroachment on the Central Highlands by Vietnamese nationalists, the term Pays Montagnard du Sud-Indochinois PMSI emerged for the Central Highlands along with the natives being addressed by the name Montagnard.[35]: 28-  The tremendous scale of Vietnamese Kinh colonists flooding into the Central Highlands has significantly altered the demographics of the region.[35]: 29- 

Violent demonstrations with fatalities have broken out due to Montagnard anger at Vietnamese discrimination and seizure of their land since many Vietnamese Kinh were settled by the government in the Central Highlands.[40][41]

Long tails and excessive body hair were attributed as physical characteristics of Montagnards in Vietnamese school textbooks in the past.[42]

Up until French rule, the Central Highlands was almost never entered by the Vietnamese since they viewed it as a savage (Moi-Montaganrd) populated area with fierce animals like tigers, "poisoned water" and "evil malevolent spirits", but with the French transformation of the land into a profitable plantation area for crop growing, its desirability increased to the Vietnamese.[43] in addition to the natural resources from the forests, minerals and rich earth and realization of its crucial geographical importance.[43]

Ethnic minorities in general have also been referred to as "moi",[44] including other "hill tribes" like the Muong.[45]

The anti-ethnic minority discriminatory policies by the Vietnamese, environmental degradation, deprivation of lands from the natives, and settlement of native lands by a massive number of Vietnamese settlers led to massive protests and demonstrations by the Central Highland's indigenous native ethnic minorities against the Vietnamese in January–February 2001 and this event gave a tremendous blow to the claim often published by the Vietnamese government that in Vietnam There has been no ethnic confrontation, no religious war, no ethnic conflict. And no elimination of one culture by another.[46]

The same state sponsored settlement of ethnic minority land by Vietnamese Kinh has happened in another highland region, the Annamite Cordillera (Trường Sơn), both the Central Highlands and Annamite Cordillera were populated by ethnic minorities who were not Vietnamese during the 20th century's start, but the demographics of the highlands was drastically transformed with the mass colonization of 6 million settlers from 1976 to the 1990s, which led to ethnic Vietnamese Kinh outnumbering the native ethnic groups in the highlands.[47]

Most of the highlands like the Annamite Range and the Central Highlands were populated by ethnic minorities who were not Vietnamese during the 20th century's start, but the demographics of the highlands was drastically transformed with the mass colonization of 6 million settlers from 1976 to the 1990s, which led to ethnic Vietnamese Kinh outnumbering the native ethnic groups in the highlands. The Vietnamese Kinh dominated government media propagate negative stereotypes of the highlander ethnic minorities, labeling them as "ignorant", "illiterate", "backward" and claim that they are impoverished and underdeveloped because of their own lack of economic and agricultural skills.[47] Ethnic Vietnamese Kinh settlers have negative stereotypes and views of the native ethnic minorities with barely any intermarriage and little interaction since they deliberately choose to live in different villages which are a stark difference from the government's portrayal of harmonic relations between minorities and Vietnamese, with the government claiming that "backward areas" are experiencing "development" from the Vietnamese Kinh settlers they are encouraging yet these places are not underdeveloped and no advantages have come about the minorities form the Vietnamese Kinh settlers, instead only negative consequences of the Vietnamese colonization have been brought upon the minorities like the wiping out of their culture and replacement by Vietnamese Kinh culture and exacerbated poverty due to control of the economy by the Vietnamese Kinh.[47]

Cham Muslims in the Mekong Delta have also been economically marginalized and pushed into poverty by Vietnamese policies, with ethnic Vietnamese Kinh settling on majority Cham land with state support, and religious practices of minorities have been targeted for elimination by the Vietnamese government.[48]




Map showing the southward migration of the Han Chinese (in blue)
The expansion of the Qing Dynasty of China

In the nineteenth-century period known as the Chuang Guandong, "Crashing into Guandong/Manchuria", the ethnically Manchu rulers of Qing Dynasty China allowed rapid settlement by the ethnic-majority Han Chinese of the historical homeland of the Manchu and other Tungusic peoples in Northeast China, which had previously been strictly controlled and closed to habitation by most non-indigenous Chinese.

Near the end of their rule the Qing tried to colonize Xinjiang along with other parts of the imperial frontier. To accomplish this goal they began a policy of settler colonialism by which Han Chinese were resettled on the frontier. This policy was renewed under the Republic and again during the rule of Xi Jinping.[49]


The native peoples of Mindanao are the Moro Muslims and the Lumad Animists. They have been turned into a minority by the settlement of millions of Filipino Christians from Luzon and the Visayas onto their land.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the Moro and Lumads controlled an area which now covers 17 of Mindanao's 24 provinces, but by the 1980 census, they constituted less than 6% of the population of Mindanao and Sulu. Heavy migration to Mindanao of Luzon and Visayans, spurred by government-sponsored resettlement programs,[50] turned the indigenous Lumads and Moros into minorities.[51]

The native Moro Muslims and Lumads were supplanted by the first Spanish and American colonization programs with Christian settlers taking control of key areas and disrupting the Muslim's administrative structures and control over resources, the Americans chose Christian settlers to become officials of settler populated townships instead of Lumads and Muslims, with the environment becoming ruined due to the activities of the settlers and logging.[52]: 22  Severe deterioration of the land in Mindanao ensued after the continuing influx of Filipino settlers, with the land becoming essentially useless.[52]: 23-  Eric S. Casiño wrote on the interaction between the Filipino settlers, the Moro Muslim and Lumad natives and the impact on the environment in his book "Mindanao Statecraft and Ecology: Moros, Lumads, and Settlers Across the Lowland-highland Continuum".[53]

The Americans started a colonization program on Mindanao for foreign agricultural companies and Filipino Christian settlers against the native Muslims and non-Muslim Lumads of Mindanao, in order to secure the area with a Christian presence and help the American military assert control over the area once it was conquered.[54]

90% of Mindanao's people used to consist of native Moro Muslims at the start of the 20th century but the invasion and colonization sponsored by the American and Philippine governments led to Filipino Christian settlers turning into the majority of almost 75% of the population, with the American colonial government helping to kick natives off their land and giving the land titles to Christian colonists.[55]: 17  Media compared the American conquest of the west from the Native Americans to the Filipino conquest and settlement of Mindanao from the Muslims, the Philippine government, Philippine military and Filipino militias used extremely violent tactics against natives to support the settlers.[55]: 18- 

The government agencies involved in settlement on Mindanao were the National Land Settlement Administration (NLSA) and subsequently the Land Settlement and Development Corporation (LASEDECO), followed by the National Resettlement and Rehabilitation Administration (NARRA).[56]

The Americans used their control over property and land laws to let American corporations and Filipino Christian settlers take over Lumad and Moro Muslim resources and land and depriving them of self-governance after eliminating the sovereignty of the Moro Sultanates, and ignoring Moro requests for their own independence, with the Philippine government continuing the colonization program after independence leading to a humongous number of Filipino settlers streaming into Moro territories, and this led to Moros making moves for independence and armed struggle against the Philippines.[57]

After 1960 the settlement program turned the Moro Muslims into a minority from their previous majority in Mindanao, similar to what happened in the Indonesian Transmigration program where frontier areas are settled with ethnic Madurese and Javanese people.[58]

The native Moros became victims to land grabs by Filipino Christian settlers.[59][60]

Severe violence between native Muslims and Christian settlers erupted due to the influx of Christian colonists, companies and other entities seeking to exploit new land on Mindanao who engaged in land grabbing.[61] Lumad and Muslim interests were ignored by the state sponsored colonization program led by the National Land Settlement Administration (NLSA) which provided benefits for the colonists and made no consideration for the Muslims.[62]

Moro Muslims are just 17% of Mindanao's population whereas prior to the colonization program initiated by the governments of the Philippines they had been a massive majority and the colonization and land grabs led to the current violent conflict, with private companies and Filipino colonists from the Visayas and Luzon taking lands from Moro clans with the Philippine government issuing land titles to settlers and ignoring Moro ownership of the land since they declared Moro land as public lands.[63]

Massive settlement by Filipino Christian colonists continued after independence was granted and rule passed to Christian Filipinos from the Americans and land disputes the Christian settlers had with the Muslim and tribal natives broke out in violence, eventually the colonization, along with the Jabidah massacre, led to the formation of the Moro National Liberation Front and Moro armed insurgency against Philippine rule.[64][65]

The Philippine government encouraged Filipino Christian settlers in Mindanao to form militias called Ilaga to fight the Moros. The Ilaga engaged in massacres and atrocities and were responsible for Manili massacre of 65 Moro Muslim civilians in a Mosque in June 1971, including women and children. The Ilaga also engaged in cannibalism, cutting off the body parts of their victims to eat in rituals. The Ilaga settlers were given the sarcastic nickname as an acronym, the "Ilonggo Land Grabbers' Association".[66]

The Moros were only incorporated into the Philippines by "conquest and colonization", constituting a separate nation from Filipinos analogous to the experience of Native Americans who violently resisted American conquest.[67]


Chittagong Hill Tracts have been subjected to large scale settler colonization by Muslim Bengalis with support from Government of Bangladesh after independence.[68][69] Demographics of the region have changed so profoundly that the percentage of natives has fallen from 98% in 1941 to 35% in 2011.

CHT is stated to one of the most militarized region in world with ratio of Bangladeshi soldier deployed to Natives being 1:4.[70] Bengali settlers and soldiers have raped native Jumma (Chakma) women "with impunity" with the Bangladeshi security forces doing little to protect the Jummas and instead assisting the rapists and settlers.[71]

The indigenous Buddhist and Hindu Jummas of Sino-Tibetan background have been targeted by the Bangladeshi government with massive amounts of violence and genocidal policies as ethnic Bengali settlers swamped into Jumma lands, seized control and massacred them with the Bangladeshi military engaging in mass rape of women, massacres of entire villages and attacks on Hindu and Buddhist religious sites with deliberate targeting of monks and nuns.[72] The settlers are Muslims.[73] The Karuna Bihar Buddhist temple was attacked by Bengali settlers.[74]

Russia and the Soviet Union[edit]

Expansion of Russia 1500–1900

In the 19th century, the Russian Empire adopted the policy of Russification of areas in Asia and the Caucasus. In the case of the Circassian genocide, the local Circassian population was exterminated and replaced by Russian Cossack settlements.[75] Between 1800 and 1914, 5.5 million European Russians and other Slavs moved to Siberia and the Far East, outnumbering the local Asian populace, except in Yakutia and Kamchatka, were they stayed in a minority.[76] This colonization continued even during the Soviet Union in the 20th century.[77] In one instance, the Soviet occupation of the Baltics gradually developed into colonial rule.[78] Around 500,000 immigrants, mostly Russians, settled in Latvia, changing the share of Latvians from 84% in 1945 to 60% in 1953. Almost 180,000 Russians settled in Estonia, changing the share of Estonians from 94% of the Republic in 1945 to 62% in 1989.[79] Similar colonizations occurred elsewhere. Between 1926 and 1959, the number of migrants rose from 57% to 80% in Buryatia, and from 36% to 53% in Yakutia. By 1959, Russians made up 75% of all migrants in Buryatia; 44% of migrants in Yakutia; and 76% of migrants in Khakassia.[80] Soviet state documents show that the goals of the gulag included colonization of sparsely populated remote areas and exploiting its resources using forced labor. In 1929, OGPU was given the task to colonize these areas.[81] To this end, the notion of "free settlement" was introduced. On 12 April 1930 Genrikh Yagoda wrote to the OGPU Commission:

The camps must be transformed into colonizing settlements, without waiting for the end of periods of confinement... Here is my plan: to turn all the prisoners into a settler population until they have served their sentences.[81]

The Soviet policy also sometimes included the deportation of the native population, as in the case of the deportation of the Kalmyks[82] or the deportation of the Karachays.[83] After the dissolution of the USSR, a decolonization process started in Central Asia.[84]


The island of Hokkaido was inhabited by the indigenous Ainu people until the Japanese invasion and annexation of the island in the 19th century and Japanese mass migration.


Nearly the entire population of Taiwan is the result of settler colonialism. Beginning with the arrival of Dutch merchants in 1624, the traditional lands of the Taiwanese indigenous peoples have been successively colonized by Dutch, Spanish, Ming Dynasty, Qing Dynasty, Japanese, and Republic of China rulers. The population of Taiwan is now almost entirely Han Chinese and only 2.38% are of indigenous Austronesian origin.

Nazi Germany[edit]

In Oceania[edit]


Europeans came and settled in Australia, displacing Indigenous Australians. The Indigenous Australian population, estimated at about 350,000 at the time of European settlement,[85] declined steeply for 150 years following settlement from 1788, mainly because of infectious disease combined with forced re-settlement and cultural disintegration.[86][87]

"Areas of European settlement". Censuses, articles quoted in description..)

New Zealand[edit]

New Zealand's European population is the result of migration by Europeans since the beginning of the 19th century. The indigenous Māori population are a significant minority population in the 21st century. The Maori Language Act accords official status to the Māori language.[88] The Treaty of Waitangi is a document of central importance to the history and political constitution of the state of New Zealand, and is widely regarded as the founding document of New Zealand.[89]

New Caledonia[edit]

The Caldoche are the descendants of European—in the majority French—settlers in New Caledonia, who often displaced the indigenous Kanak population from the mid-19th century onwards.

In Africa[edit]




Establishment of a Nation-State in West Africa for African Americans as part of the American Colonization Societies effort to encourage and support the migration of free African Americans to West Africa.[citation needed]


South Africa[edit]

In 1652, the arrival of Europeans sparked the beginning of settler colonialism in South Africa. The Dutch East India Company was set up at the Cape, and imported large numbers of slaves from Africa and Asia during the mid-seventeenth century.[90] The Dutch East India Company established a refreshment station for ships sailing between Europe and the east. The initial plan by Dutch East India Company officer Jan van Riebeeck was to maintain a small community around the new fort, but the community continued to spread and colonize further than originally planned.[91] There was a historic struggle to achieve the intended British sovereignty that was achieved in other parts of the commonwealth. State sovereignty belonged to the Union of South Africa (1910–61), followed by the Republic of South Africa (1961–present day).[90] As of 2014, the South African government has re-opened the period for land claims under the Restitution of Land Rights Amendment Act.[92]


In the Middle East[edit]

Ba'athist Iraq[edit]

For decades, Saddam Hussein 'Arabized' northern Iraq,[93] an act often referred as "internal colonialism".[94] The policy of Saddam Hussein in North Iraq during the Ba'athist rule was described by Dr. Francis Kofi Abiew as a "Colonial 'Arabization'" program, including large-scale Kurdish deportations and forced Arab settlement in the region.[95]

Northern Cyprus[edit]

Following the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe stated that the demographics of the island are continuously modified as a result of the deliberate policies of the Turks.[96] Some suggest that over 120,000 Turkish settlers were brought to the island from mainland Turkey, in violation of article 49 of the Geneva convention.[96] According to the UN resolution 1987/19, adopted on 2 September 1987, the UN expressed "its concern also at the policy and practice of the implantation of settlers in the occupied territories of Cyprus, which constitute a form of colonialism and attempt to change illegally the demographic structure of Cyprus".[96]

Nakhchivan and Nagorno-Karabakh[edit]

Palestine, Zionism and Israel[edit]

The Zionist movement leaders were publicly talking of a compulsory transfer of the Arab population in Mandatory Palestine since the 1930s, such as in this letter to his son, Ben-Gurion wrote “...I support compulsory transfer. I don’t see anything immoral in it.”[97]

The first major wave of depopulation of Palestinian Arabs happened during the 1947–1949 Palestine war, when 700,000 Palestinians were led to leave their villages and towns in today’s Israel. Historians such as Ilan Pappe and Benny Morris, who analysed unclassified IDF archives, concluded that the major reasons behind the Palestinians exodus were expulsion, intimidation, and fear of massacres and rape.[97] Pappe's analysis has been criticized by Israeli historian Mordechai Bar-On, who wrote that his work was "replete with falsifications and fabrications", adding "the appeals [the Zionist leadership] sent to the Arabs of Haifa to stay put and the decision to avoid a head-on attack on Jaffa testify to the falsity of Pappe's assumptions."[98]

In 1967, the French historian Maxime Rodinson wrote an article later translated and published in English as Israel: A Colonial Settler-State?[99] Lorenzo Veracini describes Israel as a colonial state and writes that Jewish settlers could expel the British in 1948 only because they had their own colonial relationships inside and outside Israel's new borders.[100] Veracini believes the possibility of an Israeli disengagement is always latent and this relationship could be severed, through an "accommodation of a Palestinian Israeli autonomy within the institutions of the Israeli state".[101] Other commentators, such as Daiva Stasiulis, Nira Yuval-Davis,[102] and Joseph Massad in the "Post Colonial Colony: time, space and bodies in Palestine/ Israel in the persistence of the Palestinian Question"[103] have included Israel in their global analysis of settler societies. Ilan Pappé describes Zionism and Israel in similar terms.[104][105] Scholar Amal Jamal, from Tel Aviv University, has stated, "Israel was created by a settler-colonial movement of Jewish immigrants".[106]

Map of Israeli settlements (magenta) in the occupied West Bank in 2020

Some Palestinians express similar opinions - writer and sociologist Jamil Hilal, member of the Palestinian National Council, describes the place he lives in as "the heavily-colonised West Bank", and draws parallels between South African and Israeli settler colonialism: "as in Southern Africa, stretches of land were acquired by the Zionist settlers [...] and their Arab tenants thrown out".[107] Former Palestinian Foreign Minister Dr. Nasser al-Qidwa opposes the policy of Israeli settlements and has described those efforts as colonialism.[108]

According to a report by the FMEP issued in 2000, the settler population in the West Bank and Gaza strip grew from approximately 1,500 in 1972 to approximately 73,000 in 1989, and more than doubled that in 1998 to approximately 169,000. The report also describes demographics statistics indicating that, by place of birth, 78% of Israeli settlers in the West Bank and Gaza were from Europe or America, 19% from Israel.[109] In January 2015 the Israeli Interior Ministry gave figures of 389,250 Israelis living in the West Bank and a further 375,000 Israelis living in East Jerusalem.[110]

A number of scholars have objected to the idea that Zionism and the State of Israel are tantamount to settler colonialism. Avi Bareli, in his essay 'Forgetting Europe: Perspectives on the Debate about Zionism and Colonialism', argues that the "Colonialist School offered this alternative interpretation to replace the account of the return of the Jewish people to its land". Moreover, he asserts that it "ignores the economic, social, and cultural processes that spurred the Jews in Eastern Europe to emigrate to Palestine over decades in the twentieth century".[111] Arnon Golan contends that "Zionism was not imperialist or colonialist in nature, but a national liberation movement that developed in eastern and central Europe, in conjunction with other national liberation movements in these regions" and that "Zionism was a diaspora national movement that aspired to promote its interests in the destined homeland through becoming a collaborator of imperial powers."[112] Israeli scholar S. Ilan Troen, in 'De-Judaizing the Homeland: Academic Politics in Rewriting the History of Palestine', argues that Zionism was the repatriation of a long displaced indigenous population to their historic homeland, and that "Zionists did not see themselves as foreigners or conquerors, for centuries in the Diaspora they had been strangers". Troen further argues that there are several differences between European colonialism and the Zionist movement, including that "there is no New Vilna, New Bialystock, New Warsaw, New England, New York,...and so on" in Israel.[113]

See also[edit]


  1. ^ Compare: Veracini, Lorenzo (2010). Settler Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview. Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series (reprint ed.). Basingstoke: Springer. p. 17. ISBN 9780230299191. Retrieved 29 January 2019. In this chapter, I interpret the settler colonial situation as primarily premised on the irruption into a specific locale of a sovereign collective of settlers.
  2. ^ LeFevre, Tate. "Settler Colonialism". Tate A. LeFevre. Retrieved 19 October 2017. Though often conflated with colonialism more generally, settler colonialism is a distinct imperial formation. Both colonialism and settler colonialism are premised on exogenous domination, but only settler colonialism seeks to replace the original population of the colonized territory with a new society of settlers (usually from the colonial metropole).
  3. ^ a b Wolfe, Patrick (2006). "Settler colonialism and the elimination of the native". Journal of Genocide Research. 8 (4): 387–409. doi:10.1080/14623520601056240. S2CID 143873621.
  4. ^ E., Dunstan, William (2000). Ancient Greece. Fort Worth: Harcourt College Publishers. p. 78. ISBN 9780155073838. OCLC 44612899.
  5. ^ Graham, A.J (2009). Colony and Mother City in Ancient Greece. BiblioBazaar. p. 98. ISBN 978-1110286492.
  6. ^ Elder, Pliny, the (1991). Natural history, a selection. Healy, John F. London, England: Penguin Books. pp. Section 5.122. ISBN 9780140444131. OCLC 25317380.
  7. ^ John., Garstang (2005). The land of the Hittites : an account of recent explorations and discoveries in Asia Minor. London: Kegan Paul. p. 74. ISBN 9780710311498. OCLC 505349807.
  8. ^ Joachim., Latacz (2004). Troy and Homer : towards a solution of an old mystery. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 60. ISBN 9780199263080. OCLC 70296530.
  9. ^ 1947-, Martin, Thomas R. (2000). Ancient Greece: from prehistoric to Hellenistic times (Updated ed.). New Haven: Yale University Press. pp. 56. ISBN 9780300084931. OCLC 560486473.CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  10. ^ Tullius., Cicero, Marcus (1928). De re publica, De legibus. Keyes, Clinton Walker, 1888-1943. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. pp. Section 2.9. ISBN 9780674992351. OCLC 685531.
  11. ^ a b Burns, Ross (2005). Damascus: a history. Routledge. pp. 76, 85. ISBN 978-0-415-27105-9.
  12. ^ a b c Wolfe 2006
  13. ^ ""
  14. ^ a b c d e Dunbar-Ortiz, Roxanne (2014). An Indigenous Peoples' History of the United States. Boston: Beacon Press. ISBN 978-0-8070-0040-3.
  15. ^ The History Channel; Manifest Destiny.
  16. ^ Columbia River Inter-Tribal Fishing Commission, Treaties: Promises between Governments.
  17. ^ Calloway, Colin G. First Peoples-A Documentary Survey of American Indian History. Boston, MA: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2008.
  18. ^ Anderson, Gary Clayton, and Alan R. Woodworth, eds. Through Dakota Eyes-Narrative Accounts of the Minnesota Indian War of 1862. St. Paul, MN: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1988.
  19. ^ Smith, Paul Chaat; Warrior, Robert Allen (1996). Like a Hurricane: The Indian Movement from Alcatraz to Wounded Knee. New York: New Press.
  20. ^ Indian Land Tenure Foundation, Land Tenure History. '
  21. ^ "History – ILTF".
  22. ^ a b c d Calloway 2008
  23. ^ Rosenthal, Nicolas G. "Repositioning Indianness: Native American Organizations in Portland, Oregon, 1959–1975." Pacific Historical Review 71, no. 3 (2002): 415–38.
  24. ^ Fairbanks, Robert. "Native American Sovereignty and Treaty Rights: Are They Historical Illusions?" American Indian Law Review 20.1 (1996): 141–49
  25. ^ Freedman, Eric. "When Indigenous Rights and Wilderness Collide: Prosecution of Native Americans for Using Motors in Minnesota's Boundary Waters Canoe Wilderness Area."American Indian Quarterly 26.3 (2002): 378–92
  26. ^ Waziyatawin. What Does Justice Look Like?-The Struggle for Liberation in Dakota Homeland. St. Paul, MN: Living Justice Press, 2008.
  27. ^ Simpson, Audra. Mohawk Interruptus. Durham: Duke UP, 2014. Print
  28. ^ a b O'Brien, Jean M. (31 May 2010). Firsting and Lasting. University of Minnesota Press. doi:10.5749/minnesota/9780816665778.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-8166-6577-8.
  29. ^ Jennifer Nez Denetdale (2016). ""No Explanation, No Resolution, and No Answers": Border Town Violence and Navajo Resistance to Settler Colonialism". Wicazo Sa Review. 31 (1): 111–131. doi:10.5749/wicazosareview.31.1.0111. JSTOR 10.5749/wicazosareview.31.1.0111. S2CID 163824169.
  30. ^ Linda., Tuhiwai Smith, Professor (2021). Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. Zed Books Ltd. ISBN 978-1-78699-813-2. OCLC 1181802502.
  31. ^ a b Christian Bleuer (2012). "State-building, migration and economic development on the frontiers of northern Afghanistan and southern Tajikistan". Journal of Eurasian Studies. 3: 69–79. doi:10.1016/j.euras.2011.10.008.
  32. ^ "From 'Slavers' to 'Warlords': Descriptions of Afghanistan's Uzbeks in western writing | Afghanistan Analysts Network". 17 October 2014. Retrieved 1 May 2016.
  33. ^ Frederick H. Gaige (1975). Regionalism and National Unity in Nepal. Univ.of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-02728-2.
  34. ^ Frances FitzGerald (30 May 2009). Fire in the Lake. Little, Brown. p. 190. ISBN 978-0-316-07464-3.
  35. ^ a b c Oscar Salemink (2003). The Ethnography of Vietnam's Central Highlanders: A Historical Contextualization, 1850–1990. University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 978-0-8248-2579-9.
  36. ^ John Jacob Nutter (2000). The CIA's Black Ops: Covert Action, Foreign Policy, and Democracy. Prometheus Books, Publishers. p. 160. ISBN 978-1-61592-397-7.
  37. ^ a b Graham A. Cosmas (2006). MACV: The Joint Command in the Years of Escalation, 1962–1967. Government Printing Office. ISBN 978-0-16-072367-4.
  38. ^ John Hellmann (13 August 2013). American Myth and the Legacy of Vietnam. Columbia University Press. p. 62. ISBN 978-0-231-51538-2.
  39. ^ Spencer C. Tucker (20 May 2011). Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War, The: A Political, Social, and Military History: A Political, Social, and Military History. ABC-CLIO. p. 182. ISBN 978-1-85109-961-0.
  40. ^ Jim Sullivan; James Sullivan (2006). Vietnam. National Geographic Society. p. 102. ISBN 978-0-7922-6203-9.
  41. ^ James Sullivan (2010). National Geographic Traveler Vietnam. National Geographic. p. 102. ISBN 978-1-4262-0522-4.
  42. ^ Haha Lung (2006). Lost Fighting Arts of Vietnam. Citadel. p. 7. ISBN 978-0-8065-2760-4.
  43. ^ a b Lawrence H. Climo, M.D. (20 December 2013). The Patient Was Vietcong: An American Doctor in the Vietnamese Health Service, 1966–1967. McFarland. pp. 227, 228. ISBN 978-0-7864-7899-6.
  44. ^ David W. P. Elliott (31 December 2002). The Vietnamese War: Revolution and Social Change in the Mekong Delta, 1930-1975. M.E. Sharpe. p. 1504. ISBN 978-0-7656-0602-0.
  45. ^ James B. Minahan (30 August 2012). Ethnic Groups of South Asia and the Pacific: An Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 269. ISBN 978-1-59884-660-7.
  46. ^ McElwee, Pamela (2008). "7 Becoming Socialist or Becoming Kinh? Government Policies for Ethnic Minorities in the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam". In Duncan, Christopher R. (ed.). Civilizing the Margins: Southeast Asian Government Policies for the Development of Minorities. Singapore: NUS Press. p. 182. ISBN 978-9971-69-418-0.
  47. ^ a b c McElwee, Pamela (2008). ""Blood Relatives" or Uneasy Neighbors? Kinh Migrant and Ethnic Minority Interactions in the Trường Sơn Mountains". Journal of Vietnamese Studies. Regents of the University of California. 3 (3): 81–82. doi:10.1525/vs.2008.3.3.81. ISSN 1559-372X.
  48. ^ Taylor, Philip (December 2006). "Economy in Motion: Cham Muslim Traders in the Mekong Delta" (PDF). The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology. The Australian National University. 7 (3): 238. doi:10.1080/14442210600965174. ISSN 1444-2213. S2CID 43522886. Retrieved 3 September 2014.
  49. ^ Leibold, James. "Beyond Xinjiang: Xi Jinping's Ethnic Crackdown". The Diplomat. Retrieved 2 May 2021.
  50. ^ "We Who Seek to Settle: Part 9". 26 November 2017.
  51. ^ "Islam and the Politics of Identity". University of Hawaii – Center for Philippine Studies.
  52. ^ a b Hiromitsu Umehara; Germelino M. Bautista (2004). Communities at the Margins: Reflections on Social, Economic, and Environmental Change in the Philippines. Ateneo University Press. ISBN 978-971-550-464-5.
  53. ^ Eric S. Casiño (2000). Mindanao Statecraft and Ecology: Moros, Lumads, and Settlers Across the Lowland-highland Continuum. Notre Dame University. ISBN 978-971-555-354-4.
  54. ^ Jennifer Conroy Franco (2001). Elections and Democratization in the Philippines. Taylor & Francis. p. 221. ISBN 978-0-8153-3734-8.
  55. ^ a b Human Rights Watch (Organization) (1992). Bad Blood: Militia Abuses in Mindanao, the Philippines. Human Rights Watch. ISBN 978-1-56432-060-5.
  56. ^ Hongchao Dai; Hung-chao Tai (1 January 1974). Land Reform and Politics: A Comparative Analysis. University of California Press. p. 259. ISBN 978-0-520-02337-6.
  57. ^ Kamlian, Jamail A. (20 October 2012). "Who are the Moro people?". Philippine Daily Inquirer. Retrieved 29 June 2015.
  58. ^ Magdalena, Federico V. "Islam and the Politics of Identity". University of Hawai'i at Manoā. Center for Philippine Studies. Retrieved 26 June 2015.
  59. ^ "Moro doctors try to heal suffering". 26 March 2015.
  60. ^ "Historical truth and Bangsamoro autonomy". 15 March 2015.
  61. ^ Eva Horakova (1971). Problems of Filipino Settlers. Institute of Southeast Asian. p. 2. GGKEY:LLSBZXRXTWT.
  62. ^ William Larousse (1 January 2001). A Local Church Living for Dialogue: Muslim-Christian Relations in Mindanao-Sulu, Philippines : 1965–2000. Gregorian Biblical BookShop. p. 114. ISBN 978-88-7652-879-8.
  63. ^ Angel Rabasa (2007). Ungoverned Territories: Understanding and Reducing Terrorism Risks. Rand Corporation. p. 126. ISBN 978-0-8330-4152-4.
  64. ^ Colin Mackerras; Foundation Professor in the School of Asian and International Studies Colin Mackerras (2 September 2003). Ethnicity in Asia. Routledge. p. 143. ISBN 978-1-134-51517-2.
  65. ^ Colin Mackerras (18 June 2004). Ethnicity in Asia. Taylor & Francis. p. 143. ISBN 978-0-203-38046-8.
  66. ^
  67. ^ "BusinessWorld | Should there be a Moro nation?".
  68. ^ Economic and Political Weekly. Sameeksha Trust. 1993. p. 1740.
  69. ^ Myron Weiner (1993). International Migration and Security. Westview Press. p. 159. ISBN 978-0-8133-8774-1.
  70. ^ "Militarisation In Chittagong Hill Tracts". LookEast. 9 May 2020.
  71. ^ McEvoy, Mark (3 April 2014). "Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh – rapists act with impunity". Survival International – The movement for tribal peoples.
  72. ^ Iqbal, Jamil M. (2 November 2009). "The fate of the Chittagong Hill Tracts tribes of Bangladesh". In Defence of Marxism.
  73. ^ "UNPO: Chittagong Hill Tracts: Chakmas complain of Bangla Muslim settlements".
  74. ^ "UNPO: Chittagong Hill Tracts: Town of Chakma Villagers Attacked and Houses Burned Down".
  75. ^ Kreiten, Irma (2009). "A colonial experiment in cleansing: the Russian conquest of Western Caucasus, 1856–65". Journal of Genocide Research. 11 (2–3): 213–241. doi:10.1080/14623520903118953. S2CID 108782027.
  76. ^ Dewdney, John C. (2013). A Geography of the Soviet Union: Pergamon Oxford Geographies. New York City: Pergamon Press. p. 136. ISBN 9781483157993.
  77. ^ Veracini, Lorenzo (2013). "'Settler Colonialism': Career of a Concept". The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History. 41 (2): 313-333. doi:10.1080/03086534.2013.768099. S2CID 159666130. The domination of Latin America, North America, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, and the Asian part of the Soviet Union by European powers all involved the migration of permanent settlers from the European country to the colonies. These places were colonized.
  78. ^ Annus, Epp (2012). "The Problem of Soviet Colonialism in the Baltics". Journal of Baltic Studies. 43 (1): 21–45. doi:10.1080/01629778.2011.628551. S2CID 143682036.
  79. ^ O'Connor, Kevin (2003). The History of the Baltic States. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 128. ISBN 9780313323553.
  80. ^ Fishman, Joshua (2018). Selected Studies and Applications. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG. p. 331. ISBN 9783110880434.
  81. ^ a b Petrov, Nikita (2003). "The GULag as Instrument of the USSR's Punitive System 1917–39". In Dundovich, Elena; Gori, Francesca; Guercetti, Emanuela (eds.). Reflections on the Gulag: With a Documentary Index on the Italian Victims of Repression in the USSR. Feltrinelli Editore. p. 8–10. ISBN 9788807990588. OCLC 803610496.
  82. ^ Chetyrova, Lyubov B. (2011). "The Idea of Labor Among Deported Kalmyks: Kalmyk Resilience Through Celebration in the Gulag". Mongolian Studies. 33 (1): 17–31. JSTOR 43194557.
  83. ^ Grannes, Alf (1991). "The Soviet deportation in 1943 of the Karachays: a Turkic Muslim people of North Caucasus". Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs Journal. 12 (1): 55–68. doi:10.1080/02666959108716187.
  84. ^ Houbert, Jean (1997). "Russia in the geopolitics of settler colonization and decolonization". The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs. 86 (344): 549–561. doi:10.1080/00358539708454388.
  85. ^ Smith, L. (1980), The Aboriginal Population of Australia, Australian National University Press, Canberra
  86. ^ Page, A. (2015, September). The Australian Settler State, Indigenous Agency, and the Indigenous Sector in the Twenty First Century. Australian Political Studies Association Conference.
  87. ^ Page, A., & Petray, T. (2015). Agency and Structural Constraints: Indigenous Peoples and the Settler-State in North Queensland. Settler Colonial Studies, 5 (2).
  88. ^ "Maori Language Act 1987". Retrieved 13 April 2019.
  89. ^ "New Zealand's Constitution". Government House. Archived from the original on 10 December 2017. Retrieved 17 August 2017.
  90. ^ a b Cavanagh, E (2013). Settler colonialism and land rights in South Africa: Possession and dispossession on the Orange River. United Kingdom: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 10–16. ISBN 978-1-137-30577-0.
  91. ^ Fourie, J (2014). "Settler Skills and Colonial Development: The Huguenot Wine-Makers in Eighteenth-Century Dutch South Africa". Economic History Review. 67 (4): 932–963. doi:10.1111/1468-0289.12033. S2CID 152735090.
  92. ^ Weinberg, T (2015). "The Griqua Past and the Limits of South African History, 1902–1994; Settler Colonialism and Land Rights in South Africa: Possession and Dispossession on the Orange River". Journal of Southern African Studies. 41: 211–214. doi:10.1080/03057070.2015.991591. S2CID 144750398.
  93. ^ "Claims in Conflict: Reversing Ethnic Cleansing in Northern Iraq: III. Background".
  94. ^ Prof. Rimki Basu. International Politics: Concepts, Theories and Issues:p103. 2012.
  95. ^ Francis Kofi Abiew. The Evolution of the Doctrine and Practice of Humanitarian Intervention:p146. 1991.
  96. ^ a b c International Business Publications. Cyprus Country Study Guide Volume 1 Strategic Information and Developments:p77-78. 2013. ISBN 1-4387-7423-0
  97. ^ a b Ilan, Pappé (2015). The ethnic cleansing of Palestine. Oneworld. ISBN 978-1-85168-555-4. OCLC 1005259805.
  98. ^ Bar-On, Mordechai (1 September 2008). "Cleansing history of its content: Some critical comments on Ilan Pappe's The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine". Journal of Israeli History. 27 (2): 269–275. doi:10.1080/13531040802284130. S2CID 159169240.
  99. ^ Rodinson, Maxime. "Israel, fait colonial?" Les Temps Moderne, 1967. Republished in English as Israel: A Colonial Settler-State?, New York, Monad Press, 1973.
  100. ^ "Israel could celebrate its anticolonial/anti-British struggle exactly because it was able to establish a number of colonial relationships within and without the borders of 1948." Lorenzo Veracini, Borderlands, vol 6 No 2, 2007.
  101. ^ Veracini, Lorenzo, "Israel and Settler Society", London: Pluto Press. 2006.
  102. ^ Unsettling Settler Societies: Articulations of Gender, Race, Ethnicity and Class, Vol. 11, Nira Yuval-Davis (Editor), Daiva K Stasiulis (Editor), Paperback 352pp, ISBN 978-0-8039-8694-7, August 1995 SAGE Publications.
  103. ^ "Post Colonial Colony: time, space and bodies in Palestine/ Israel in the persistence of the Palestinian Question", Routledge, NY, (2006) and "The Pre-Occupation of Post-Colonial Studies" ed. Fawzia Afzal-Khan and Kalpana Rahita Seshadri. (Durham: Duke University Press)
  104. ^ The Palestinian Enclaves Struggle: An Interview with Ilan Pappé, King's Review – Magazine
  105. ^ Video: Decolonizing Israel. Ilan Pappé on Viewing Israel-Palestine Through the Lens of Settler-Colonialism., 5 April 2017
  106. ^ Amal Jamal (2011). Arab Minority Nationalism in Israel: The Politics of Indigeneity. Taylor & Francis. p. 48. ISBN 978-1-136-82412-8.
  107. ^ "IMPERIALISM AND SETTLER-COLONIALISM IN WEST ASIA: ISRAEL AND THE ARAB PALESTINIAN STRUGGLE." Jamil Hilal, UTAFITI journal of the arts and social sciences, University of Dar Es Salaam. 1976.
  108. ^ "a classical colonialist phenomenon" Speech: Dr. Nasser al-Qidwa, former Palestinian Foreign Minister, Jerusalem Media & Communication Centre, November 2006.
  109. ^ Report on Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories, FMEP, Volume 10, Number 4; July–August 2000, pp.10, 12
  110. ^ "Jewish Population in Judea & Samaria Growing Significantly".
  111. ^ Bareli, Israeli Historical Revisionism: From Left to Right, pp. 99–100
  112. ^ Arnon, Space and Polity, p. 140-141
  113. ^ Troen, S. Ilan (2007). "De-Judaizing the Homeland: Academic Politics in Rewriting the History of Palestine". Israel Affairs. 13 (4): 872–884. doi:10.1080/13537120701445372.

Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]