Sima Yi

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Sima Yi
A Qing dynasty illustration of Sima Yi
Grand Tutor (太傅)
In office
13 March 239 (13 March 239) – 7 September 251 (7 September 251)
MonarchCao Fang
Preceded byZhong Yao
Succeeded bySima Fu
Manager of the Affairs of the Masters of Writing (錄尚書事)
In office
240 (240) – 240 (240)
MonarchCao Fang
Succeeded bySima Shi
Palace Attendant (侍中)
In office
240 (240) – 240 (240)
MonarchCao Fang
In office
221 (221) – 226 (226)
MonarchCao Pi
Grand Commandant (太尉)
In office
13 February 235 (13 February 235) – 13 March 239 (13 March 239)
MonarchCao Rui
Preceded byHua Xin
Succeeded byMan Chong
General-in-Chief (大將軍)
In office
16 March 230 (16 March 230) – 13 February 235 (13 February 235)
MonarchCao Rui
Preceded byCao Zhen
Succeeded byCao Yu
General of Agile Cavalry (驃騎將軍)
In office
January or February 227 (January or February 227) – 16 March 230 (16 March 230)
MonarchCao Rui
General Who Pacifies the Army (撫軍將軍)
In office
224 (224) – January or February 227 (January or February 227)
MonarchCao Pi / Cao Rui
Right Supervisor of the Masters of Writing (尚書右僕射)
In office
221 (221) – 226 (226)
MonarchCao Pi
Palace Assistant Imperial Clerk (御史中丞)
In office
220 (220) – 221 (221)
MonarchCao Pi
Master of Writing (尚書)
In office
220 (220) – 220 (220)
MonarchCao Pi
Consultant (議郎)
In office
? – ?
MonarchEmperor Xian of Han
ChancellorCao Cao
Army Major (軍司馬)
In office
? – ?
MonarchEmperor Xian of Han
ChancellorCao Cao
Personal details
Wen County, Henei Commandery, Han Empire (present-day Wen County, Henan)
DiedSeptember 7, 251(251-09-07) (aged 71–72)
Luoyang, Wei dynasty (present-day Luoyang, Henan)
Resting placeMengjin County, Henan
FatherSima Fang
OccupationGeneral, official, regent
Courtesy nameZhongda (仲達)
Temple nameGaozu (高祖)
PeerageMarquis of Wuyang
Posthumous name
Emperor Xuan (宣皇帝)

Sima Yi (About this soundpronunciation ) (179 – 7 September 251), courtesy name Zhongda, was a military general, government official and regent of the state of Wei during the Three Kingdoms period of China. He is best known for defending Wei from a series of invasions between 230 and 234 by Wei’s rival state, Shu. His success and subsequent rise to power as the regent of Wei paved the way for the establishment of the Jin dynasty (265-420), which was founded by his grandson Sima Yan. In 265, after Sima Yan became emperor, he honoured his grandfather with the posthumous title Emperor Xuan of Jin and the temple name Gaozu.

Family background[edit]

Sima Yi's ancestral home was in Xiaojing Village (孝敬裏), Wen County (溫縣), Henei Commandery (河內郡), which is in present-day Zhaoxian Town, Wen County, Henan. His ancestor was Sima Ang, one of the rulers of the Eighteen Kingdoms in the transition from the Qin dynasty to the Western Han dynasty. In the early Han dynasty, Sima Ang's kingdom, which was based in Henei (河內; in present-day Henan), became a commandery of the Han Empire and his descendants had lived there since. Sima Jūn (司馬鈞), an eighth-generation descendant of Sima Ang, served as a general of the Han Empire. Sima Jūn's son, Sima Liang (司馬量), and Sima Liang's son, Sima Jùn (司馬儁), both served as commandery administrators. Sima Jùn's son, Sima Fang, served as the Intendant of Jingzhao (京兆尹) during the Eastern Han dynasty. Sima Yi (Zhongda) was Sima Fang's second son.[1]

Sima Yi had one elder brother, Sima Lang (Boda), and six younger brothers (in decreasing order of seniority): Sima Fu (Shuda), Sima Kui (Jida), Sima Xun (Xianda), Sima Jin (Huida), Sima Tong (Yada) and Sima Min (Youda). The eight Sima brothers were collectively known as the "Eight Das"[a] because their courtesy names all ended with da (達).[3]

Early life[edit]

Sima Yi displayed intelligence and great ambitions at a young age. He was knowledgeable and well-versed in Confucian classics. When chaos broke out in China towards the end of the Eastern Han dynasty, Sima Yi often expressed sympathy and concern for the people. Before he reached adulthood around the age of 19, Sima Yi once met Yang Jun (楊俊), a commandery administrator who was known for spotting talents. Yang Jun described him as an "extraordinary talent". Cui Yan, a friend of Sima Yi's elder brother Sima Lang, once said: "[Sima Yi] is intelligent, decisive and unique. [Sima Lang] can't be compared to him."[4]

Sima Yi and his family used to live in the imperial capital, Luoyang, where his father Sima Fang served as a government official. In 191, when the warlord Dong Zhuo dominated the Han central government and wanted to relocate the imperial capital to Chang'an, Sima Fang ordered Sima Lang to bring the Sima family out of Luoyang and return to their ancestral home in Wen County, Henei Commandery. Some months later, as Sima Lang foresaw that chaos would break out in Henei Commandery, he relocated his family to Liyang Commandery (黎陽郡; around present-day Xun County, Henan). In the mid-190s, when war broke out between the warlords Cao Cao and Lü Bu, Sima Lang brought his family out of Liyang Commandery and returned to their home in Wen County, Henei Commandery.[5]

In 201, the administrative office of Henei Commandery nominated Sima Yi to serve in the government as a clerk in charge of records. At the time, the warlord Cao Cao, who then held the position of Minister of Works in the Han imperial court, heard of Sima Yi's talent and wanted to recruit him to serve in the administration. Sima Yi saw that the Han Empire's future was bleak and did not want to serve, so he lied that he suffered from paralysis and stayed at home. Cao Cao's spies reported that they saw Sima Yi lying motionless in bed.[6]

One day, while Sima Yi was drying his books under the sun, there was a sudden downpour so he rushed out to grab his books and was seen by a maid. Sima Yi's wife, Zhang Chunhua, feared that the maid would leak out news that Sima Yi was well and get their family into trouble, so she killed the maid to silence her.[7]

Service under Cao Cao[edit]

When Cao Cao became the Imperial Chancellor in 208, he sent an official to recruit Sima Yi to serve as an assistant clerk in his administration. He also instructed the official to arrest Sima Yi if he dawdled. Sima Yi became afraid so he accepted the appointment. Although he was initially assigned to be an attendant to the crown prince,[b] he was later reassigned to other positions, including Gentleman of the Yellow Gate (黃門侍郎), Consultant (議郎), Officer in the East Bureau of the Imperial Chancellor's Office (丞相東曹屬), and Registrar in the Imperial Chancellor's Office (丞相主簿).[8]

Advising Cao Cao to attack Yi Province[edit]

In 215, after Cao Cao defeated the warlord Zhang Lu in Hanzhong Commandery at the Battle of Yangping, Sima Yi urged him to capitalise on the momentum to press on and attack his rival, Liu Bei, who was in the neighbouring Yi Province (covering present-day Sichuan and Chongqing). Sima Yi pointed out that since Liu Bei had only recently seized control of Yi Province from Liu Zhang, he had yet to establish a strong foothold in the province. However, Cao Cao rejected Sima Yi's idea and said that he was already content with having Longyou (隴右; covering parts of present-day Gansu and Shaanxi). He then turned his attention towards his other key rival, Sun Quan.[9]

Urging Cao Cao to usurp the throne[edit]

Sun Quan sent an emissary to meet Cao Cao, requesting to make peace and expressing his willingness to pledge allegiance to Cao Cao. He also urged Cao Cao to seize the throne from Emperor Xian and declare himself emperor. In response to Sun Quan's suggestion, Cao Cao remarked: "This rascal wants me to put myself on top of a fire!" However, Sima Yi told him: "The Han dynasty is in decline. Your Lordship controls nine-tenths of the Han Empire. You are in a position to take the throne. Sun Quan's submission is the will of Heaven. Previously, during Yu's time and throughout the Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties, the rulers who did not hesitate when they should take the throne were the ones who truly understood Heaven's will."[10] Cao Cao ultimately never usurped the throne from Emperor Xian and remained nominally a subject of the Han Empire until his death.

In 216, after Emperor Xian promoted Cao Cao from a duke to a vassal king under the title "King of Wei" (魏王), Sima Yi became an adviser to Cao Cao's son and heir apparent, Cao Pi. Cao Pi highly regarded and respected Sima Yi for his brilliance. Along with Chen Qun, Wu Zhi and Zhu Shuo (朱鑠), Sima Yi was one of Cao Pi's close aides and one of his "Four Friends".[11] Before Cao Pi became his father's heir apparent in 216, he engaged in a power struggle against his younger brother Cao Zhi over the succession. During this time, Sima Yi was believed to be among those who secretly backed Cao Pi and helped him win the position of heir apparent. He also allegedly had a hand in Cao Zhi's demotion and removal from politics after Cao Pi became the emperor.[12]

When Sima Yi was appointed as an Army Major (軍司馬), he suggested to Cao Cao to stockpile food supplies and maintain their defences at the same time because there were more than 200,000 people who were unable to sustain themselves through farming. Cao Cao accepted his idea and implemented a policy for the people to farm and stockpile grain.[13]

Battle of Fancheng[edit]

Sima Yi also warned Cao Cao about Hu Xiu (胡修) and Fu Fang (傅方), who respectively served as the Inspector of Jing Province and the Administrator of Nanxiang Commandery (南鄉郡; in Jing Province) at the time. He said that Hu Xiu was violent while Fu Fang was arrogant, so they should not be entrusted with the important responsibility of guarding the border at Jing Province. Cao Cao ignored him. In 219, during the Battle of Fancheng, while Cao Cao's general Cao Ren was besieged by Liu Bei's general Guan Yu in Fancheng (樊城; present-day Fancheng District, Xiangyang, Hubei), Cao Cao ordered Yu Jin to lead reinforcements to lift the siege on Fancheng. However, the reinforcements were destroyed in a flood and Yu Jin surrendered to Guan Yu. As Sima Yi foresaw, Hu Xiu and Fu Fang defected to Guan Yu, placing Cao Ren in an even more perilous situation.[14]

Upon learning of Yu Jin's defeat, Cao Cao felt that the Han imperial capital, Xuchang, was too near enemy territory, so he considered moving the capital further north into Hebei. Sima Yi and Jiang Ji said: "Yu Jin's defeat was not due to flaws in our defences, nor would it significantly affect us. Moving the imperial capital is showing our weakness to the enemy. It will cause panic in the regions around the Huai and Mian rivers. Sun Quan and Liu Bei seem close to each other, but they actually don't trust each other. Sun Quan will feel very uneasy upon seeing Guan Yu's victory, so we should incite him to attack Guan Yu's base in Jing Province. This will lift the siege on Fancheng." Cao Cao heeded their advice. Sun Quan later sent his general Lü Meng to attack Gong'an County and invade Jing Province in the winter of 219–220. Guan Yu was captured and executed by Sun Quan's forces.[15][16]

Cao Cao wanted to relocate residents in Jing Province and Yingchuan Commandery (潁川郡) further north as he felt that they were too close to enemy territory in the south. Sima Yi, however, advised him against doing so and said: "The Jing and Chu regions are unstable. The people are easy to move but hard to pacify. As Guan Yu has been recently defeated, bad people will go into hiding. If we move the good people, we might cause them to feel distressed and unwilling to return to our side." Cao Cao heeded Sima Yi's advice. The people affected by the Battle of Fancheng later managed to revert to their original livelihoods before the battle.[17]

When Cao Cao died in Luoyang in March 220, there was much apprehension in the imperial court. Sima Yi ensured that Cao Cao's funeral was held in an orderly fashion, and in doing so he earned the respect of officials within and outside the central government. He moved to Ye (present-day Handan, Hebei) later.[18]

Service under Cao Pi[edit]

After Cao Pi succeeded his father as the (vassal) King of Wei (魏王) and Imperial Chancellor of the Han Empire in early 220,[19] he enfeoffed Sima Yi as the Marquis of Hejin Village (河津亭侯) and appointed him as his Chief Clerk (長史). Later, when Sun Quan led his forces to attack Cao Pi's territories in Jing Province, some officials rejected the idea of resisting Sun Quan since Fancheng (樊城; present-day Fancheng District, Xiangyang, Hubei) and Xiangyang lacked food supplies. At the time, Cao Ren, who was defending Xiangyang, had been reassigned from Fancheng to defend Wancheng (宛城; present-day Wancheng District, Nanyang, Henan). Sima Yi said: "Sun Quan has recently defeated Guan Yu. At this time, he will be thinking of defending his newly acquired territories (rather than attacking us), so he will definitely not pose a threat to us. Xiangyang's land and water routes are crucial to its defences against enemy attacks, so we cannot abandon the city." Cao Pi ignored Sima Yi's advice. As Sima Yi predicted, Sun Quan did not attack them after Cao Ren gave up on Xiangyang and Fancheng. Cao Pi regretted not listening to him.[20]

In late 220, Cao Pi usurped the throne from Emperor Xian, ended the Eastern Han dynasty, and declared himself emperor of the newly established state of Wei.[19] Cao Pi first appointed Sima Yi as a Master of Writing (尚書) but later reassigned him to be an Army Inspector (督軍) and Palace Assistant Imperial Clerk (御史中丞). He also promoted Sima Yi from a village marquis to a district marquis under the title "Marquis of Anguo District" (安國鄉侯).[21]

In 221, Sima Yi was removed from his post as an Army Inspector and was appointed as a Palace Attendant (侍中) and Right Supervisor of the Masters of Writing (尚書右僕射).[22]

Three years later, in 224, Cao Pi went on a tour of the south to inspect his forces in the areas near the Wei–Wu border. Sima Yi remained behind to defend Xuchang and his marquis title was changed to "Marquis of Xiang District" (向鄉侯). He was appointed General Who Pacifies the Army (撫軍將軍) and placed in command of 5,000 troops, in addition to holding the positions of Official Who Concurrently Serves in the Palace (給事中) and Manager of the Affairs of the Masters of Writing (錄尚書事). When Sima Yi declined to accept these appointments, Cao Pi told him: "I am so busy with state affairs that I have been working through both day and night and have hardly a moment for rest. (When I entrust you with these responsibilities,) I am not commending you, but rather, I need you to help me share my burden."[23]

In 226, Cao Pi led his armies to attack Sun Quan and left Sima Yi behind to defend and govern the imperial capital in his absence, as well as providing reinforcements and supplies for his armies at the frontline. Before departing, Cao Pi issued a decree: "I am deeply concerned about what happens after I die. This is why I entrust you with this responsibility. Even though Cao Shen made many contributions on the battlefield, Xiao He played a more important role than him. Can I be free of worries I have about the west (referring to the rival state Shu in the west)?" Cao Pi later returned from Guangling Commandery (廣陵郡) to Luoyang and he told Sima Yi: "When I am in the east, you will be in charge of the west; when I am in the west, you will be in charge of the east." Sima Yi remained behind to guard Xuchang.[24]

In mid 226, when Cao Pi became critically ill, he summoned Sima Yi, Cao Zhen, Chen Qun and others to meet him in the south hall of Chonghua Palace (崇華殿), where he ordered them to assist his son Cao Rui after his death. Cao Pi also told Cao Rui: "You should be wary of these three men, but don't doubt them."[25]

Service under Cao Rui[edit]

Driving back Wu invaders[edit]

After Cao Rui became the Wei emperor, he elevated Sima Yi from the status of a district marquis to a county marquis under the title "Marquis of Wuyang (County)" (舞陽侯).[26] Around the time, Sun Quan attacked Jiangxia Commandery (江夏郡; around present-day Xinzhou District, Wuhan, Hubei) and sent his generals Zhuge Jin and Zhang Ba (張霸) to attack Xiangyang. Sima Yi led Wei forces to resist the Wu invaders, defeated Zhuge Jin, and killed Zhang Ba and more than 1,000 Wu soldiers. In recognition of Sima Yi's efforts, Cao Rui promoted Sima Yi to General of Agile Cavalry (驃騎將軍).[27][28]

Suppressing Meng Da's rebellion[edit]

A Qing dynasty illustration of Meng Da's death at Xincheng.

In July 227, Cao Rui ordered Sima Yi to garrison at Wancheng (宛城; present-day Wancheng District, Nanyang, Henan) and put him charge of the military affairs of Jing and Yu provinces.[29]

Later that year, Sima Yi received news that Meng Da, a former Shu general who had defected to Wei, was planning to rebel against Wei and return to Shu. Earlier, during Cao Pi's reign, he had warned Cao Pi that Meng Da was untrustworthy, but Cao Pi ignored him.[12] He was proven right after Cao Pi’s death.

Sima Yi wrote a letter to Meng Da to distract and confuse him while preparing to suppress the rebellion. While Meng Da was stuck in a dilemma on whether to rebel or not, Sima Yi swiftly assembled his troops and led them to attack Meng Da's base in Shangyong Commandery (上庸郡; around present-day Zhushan County, Hubei). He reached there within eight days and ordered his subordinates to lead separate detachments to block Meng Da's reinforcements from Shu and Wu.[30]

Meng Da was taken by surprise as he did not expect Sima Yi to show up at Shangyong Commandery so quickly. Sima Yi's army attacked the city from eight different directions over six days. After the sixth day, Meng Da's nephew Deng Xian (鄧賢) and subordinate Li Fu (李輔) opened the city gates and surrendered to Sima Yi. Meng Da was executed and his head sent to the Wei capital Luoyang; more than 10,000 captives were taken. Sima Yi returned to Wancheng in triumph.[31]

Governing Jing and Yu provinces[edit]

While he was in charge of Jing and Yu provinces, Sima Yi encouraged and promoted agriculture and reduced wastage of public funds. The people of the southern lands were happy and showed their support for him.[32]

Shen Yi, a former subordinate of Meng Da, had remained in Weixing Commandery (魏興郡; around present-day Ankang, Shaanxi) for a long time and had become deeply entrenched there. All these years, he had been illegally using the Wei emperor's name to carve official stamps and seals, and giving them to others. After hearing of Meng Da's downfall, he became worried that he would be the next target of Sima Yi’s crackdown on traitorous officials. Around the time, as Sima Yi had just suppressed Meng Da's rebellion, many regional officials came to present gifts and congratulate him. Sima Yi sent a messenger to provoke Shen Yi and lure him into a trap. When Shen Yi came to confront him, he fell into the trap and was captured and sent to the imperial capital. Sima Yi also relocated to You Province more than 7,000 households who used to live in Shangyong Commandery. The Shu military officers Yao Jing (姚靜), Zheng Ta (鄭他) and others later brought more than 7,000 men with them to surrender to Sima Yi.[33]

At the time, among the thousands of people who migrated to Wei from Shu, many were unregistered residents, so the Wei government wanted to have them officially registered as citizens of Wei. The Wei emperor Cao Rui summoned Sima Yi back to Luoyang and sought his opinion on this issue. Sima Yi said: "The enemy seized these people through deception and now abandon them. It's advisable to have them registered. This way, they will feel happy and at ease." Cao Rui then asked him which of Wei's two rival states (Wu and Shu) they should attack first. Sima Yi replied: "The people of Wu know that we are not adept in naval warfare, hence they dare to live in Dongguan. When we attack an enemy, we should always block its throat and strike its heart. Xiakou and Dongguan are the enemy's heart and throat. If we can move our land forces to Wan[c] to lure Sun Quan to advance east, and take advantage of Xiakou's low defences by sending our navy to attack it, it will be like an army from Heaven descending (upon the enemy) and they will definitely be defeated." Cao Rui agreed with Sima Yi's view and ordered him to return to his post at Wancheng (宛城; present-day Wancheng District, Nanyang, Henan).[34]

Battle of Mount Qi[edit]

In 230, Sima Yi was promoted to General-in-Chief (大將軍), appointed Grand Chief Controller (大都督), and given a ceremonial yellow axe. The Wei emperor Cao Rui put him and Cao Zhen in charge of defending Wei's western borders from attacks by its rival state, Shu, which had been launching invasions since 227. The army led by Sima Yi passed through Zhuoshan (斫山) and Xicheng County (西城縣; present-day Ankang, Shaanxi), sailed along the Mian River to Quren County (朐忍縣; west of present-day Yunyang County, Chongqing), and arrived at Xinfeng County (新豐縣; south of present-day Weinan, Shaanxi). They made camp at Dankou (丹口) but were forced to retreat due to heavy rains.[35]

The following year, Shu forces led by Zhuge Liang attacked Tianshui Commandery and besieged Wei forces led by Jia Si (賈嗣) and Wei Ping (魏平) at Mount Qi (祁山; the mountainous regions around present-day Li County, Gansu). Cao Rui ordered Sima Yi to move to Chang'an (present-day Xi'an, Shaanxi) to supervise military operations in Yong and Liang provinces. After making preparations for battle, Sima Yi, with Zhang He, Fei Yao, Dai Ling (戴陵) and Guo Huai serving as his subordinates, led the Wei forces to Yumi County (隃麋縣; east of present-day Qianyang County, Shaanxi) and stationed there.[36]

When Zhuge Liang heard of the Wei army's arrival, he led his troops to Shanggui County (上邽縣; in present-day Tianshui, Gansu) to collect the harvest. In response, Sima Yi led his troops to Shanggui County and reached there within two days. By then, Zhuge Liang and his men had finished harvesting the wheat in Shanggui County, and they retreated when they learnt that Sima Yi was heading there.[37] Sima Yi encountered Zhuge Liang at Hanyang (漢陽), where he ordered his troops to get into formation, while at the same time sending Niu Jin to lead a lightly-armed cavalry detachment to lure the enemy to Mount Qi. Zhuge Liang and his troops garrisoned at Lucheng (鹵城), took control of the hills in the north and south, and used the river as a natural barrier.[38][39]

Although his subordinates repeatedly urged him to attack the enemy, Sima Yi was hesitant to do so after seeing the layout of the Shu camps in the hills. However, he eventually relented when his subordinates mocked him and said he would become a laughing stock if he refused to attack.[40] Sima Yi sent Zhang He to attack the Shu camp in the south, guarded by Wang Ping, while he led the others to attack Lucheng head-on.[41] In response, Zhuge Liang ordered Wei Yan, Wu Ban and Gao Xiang to lead troops to engage the enemy outside Lucheng. The Wei army lost the battle, along with 3,000 troops and some equipment.[42]

Despite his victory, Zhuge Liang could not make use of the momentum to launch a major offensive on the enemy because his army was running low on supplies. Sima Yi launched another attack on the Shu camps and succeeded in breaking through Zhuge Liang's defences. The Book of Jin mentioned that as Zhuge Liang and the Shu army retreated under the cover of night, Sima Yi led his forces in pursuit and inflicted over 10,000 casualties on the enemy. Cao Rui sent an emissary to congratulate Sima Yi on his victory and rewarded him by adding more taxable households to his marquisate.[43]

Du Xi and Xue Ti (薛悌) told Sima Yi that the wheat will be ready for harvest the following year and Zhuge Liang would definitely come to seize the wheat. Since Longyou (隴右) lacked food supplies, they should transport the wheat there that winter. Sima Yi said: "Zhuge Liang advanced towards Mount Qi again and attacked Chencang (陳倉; east of present-day Baoji, Shaanxi) but lost and withdrew. If he advances again, instead of attacking cities, he will call for a battle in the east of Long(you) and not the west. Zhuge Liang feels frustrated by the shortage of grain so he will definitely stockpile supplies when he returns (to Shu). Based on my prediction, he won't attack again if he doesn't have at least three harvests' worth of food supplies." Sima Yi then proposed to the Wei imperial court to mobilise farmers from Ji Province to Shanggui County and put them under the jurisdiction of Jingzhao (京兆), Tianshui and Nan'an (南安) commanderies.[44] By 233, Sima Yi's agricultural plan came to fruition and became a source of food supplies for the three commanderies.[45]

Battle of Wuzhang Plains[edit]

A Qing dynasty illustration of "a dead Zhuge drives away a living Zhongda".

In 234, Zhuge Liang led more than 100,000 Shu troops out of the Xie Valley (斜谷) and camped at the southern bank of the Wei River near Mei County (郿縣; southeast of present-day Fufeng County, Shaanxi). The Wei emperor Cao Rui became worried so he ordered Qin Lang to lead 20,000 infantry and cavalry as reinforcements to join Sima Yi. Zhuge Liang later moved his army west to the Wuzhang Plains and prepared to cross to the northern bank of the Wei River. Sima Yi sent Zhou Dang (周當) to station at Yangsui (陽遂) and lure Zhuge Liang to attack him. When Zhuge Liang made no response, Sima Yi sent Hu Zun (胡遵) and Guo Huai to lead troops to join Zhou Dang at Yangsui. They encountered the Shu forces near the Wuzhang Plains and fought a skirmish before the Shu forces retreated back to the plains.[46] One night, Sima Yi saw a star falling towards the Shu camp and predicted that Zhuge Liang would be defeated. He ordered a surprise attack on the Shu camp from behind: 500 Shu soldiers were killed, 600 surrendered, and more than 1,000 livestock of the Shu army were captured by Wei forces.[47]

Around the time, the Wei government observed that since the Shu army was far away from its base at Hanzhong Commandery, it would not be in its interest to fight a prolonged war in enemy territory, so it would be better for the Wei army to adopt a defensive posture against the Shu invaders. The Wei emperor Cao Rui thus ordered Sima Yi to hold his position and refrain from engaging the Shu forces in battle. Zhuge Liang attempted to lure Sima Yi to attack him; on one occasion, Zhuge Liang sent Sima Yi women's ornaments to taunt him. Sima Yi, apparently feeling enraged, sought permission from Cao Rui to attack the enemy, but was denied. The emperor even sent Xin Pi, bearing the imperial sceptre (a symbol of the emperor's authority), to the battlefield to make sure that Sima Yi followed orders and remained in camp.[48] Zhuge Liang knew that Sima Yi was pretending to be angry because he wanted to show the Wei soldiers that he would not put up with the enemy's taunting, and to ensure that the Wei soldiers were ready for battle.[49]

After a standoff lasting more than 100 days, Sima Yi heard from civilians that Zhuge Liang had died from illness and the Shu army had burnt down their camp and retreated. He then led his troops to pursue the enemy and caught up with them, but retreated when the Shu forces got into battle formation. Some days later, Sima Yi surveyed the remains of the Shu camp and concluded that Zhuge Liang was indeed dead when he saw that the Shu army had hastily retreated, so he led his troops in pursuit again. When Sima Yi reached Chi'an (赤岸), he asked the civilians living there about Zhuge Liang and heard that there was a saying: "A dead Zhuge (Liang) scares away a living Zhongda.[d]" When Sima Yi heard that, he laughed and said: "I can predict the thoughts of the living but I can't predict the dead's."[50]

In 235, Sima Yi was promoted to Grand Commandant (太尉) and had the number of taxable households in his marquisate increased. In the same year, when the Shu general Ma Dai led troops to invade Wei, Sima Yi sent Niu Jin to lead Wei forces to resist the invaders. Niu Jin defeated Ma Dai and killed more than 1,000 enemy soldiers.[51] When a famine broke out in Guandong (關東; referring to the area east of Hangu Pass), Sima Yi had more than five million hu of grain transported from Chang'an to Luoyang to aid in disaster relief efforts.[52]

Liaodong campaign[edit]

In 236, Sima Yi caught a white deer, which was regarded as an auspicious animal, and presented it to the Wei emperor Cao Rui. Cao Rui said: "When the Duke of Zhou assisted King Cheng in governance, he presented white pheasants to the king. Now you are in charge of Shaanxi and you present a white deer. Isn't this a sign of loyalty, cooperation, long-lasting stability and peace?"[53]

Around the same time, Gongsun Yuan, a warlord based in Liaodong Commandery (in present-day Liaoning) who previously pledged allegiance to the Wei state, started a rebellion and declared independence. Cao Rui summoned Sima Yi back to the imperial capital Luoyang to consult him on how to deal with the Liaodong crisis. Sima Yi said that he needed only one year to lead troops to Liaodong to suppress the revolt.[54] At the time, the Wei government had forced many men into military service or recruited them for manual labour to work on Cao Rui's palace construction/renovation projects. Sima Yi felt that doing so would increase the burden on the common people and make them resent the Wei government, so he advised Cao Rui to halt the projects and focus on dealing with the more pressing issues.[55]

In 238, Sima Yi led an army of 40,000 from Luoyang to attack Liaodong, with Niu Jin and Hu Zun (胡遵) serving as his subordinates. Cao Rui personally saw them off from Luoyang.[56] The Wei army reached Liaodong in June 238 and suppressed the revolt by September. Gongsun Yuan was killed in battle near the Liang River outside Xiangping (襄平; present-day Liaoyang, Liaoning), the capital of Liaodong Commandery.[57] After his army occupied Xiangping, Sima Yi ordered a systematic purge of some 7,000 men aged 14 and above in the city, as well as the execution of Gongsun Yuan's subjects and their families (numbering over 2,000 people). In total, he gained control over 40,000 households and 300,000 livestock in Xiangping.[58] Sima Yi also posthumously rehabilitated Lun Zhi (倫直) and Jia Fan (賈範), two officials who attempted to stop Gongsun Yuan from rebelling but were executed by him, and freed Gongsun Gong, the previous Administrator of Liaodong who had been imprisoned by his nephew Gongsun Yuan.[59]

At the time, as it was in winter, many soldiers were suffering from the cold and wanted extra clothing to keep themselves warm. When someone pointed out that they had a surplus of ru (襦; a type of clothing) and suggested giving them out to the soldiers, Sima Yi said: "The rus are the property of the government. No one is allowed to give them to others without permission." Sima Yi also wrote to the Wei imperial court to seek permission for soldiers aged 59 and above to retire from service and for the dead and wounded to be sent home. As Sima Yi led the troops back to Luoyang from Liaodong, Cao Rui sent an emissary to meet them in Ji County (薊縣; in present-day Beijing) and host a party to celebrate the victory. He also added Kunyang County (昆陽縣; present-day Ye County, Henan) to Sima Yi's marquisate, so Sima Yi had a total of two counties as his marquisate.[60]

Appointment as regent[edit]

When Sima Yi was away on the Liaodong campaign, he once dreamt that Cao Rui wanted to see him and he sensed that something was wrong. Later, Cao Rui issued an imperial order instructing him to return to Luoyang via a faster route through the Guanzhong region. When Sima Yi reached Baiwu (白屋), he received another five orders within three days. Sensing the urgency of the situation, he boarded a zhuifengche (追鋒車)[e] and travelled overnight across the Baiwu region over a distance of more than 400 li and reached Luoyang by the following day. He met Cao Rui at Jiafu Hall (嘉福殿) of the imperial palace and saw that the emperor was critically ill. With tears in his eyes, Sima Yi asked Cao Rui about his condition. Cao Rui held Sima Yi's hand, looked at his adopted son Cao Fang, and told Sima Yi: "I have matters to entrust you. Now that I meet you one last time before I die, I have no more regrets." He then designated Sima Yi and the general Cao Shuang as the regents for Cao Fang because Cao Fang was still very young at the time.[61]

Before his death, Cao Rui had initially planned to exclude Sima Yi from the regency and instead appoint Cao Yu, Xiahou Xian (夏侯獻), Cao Shuang, Cao Zhao and Qin Lang as the regents. However, two of his close aides, Liu Fang and Sun Zi, who were not on good terms with Xiahou Xian and Cao Zhao, managed to persuade him to exclude those two and appoint Cao Shuang and Sima Yi as the regents instead.[62]

Service under Cao Fang[edit]

In early 239, when Cao Fang started ruling as the new Wei emperor, the Wei government appointed Sima Yi as a Palace Attendant (侍中) and Manager of the Affairs of the Masters of Writing (錄尚書事), granted him imperial authority, and ordered him to oversee military affairs within and outside the imperial capital Luoyang. Sima Yi and Cao Shuang each held command over 3,000 troops and served as regents for the underage emperor. As Cao Shuang wanted the Masters of Writing (i.e. the Imperial Secretariat) to report to him first, he proposed to the imperial court to reassign Sima Yi to be the Grand Marshal (大司馬). As the persons who previously held the position of Grand Marshal all died in office, the imperial court thought that it would be more appropriate to appoint Sima Yi as Grand Tutor (太傅) instead. Sima Yi was also awarded additional privileges similar to those granted to Xiao He in the early Western Han dynasty and Cao Cao in the late Eastern Han dynasty: He did not have to walk briskly when he entered the imperial court, did not have to have his name announced when he entered, and was allowed to wear shoes and carry a sword into the imperial court. His eldest son, Sima Shi, was appointed as a Regular Mounted Attendant (散騎常侍), while three of his relatives were enfeoffed as marquises and four others were appointed as Cavalry Commandants (騎都尉). Sima Yi ordered his relatives to decline the honours and appointments.[63]

In the spring of 239, the Wa, Karasahr, Weixu (危須) states and the Xianbei tribes living south of the Ruo River came to pay tribute to the Cao Wei state. Cao Fang attributed this to the efforts of his subjects and he rewarded Sima Yi by increasing the number of taxable households in his marquisate.[64] Sima Yi also suggested that the Wei imperial court put an end to the extravagant palace construction/renovation projects started in Cao Rui's reign, and divert those resources and manpower towards agriculture instead. The imperial court approved.[65]

Battles in Jing Province[edit]

Around late May or June 241, Wei's rival state Eastern Wu launched an invasion of Wei on three fronts: Quebei (芍陂; south of present-day Shou County, Anhui), Fancheng (樊城; present-day Fancheng District, Xiangyang, Hubei), and Zhazhong (柤中; west of present-day Nanzhang County, Hubei). When Sima Yi requested to lead troops to resist the enemy, there were other officials in the imperial court who argued that there was no need to take swift action since Fancheng was strong enough to withstand attacks and that the enemy was weary after travelling a long distance. Sima Yi disagreed and pointed out that the Wu invasion posed a huge threat to Wei.[66] He knew that if Fancheng fell to the enemy, it would put Wei in a dangerous situation.[67]

In late June or July 241, Sima Yi led an army from Luoyang to fight the Wu invaders. He first sent lightly-armed cavalry to harass the Wu forces while his main army remained in position. Later, he ordered his troops to pretend to put up an offensive stance to intimidate the enemy into retreating. The Wu forces fell for the ruse and retreated overnight. Sima Yi and the Wei forces pursued the retreating Wu forces to the intersection of the Han, Bai and Tang rivers, where they defeated and killed over 10,000 enemy soldiers and captured their boats, equipment and other resources. Cao Fang sent a Palace Attendant as an emissary to meet Sima Yi at Wancheng (宛城; present-day Wancheng District, Nanyang, Henan) to congratulate him and host a banquet to celebrate the victory.[68]

In August 241, the Wei imperial court added Yan (郾) and Linying (臨潁) counties to Sima Yi's marquisate as a reward for his contributions; at the time, Sima Yi's marquisate spanned four counties and covered 10,000 taxable households. 11 of Sima Yi's relatives were also enfeoffed as marquises. As Sima Yi gained greater glory for his achievements, he behaved in a more humble and modest manner. For example, whenever he met Chang Lin (常林), who was from the same hometown as him and held the position of Minister of Ceremonies in the Wei imperial court, he bowed to him in a respectful manner. He also constantly reminded his siblings, children and younger relatives to be mindful of their conduct.[69] In the spring of 242, Cao Fang bestowed the posthumous title "Marquis Cheng of Wuyang" (舞陽成侯) upon Sima Yi's deceased father, Sima Fang.[70]

Promoting agriculture in the Huai River region[edit]

In April or May 242, Sima Yi proposed to the Wei government to dig a canal to connect the Yellow and Bian rivers and direct their waters towards the southeast to promote agriculture in the areas north of the Huai River.[71]

At the time, Zhuge Ke, a general from Wei's rival state Wu, was stationed at a military garrison at Wan (皖; present-day Qianshan County, Anhui) and posed a threat to the Wei forces in the region. When Sima Yi wanted to lead troops to attack Zhuge Ke, many officials advised him against it. They said that Wan was heavily fortified and abundant in supplies and that Wu reinforcements would come to Zhuge Ke's aid if he came under attack, thus putting the invaders in a perilous position. Sima Yi disagreed and said: "The enemy is adept at naval warfare. Why don't we try attacking their land garrison and see what happens. If they know their strengths, they will abandon the garrison and retreat; this is our objective. If they hold up inside the garrison and defend their position, their reinforcements will have to reach them via land because the waters are too shallow in winter for boats to sail through. In doing so, they will be putting themselves at a disadvantage because they aren't as good in land-based warfare as us."[72]

In October 243, Sima Yi led an army from Luoyang to attack Zhuge Ke at Wan. When Sima Yi and his army reached Shu County (舒縣; present-day Shucheng County, Anhui), Zhuge Ke gave orders to burn down all the supplies stockpiled in Wan, abandon the garrison and retreat.[73] Sima Yi's aim was to destroy the Wu forces' sources of food supply in the Huai River region, so once Zhuge Ke burnt down all the supplies in Wan, Sima Yi felt more at ease. He then implemented the tuntian policy and large-scale agricultural and irrigation works in the region.[74] In late January or February 244, Cao Fang sent an emissary to meet Sima Yi at Huainan Commandery (淮南郡; around present-day Shou County, Anhui) and honour him for his achievements in promoting agriculture in the region.[75]

Power struggle with Cao Shuang[edit]

In 244, the officials Deng Yang and Li Sheng advised Cao Shuang to launch a military campaign against Wei's rival state Shu to boost his fame and authority in Wei. Sima Yi strongly objected to this idea but Cao Shuang ignored him and proceeded with the campaign. He suffered a defeat at the Battle of Xingshi in April 244 against Shu forces.[76][77]

In September 245, Cao Shuang wanted to make changes to the structure of the military so that he could put his brothers Cao Xi (曹羲) and Cao Xun (曹訓) in command of troops. Sima Yi opposed these changes but Cao Shuang ignored him and went ahead.[78] In January 246, the Wei emperor Cao Fang granted Sima Yi the privilege of riding to the imperial court in a type of horse-drawn carriage traditionally reserved for emperors.[79]

In February 246, when Eastern Wu forces attacked Zhazhong (柤中; west of present-day Nanzhang County, Hubei), over 10,000 households living in the area fled to the north across the Mian River (沔水). When news of the Wu invasion reached the Wei imperial court, Sima Yi argued that they should let the civilians remain on the north side of the Mian River since the south side was near enemy territory and hence too dangerous for them. However, Cao Shuang said: "It isn't in our long-term interests to allow the civilians to remain here and give up trying to secure the south of the Mian River." Sima Yi disagreed: "If the enemy sends 20,000 troops to cut off passage across the Mian River, sends another 30,000 troops to fight our forces at the south of the Mian River, and sends another 10,000 troops to occupy Zhazhong, what can we do to save those civilians?" Cao Shuang refused and ordered the refugees to return to the south of the Mian River. As Sima Yi foresaw, the Wu forces occupied Zhazhong, captured the civilians and relocated them to Wu territory.[80]

Around the time, Cao Shuang wanted to dominate the Wei government so he used a series of political manoeuvres to consolidate and concentrate power in the hands of himself and his clique.[81][82] He heeded the advice of his close aides He Yan, Deng Yang and Ding Mi (丁謐), and relocated Empress Dowager Guo (Cao Rui's widow) to Yongning Palace (永寧宮) so that she could not interfere in politics. He also put his brothers in command of the military, promoted his close aides to higher positions in the imperial court, and made changes to the political structure to benefit himself and his clique. Sima Yi tried to stop Cao Shuang but could not; Cao Shuang became increasingly distrustful and wary of Sima Yi.[83] In June 246, Sima Yi claimed that he was ill and withdrew from the political scene. At the time, there was a saying in Luoyang which goes: "He (Yan), Deng (Yang) and Ding (Mi) create turmoil in the imperial capital."[84]

In April or May 248, Zhang Dang (張當), a palace eunuch, illegally transferred 11 women out of the imperial harem and presented them to Cao Shuang to be his concubines. Cao Shuang and his close aides thought that Sima Yi was seriously ill and could no longer do anything, so they plotted with Zhang Dang to overthrow the emperor Cao Fang and put Cao Shuang on the throne. However, they were still wary of Sima Yi and did not lower their guard against him.[85]

Meeting with Li Sheng[edit]

At the time, Li Sheng, one of Cao Shuang's supporters, had been recently reassigned to be the Inspector of Jing Province. Cao Shuang secretly instructed him to check if Sima Yi was as ill as he claimed, so Li Sheng visited Sima Yi before leaving for Jing Province. Sima Yi knew the true purpose of Li Sheng's visit, so he pretended to be frail and senile. Li Sheng saw that Sima Yi could not move around and wear clothes without help from his servants, and could not even consume congee without soiling his clothes. He then told Sima Yi: "Everyone thought that your illness was a minor one; alas, who expected you to be in such poor health?" Sima Yi pretended to cough and pant as he replied: "I am old and sick and I am going to die soon. When you go to Bing Province, you should be careful because it is near barbarian territory. We might not see each other again, so I entrust my sons Shi and Zhao to your care." Li Sheng corrected him: "I am returning to my home province, not Bing Province." Sima Yi pretended to mishear and continued saying: "You are going to Bing Province, aren't you?" Li Sheng corrected him again: "My home province is Jing Province." Sima Yi replied: "I am so old and weak that I can't even hear you properly. So now you are going back to your home province. It's time for you to make some glorious achievements!" Li Sheng returned to Cao Shuang and told him: "Sima Yi is dying soon and no longer of sound mind. There's nothing for you to worry about." Later, he said: "It's sad to see that the Grand Tutor is no longer in a good state of health to serve." Cao Shuang lowered his guard against Sima Yi.[86][87]

Incident at Gaoping Tombs[edit]

On 5 February 249, Cao Shuang and his brothers accompanied the emperor Cao Fang on a visit to the Gaoping Tombs (高平陵). On that day, Sima Yi seized the opportunity to stage a coup d'état against his co-regent. He went to Yongning Palace to meet Empress Dowager Guo and ask her to remove Cao Shuang and his brothers from power.[88] At the same time, he granted imperial authority to Gao Rou, the Minister over the Masses, appointed him as acting General-in-Chief (大將軍) and ordered him to take command of Cao Shuang's troops. He also appointed Wang Guan, the Minister Coachman (太僕), as acting Commandant of the Central Army (中領軍) and ordered him to seize command of the troops under Cao Shuang's brother Cao Xi (曹羲).[89]

Sima Yi, along with the Grand Commandant Jiang Ji and others, led troops out of Luoyang to the floating bridge above the Luo River, where he sent a memorial to the emperor Cao Fang, listing out Cao Shuang's "crimes" (e.g. not fulfilling his duty as regent, corrupting the government, conspiring with Zhang Dang) and requesting the emperor to remove Cao Shuang and his brothers from their positions of power.[90] Cao Shuang ultimately surrendered to Sima Yi and gave up his powers, thinking that he could still lead a luxurious life in retirement.[91]

After returning to Luoyang, on 9 February 249 Cao Shuang was accused of plotting treason with the palace eunuch Zhang Dang (張當) and was arrested along with his brothers and his supporters, including He Yan, Ding Mi (丁謐), Deng Yang, Bi Gui, Li Sheng and Huan Fan. They were subsequently executed along with the rest of their families and relatives on the same day.[92][93] Jiang Ji had attempted to persuade Sima Yi to spare Cao Shuang and his brothers in consideration of the meritorious service rendered by their father Cao Zhen, but Sima Yi refused.[94]

On 18 February 249, Cao Fang appointed Sima Yi as Imperial Chancellor (丞相) and added another four counties – Fanchang (繁昌), Yanling (鄢陵), Xinji (新汲) and Fucheng (父城) – to Sima Yi's marquisate, bringing the size of the marquisate to a total of eight counties and 20,000 taxable households. Cao Fang also awarded Sima Yi the privilege of not having to announce his name when he spoke to the emperor. Sima Yi declined the appointment of Imperial Chancellor.[95][28] In January 250, Cao Fang awarded Sima Yi the nine bestowments and an additional privilege of not having to kowtow during imperial court sessions. Sima Yi declined the nine bestowments.[96] In February or March 250, Cao Fang had an ancestral shrine built for the Sima family in Luoyang, increased the size of Sima Yi's personal staff, promoted some of Sima Yi's personal staff, and enfeoffed Sima Yi's sons Sima Rong (司馬肜) and Sima Lun as village marquises. At the time, as Sima Yi was chronically ill, he could not regularly attend imperial court sessions, so Cao Fang often visited him as his residence to consult him on policy matters.[97]

Suppressing Wang Ling's rebellion[edit]

Wang Ling, the Grand Commandant (太尉), and his nephew Linghu Yu (令狐愚), the Inspector of Yan Province, became worried of Sima Yi's growing influence over the emperor Cao Fang, so they plotted to overthrow Sima Yi and replace Cao Fang with Cao Biao, the Prince of Chu.[98]

In February 251, Wang Ling lied that Eastern Wu forces were approaching Tushui (塗水) and requested that the Wei government give him troops to resist the invaders. Sima Yi knew that Wang Ling was lying so he refused to approve the request.[99] On 7 June 251, upon receiving intelligence of Wang Ling's plot, Sima Yi personally led an army to attack Wang Ling and reached Gancheng (甘城) within nine days. Wang Ling knew that Sima Yi already knew about his plans to rebel, so he decided to surrender. He tied himself up and met Sima Yi at Wuqiu (武丘) and told him: "If I am guilty, you can summon me to meet you. Why do you need to come here?" Sima Yi replied: "That's because you don't responds to summons." Wang Ling was then escorted as a prisoner back to Luoyang. Along the way, when he passed by a shrine honouring the Wei general Jia Kui, he exclaimed: "Jia Liangdao! Wang Ling is a loyal subject of Wei. Only the gods will know whether this is true." He later committed suicide on 15 June 251 by consuming poison at Xiang County (項縣; present-day Shenqiu County, Henan).[100] Sima Yi had Wang Ling's conspirators arrested and executed along with their families; even Cao Biao was forced to commit suicide in July 251. He then relocated the other nobles from the Cao family to Ye city, where they were effectively put under house arrest there.[101]

Cao Fang sent Wei Dan (韋誕) as an emissary to meet Sima Yi at Wuchi (五池) and congratulate him on his success in suppressing Wang Ling's rebellion. Later, when Sima Yi reached Gancheng, Cao Fang sent Yu Ni (庾嶷) as an emissary to appoint Sima Yi as Chancellor of State (相國) and promote him from a marquis to a duke under the title "Duke of Anping Commandery" (安平郡公). One of Sima Yi's grandsons and one of his brothers were also enfeoffed as marquises. At the time, the Sima family had a total of 19 marquises and 50,000 taxable households in all their marquisates combined. Sima Yi declined the appointment of Chancellor of State and refused to accept his enfeoffment as a duke.[102]

Death and posthumous honours[edit]

In July 251, when Sima Yi became critically ill, he dreamt of Jia Kui and Wang Ling being honoured, and he felt disturbed after that. He died on 7 September 251 in Luoyang at the age of 73 (by East Asian age reckoning). The emperor Cao Fang donned mourning garments, attended Sima Yi's funeral in person, and even ordered Sima Yi to be buried with the same honours as those accorded to Huo Guang in the Western Han dynasty. He also posthumously appointed Sima Yi as Chancellor of State (相國) and posthumously elevated him to the status of a duke. However, Sima Yi's younger brother Sima Fu declined the ducal title and a wenliangche (轀輬車)[f] on behalf of his deceased brother, stating that Sima Yi would have done that if he were still alive.[103]

Sima Yi was buried on 19 October 251 at Heyin County (河陰縣; north of present-day Mengjin County, Henan). Cao Fang granted him the posthumous title "Wenzhen" (文貞), which was later changed to "Wenxuan" (文宣). However, before his death, Sima Yi had made arrangements to be buried at Mount Shouyang (首陽山; in present-day Yanshi, Luoyang, Henan) with no markers (e.g. tombstone, trees) around his tomb, to be dressed in plain clothes, and have no luxury items buried with him. He also made a rule stating that his family members who died after him should not be buried with him.[104]

In 264, after the Wei emperor Cao Huan enfeoffed Sima Yi's second son Sima Zhao as the vassal King of Jin (晉王), Sima Zhao honoured his father the posthumous title "King Xuan" (宣王). One year later, after Sima Yi's grandson Sima Yan (Emperor Wu) usurped the throne from Cao Huan and established the Jin dynasty (265–420) with himself as the emperor, he honoured his grandfather with the posthumous title "Emperor Xuan" (宣皇帝) with the temple name "Gaozu" (高祖), and named his grandfather's burial place "Gaoyuan Mausoleum" (高原陵).[105]


In his younger days, Sima Yi was a close friend of Hu Zhao (胡昭). In one incident, Zhou Sheng (周生) kidnapped Sima Yi and wanted to kill him. Hu Zhao braved danger to meet Zhou Sheng in the Xiao Mountains and tried to persuade him to let Sima Yi go. When Zhou Sheng refused, Hu Zhao cried and pleaded with him. Zhou Sheng was so moved by Hu Zhao's sincerity that he released Sima Yi. As Hu Zhao never told anyone about this incident, very few people knew that Sima Yi owed him his life.[106]

Cao Cao heard that Sima Yi was not only ambitious, but also had a lang gu (狼顧)[g] appearance, so he wanted to test and see if it was true. One day, he ordered Sima Yi to walk in front of him and then made him look back. Sima Yi purportedly turned his head 180 degrees to look back.[107] Cao Cao also once dreamt of three horses feeding from the same trough[h] and he felt disturbed, so he warned Cao Pi: "Sima Yi won't be content with being a subject; he will interfere in your family matters." As Cao Pi was on good terms with Sima Yi, he often protected and shielded Sima Yi from criticisms. Sima Yi also took great care to create an image of himself as a diligent and faithful subject in front of Cao Cao to reduce the latter's suspicions of him.[109]

Cao Hong, a veteran general serving under Cao Cao, had heard of Sima Yi's talent and wanted to recruit him as an adviser. However, as Sima Yi disliked Cao Hong, he refused to meet him and pretended to be so ill that he could not move around without using crutches. Cao Hong was so unhappy that he reported it to Cao Cao, who then summoned Sima Yi. When Sima Yi heard that Cao Cao wanted to meet him, he immediately threw aside his crutches and rushed there.[110]

Appraisal and legacy[edit]

The Tang dynasty historian Fang Xuanling, who was the lead editor of Sima Yi's biography in the Book of Jin, noted that Sima Yi was known for appearing to be generous and magnanimous on the outside while being distrustful and jealous on the inside. He wrote that Sima Yi was suspicious, calculative, manipulative and a skilled practitioner of power politics.[111] He also pointed out Sima Yi's cruelty in massacring Liaodong's population and exterminating Cao Shuang and his entire clan.[112]

In 238, when Gongsun Yuan heard that Sima Yi was leading a Wei army to Liaodong to attack him, he sent a messenger to request reinforcements from Wei's rival state, Eastern Wu. The Wu emperor Sun Quan initially wanted to send reinforcements and he wrote to Gongsun Yuan: "Sima Yi is well-versed in military arts. He uses military strategy like a god. He defeats all who stand in his way. I am deeply worried for you, my brother."[113]

The Eastern Jin dynasty's Emperor Ming (r 323–325), a descendant of Sima Yi, once asked an official Wang Dao to tell him about the origins of the Jin dynasty, so Wang Dao told him everything from Sima Yi's career to Cao Mao's attempted coup against Sima Zhao. After hearing from Wang Dao, Emperor Ming remarked: "If what you said is true, how can the Jin (dynasty) expect to last long?"[114]

After the fall of the Western Jin dynasty in 316, the belief began to shift from the popular ideal that the Wei state was the rightful successor to the Han dynasty towards the alternative view that the Shu state had greater legitimacy. Before 316, Sima Yi was seen as a righteous figure and was practically deified; after 316, however, he became a vilified figure in Chinese culture.[citation needed]


  • Parents:
  • Consorts and Issue:
  1. Empress Xuanmu, of the Zhang clan (宣穆皇后 張氏; 189–247), personal name Chunhua (春華)
    1. Sima Shi, Emperor Jing (景皇帝 司馬師; 208–255)
    2. Sima Zhao, Emperor Wen (文皇帝 司馬昭; 211–265)
    3. Sima Gan, Prince Pingyuan (平原王 司馬幹; 232–311)
    4. Princess Nanyang (南陽公主)
  2. Furen, of the Fu clan (夫人 伏氏)
    1. Sima Liang, Prince Runan Wencheng (汝南文成王 司馬亮; d. 291)
    2. Sima Zhou, Prince Langxiewu (琅邪武王 司馬伷; 227–283)
    3. Sima Jing, Marquis Qinghui (清惠侯 司馬京)
    4. Sima Jun, Prince Fufengwu (扶風武王 司馬駿; 232–286)
  3. Furen, of the Zhang clan (夫人 張氏)
    1. Sima Rong, Prince Liangxiao (梁孝王 司馬肜; d. 302)
  4. Furen, of the Bo clan (夫人 柏氏)
    1. Sima Lun (司馬倫; 249–301)
    2. Princess Gaolu (高陸公主), m. Du Yu

In Romance of the Three Kingdoms[edit]

Sima Yi is a major character in the 14th-century historical novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms, which romanticises the historical figures and events before and during the Three Kingdoms period of China. In the novel, he is cast as a villainous figure who pretends to be a loyal and dedicated subject of the Wei state, while secretly planning to concentrate power in his hands and pave the way for his descendants to usurp the throne one day – in the same way Cao Cao did towards the end of the Eastern Han dynasty. He also serves as a nemesis to Zhuge Liang during the Shu invasions of Wei between 228 and 234, with both of them trying to outwit each other in the various battles.

The various accounts contributing to the portrayal of Sima Yi as a villain, however, are neither historically accurate nor consistent with each other. They were most likely borrowed or adapted from the historical novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms, as well as folktales and legends about Sima Yi passed down through the ages.[citation needed]

In popular culture[edit]

Sima Yi is sometimes venerated as a door god at Chinese and Taoist temples, usually in partnership with Zhuge Liang.

Chan Mou's manhua series The Ravages of Time is a fictionalised retelling of the history of the late Eastern Han dynasty and the Three Kingdoms, with Sima Yi as the central character.

Sima Yi also appears as a playable character in Koei's Dynasty Warriors and Warriors Orochi video game series. In the mobile game Puzzles & Dragons, he is featured as a God type in their Three Kingdoms 2 Pantheon alongside Ma Chao and Diaochan. In the collectible card game Magic: The Gathering there is a card named "Sima Yi, Wei Field Marshal" in the Portal Three Kingdoms set.

Notable actors who have portrayed Sima Yi on screen include: Wei Zongwan, in Romance of the Three Kingdoms (1994); Ni Dahong, in Three Kingdoms (2010); Eric Li, in Three Kingdoms RPG (2012); Wu Xiubo, in The Advisors Alliance (2017); and Elvis Han, in Secret of the Three Kingdoms (2018).

See also[edit]


  1. ^ This was also a term of respect, as other groups of eight talented administrators in the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors eras were also referred to in this way.[2]
  2. ^ This "crown prince" was not Cao Cao's son, Cao Pi. It refers to an unnamed son of Emperor Xian, the figurehead Han emperor under Cao Cao's control.
  3. ^ This Wan (皖) was not the same place as Wan (宛; in present-day Nanyang, Henan), where Sima Yi was stationed at. This Wan (皖) referred to a location at present-day Qianshan County, Anhui.
  4. ^ "Zhongda" was Sima Yi's courtesy name.
  5. ^ A zhuifengche (追鋒車) was a light, fast-moving horse-drawn carriage or chariot. See the dictionary definition.
  6. ^ A wenliangche (轀輬車) was a large horse-drawn carriage with enough space inside for a person to lie down. It was also used for carrying the coffin of a deceased person. See the dictionary definition.
  7. ^ The term lang gu (狼顧) refers to a wolf turning its head 180 degrees to look behind. It is an archaic term used to describe people who constantly feel suspicious and insecure, i.e., looking over their shoulder all the time. See the dictionary definition of 狼顧.
  8. ^ In the 14th-century historical novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms, this dream foreshadows the Sima family's Jin dynasty replacing the Cao family's Cao Wei state in 265. The Chinese term for "trough", cao (槽), is a homonym of the family name Cao (曹), while the three horses represented Sima Yi and his sons Sima Shi and Sima Zhao, so the dream could be interpreted as the three Simas seizing power from the Cao family. Another interpretation was that the three horses represented Ma Teng, Ma Chao and Ma Dai, since the family name Ma (馬) literally means "horse". However, since the Ma family no longer posed a threat to Cao Cao at the time, it was more likely that the three horses represented the Simas.[108]


  1. ^ (楚漢間,司馬卬為趙將,與諸侯伐秦。秦亡,立為殷王,都河內。漢以其地為郡,子孫遂家焉。自卬八世,生征西將軍鈞,字叔平。鈞生豫章太守量,字公度。量生潁川太守儁,字元異。儁生京兆尹防,字建公。帝即防之第二子也。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  2. ^ Sakaguchi (2005), p. 158.
  3. ^ (安平獻王孚字叔達,宣帝次弟也。初,孚長兄朗字伯達,宣帝字仲達,孚弟馗字季達,恂字顯達,進字惠達,通字雅達,敏字幼達,俱知名,故時號為「八達」焉。) Jin Shu vol. 37.
  4. ^ (少有奇節,聰朗多大略,博學洽聞,伏膺儒教。漢末大亂,常慨然有憂天下心。南陽太守同郡楊俊名知人,見帝,未弱冠,以為非常之器。尚書清河崔琰與帝兄朗善,亦謂朗曰:「君弟聰亮明允,剛斷英特,非子所及也。」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  5. ^ (是時董卓遷天子都長安,卓因留洛陽。朗父防為治書御史,當徙西,以四方雲擾,乃遣朗將家屬還本縣。 ... 後數月,關東諸州郡起兵,衆數十萬,皆集熒陽及河內。諸將不能相一,縱兵鈔略,民人死者且半。乆之,關東兵散,太祖與呂布相持於濮陽,朗乃將家還溫。) Sanguozhi vol. 15.
  6. ^ (漢建安六年,郡舉上計掾。魏武帝為司空,聞而辟之。帝知漢運方微,不欲屈節曹氏,辭以風痺,不能起居。魏武使人夜往密刺之,帝堅卧不動。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  7. ^ (宣帝初辭魏武之命,託以風痹,嘗暴書,遇暴雨,不覺自起收之。家惟有一婢見之,后乃恐事泄致禍,遂手殺之以滅口, ...) Jin Shu vol. 31.
  8. ^ (及魏武為丞相,又辟為文學掾,勑行者曰:「若復盤桓,便收之。」帝懼而就職。於是使與太子游處,遷黃門侍郎,轉議郎、丞相東曹屬,尋轉主簿。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  9. ^ (從討張魯,言於魏武曰:「劉備以詐力虜劉璋,蜀人未附而遠爭江陵,此機不可失也。今若曜威漢中,益州震動,進兵臨之,勢必瓦解。因此之勢,易為功力。聖人不能違時,亦不失時矣。」魏武曰:「人苦無足,既得隴右,復欲得蜀!」言竟不從。既而從討孫權,破之。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  10. ^ (軍還,權遣使乞降,上表稱臣,陳說天命。魏武帝曰:「此兒欲踞吾著爐炭上邪!」荅曰:「漢運垂終,殿下十分天下而有其九,以服事之。權之稱臣,天人之意也。虞、夏、殷、周不以謙讓者,畏天知命也。」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  11. ^ (魏國既建,遷太子中庶子。每與大謀,輒有奇策,為太子所信重,與陳羣、吳質、朱鑠號曰四友。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  12. ^ a b Sakaguchi (2005), p. 160.
  13. ^ (遷為軍司馬,言於魏武曰:「昔箕子陳謀,以食為首。今天下不耕者蓋二十餘萬,非經國遠籌也。雖戎甲未卷,自宜且耕且守。」魏武納之,於是務農積穀,國用豐贍。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  14. ^ (帝又言荊州刺史胡脩麤暴,南鄉太守傅方驕奢,並不可居邊。魏武不之察。及蜀將關羽圍曹仁於樊,于禁等七軍皆沒,脩、方果降羽,而仁圍甚急焉。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  15. ^ (是時漢帝都許昌,魏武以為近賊,欲徙河北。帝諫曰:「禁等為水所沒,非戰守之所失,於國家大計未有所損,而便遷都,既示敵以弱,又淮沔之人大不安矣。孫權、劉備,外親內踈,羽之得意,權所不願也。可喻權所,令掎其後,則樊圍自解。」魏武從之。權果遣將呂蒙西襲公安,拔之,羽遂為蒙所獲。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  16. ^ (司馬宣王及濟說太祖曰:「于禁等為水所沒,非戰攻之失,於國家大計未足有損。劉備、孫權,外親內踈,關羽得志,權必不願也。可遣人勸躡其後,許割江南以封權,則樊圍自解。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  17. ^ (魏武以荊州遺黎及屯田在潁川者逼近南寇,皆欲徙之。帝曰:「荊楚輕脫,易動難安。關羽新破,諸為惡者藏竄觀望。今徙其善者,既傷其意,將令去者不敢復還。」從之。其後諸亡者悉復業。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  18. ^ (及魏武薨于洛陽,朝野危懼。帝綱紀喪事,內外肅然。乃奉梓宮還鄴。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  19. ^ a b Sima (1084), vol. 69.
  20. ^ (魏文帝即位,封河津亭侯,轉丞相長史。會孫權帥兵西過,朝議以樊、襄陽無穀,不可以禦寇。時曹仁鎮襄陽,請召仁還宛。帝曰:「孫權新破關羽,此其欲自結之時也,必不敢為患。襄陽水陸之衝,禦寇要害,不可棄也。」言竟不從。仁遂焚棄二城,權果不為寇,魏文悔之。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  21. ^ (及魏受漢禪,以帝為尚書。頃之,轉督軍、御史中丞,封安國鄉侯。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  22. ^ (黃初二年,督軍官罷,遷侍中、尚書右僕射。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  23. ^ (五年,天子南巡,觀兵吳疆。帝留鎮許昌,改封向鄉侯,轉撫軍、假節,領兵五千,加給事中、錄尚書事。帝固辭。天子曰:「吾於庶事,以夜繼晝,無須臾寧息。此非以為榮,乃分憂耳。」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  24. ^ (六年,天子復大興舟師征吳,復命帝居守,內鎮百姓,外供軍資。臨行,詔曰:「吾深以後事為念,故以委卿。曹參雖有戰功,而蕭何為重。使吾無西顧之憂,不亦可乎!」天子自廣陵還洛陽,詔帝曰:「吾東,撫軍當總西事;吾西,撫軍當總東事。」於是帝留鎮許昌。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  25. ^ (及天子疾篤,帝與曹真、陳羣等見於崇華殿之南堂,並受顧命輔政。詔太子曰:「有間此三公者,慎勿疑之。」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  26. ^ (明帝即位,改封舞陽侯。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  27. ^ (及孫權圍江夏,遣其將諸葛瑾、張霸并攻襄陽,帝督諸軍討權,走之。進擊,敗瑾,斬霸,并首級千餘。遷驃騎將軍。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  28. ^ a b Watanabe (2006), p. 283.
  29. ^ (太和元年六月,天子詔帝屯于宛,加督荊、豫二州諸軍事。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  30. ^ (... 達聞其謀漏泄,將舉兵。帝恐達速發,以書喻之曰: ... 達得書大喜,猶與不決。帝乃潛軍進討。 ... 乃倍道兼行,八日到其城下。吳蜀各遣其將向西城安橋、木闌塞以救達,帝分諸將以距之。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  31. ^ (... 及兵到,達又告亮曰:「吾舉事八日,而兵至城下,何其神速也!」上庸城三面阻水,達於城外為木柵以自固。帝渡水,破其柵,直造城下。八道攻之,旬有六日,達甥鄧賢、將李輔等開門出降。斬達,傳首京師。俘獲萬餘人,振旅還于宛。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  32. ^ (乃勸農桑,禁浮費,南土悅附焉。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  33. ^ (初,申儀久在魏興,專威疆埸,輒承制刻印,多所假授。達既誅,有自疑心。時諸郡守以帝新克捷,奉禮求賀,皆聽之。帝使人諷儀,儀至,問承制狀,執之,歸于京師。又徙孟達餘衆七千餘家于幽州。蜀將姚靜、鄭他等帥其屬七千餘人來降。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  34. ^ (時邊郡新附,多無戶名,魏朝欲加隱實。屬帝朝于京師,天子訪之於帝。帝對曰:「賊以密網束下,故下棄之。宜弘以大綱,則自然安樂。」又問二虜宜討,何者為先?對曰:「吳以中國不習水戰,故敢散居東關。凡攻敵,必扼其喉而摏其心。夏口、東關,賊之心喉。若為陸軍以向皖城,引權東下,為水戰軍向夏口,乘其虛而擊之,此神兵從天而墮,破之必矣。」天子並然之,復命帝屯于宛。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  35. ^ (四年,遷大將軍,加大都督、假黃鉞,與曹真伐蜀。帝自西城斫山開道,水陸並進,泝沔而上,至于朐[]。拔其新豐縣。軍次丹口,遇雨,班師。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  36. ^ (明年,諸葛亮寇天水,圍將軍賈嗣、魏平於祁山。 ... 乃使帝西屯長安,都督雍、梁二州諸軍事,統車騎將軍張郃、後將軍費曜、征蜀護軍戴淩、雍州刺史郭淮等討亮。 ... 遂進軍隃麋。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  37. ^ (亮聞大軍且至,乃自帥衆將芟上邽之麥。 ... 於是卷甲晨夜赴之,亮望塵而遁。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  38. ^ (漢晉春秋曰:"亮屯鹵城,據南北二山,斷水為重圍。) Han Jin Chunqiu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 35.
  39. ^ (進次漢陽,與亮相遇,帝列陣以待之。使將牛金輕騎餌之,兵才接而亮退,追至祁山。亮屯鹵城,據南北二山,斷水為重圍。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  40. ^ Sakaguchi (2005), p. 161.
  41. ^ (漢晉春秋曰:"使張郃攻無當監何平於南圍,自案中道向亮。) Han Jin Chunqiu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 35.
  42. ^ (漢晉春秋曰:亮使魏延、高翔、吳班赴拒,大破之,獲甲首三千級,玄鎧五千領,角弩三千一百張,宣王還保營。) Han Jin Chunqiu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 35.
  43. ^ (進次漢陽,與亮相遇,帝列陣以待之。使將牛金輕騎餌之,兵才接而亮退,追至祁山。亮屯鹵城,據南北二山,斷水為重圍。帝攻拔其圍,亮宵遁,追擊破之,俘斬萬計。天子使使者勞軍,增封邑。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  44. ^ (時軍師杜襲、督軍薛悌皆言明年麥熟,亮必為寇,隴右無穀,宜及冬豫運。帝曰:「亮再出祁山,一攻陳倉,挫衄而反。縱其後出,不復攻城,當求野戰,必在隴東,不在西也。亮每以粮少為恨,歸必積穀,以吾料之,非三稔不能動矣。」於是表徙冀州農夫佃上邽,興京兆、天水、南安監冶。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  45. ^ (青龍元年,穿成國渠,築臨晉陂,溉田數千頃,國以充實焉。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  46. ^ (二年,亮又率衆十餘萬出斜谷,壘于郿之渭水南原。天子憂之,遣征蜀護軍秦朗督步騎二萬,受帝節度。 ... 亮果上原,將北渡渭,帝遣將軍周當屯陽遂以餌之。數日,亮不動。 ... 遣將軍胡遵、雍州剌史郭淮共備陽遂,與亮會于積石。臨原而戰,亮不得進,還于五丈原。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  47. ^ (會有長星墜亮之壘,帝知其必敗,遣奇兵掎亮之後,斬五百餘級,獲生口千餘,降者六百餘人。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  48. ^ Watanabe (2006), p. 270.
  49. ^ (時朝廷以亮僑軍遠寇,利在急戰,每命帝持重,以候其變。亮數挑戰,帝不出,因遺帝巾幗婦人之飾。帝怒,表請決戰,天子不許,乃遣骨鯁臣衞尉辛毗杖節為軍師以制之。後亮復來挑戰,帝將出兵以應之,毗杖節立軍門,帝乃止。初,蜀將姜維聞毗來,謂亮曰:「辛毗杖節而至,賊不復出矣。」亮曰:「彼本無戰心,所以固請者,以示武於其衆耳。將在軍,君命有所不受,苟能制吾,豈千里而請戰邪!」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  50. ^ (與之對壘百餘日,會亮病卒,諸將燒營遁走,百姓奔告,帝出兵追之。亮長史楊儀反旗鳴皷,若將距帝者。帝以窮寇不之逼,於是楊儀結陣而去。經日,乃行其營壘,觀其遺事,獲其圖書、糧穀甚衆。帝審其必死, ... 追到赤岸,乃知亮死審問。時百姓為之諺曰:「死諸葛走生仲達。」帝聞而笑曰:「吾便料生,不便料死故也。」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  51. ^ (三年,遷太尉,累增封邑。蜀將馬岱入寇,帝遣將軍牛金擊走之,斬千餘級。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  52. ^ (關東饑,帝運長安粟五百萬斛輸于京師。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  53. ^ (四年,獲白鹿,獻之。天子曰:「昔周公旦輔成王,有素雉之貢。今君受陝西之任,有白鹿之獻,豈非忠誠協符,千載同契,俾乂邦家,以永厥休邪!」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  54. ^ (及遼東太守公孫文懿反,徵帝詣京師。 ... 天子曰:「往還幾時?」對曰:「往百日,還百日,攻百日,以六十日為休息,一年足矣。」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  55. ^ (是時大修宮室,加之以軍旅,百姓饑弊。帝將即戎,乃諫曰:「昔周公營洛邑,蕭何造未央,今宮室未備,臣之責也。然自河以北,百姓困窮,外內有役,勢不並興,宜假絕內務,以救時急。」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  56. ^ (景初二年,帥牛金、胡遵等步騎四萬,發自京都。車駕送出西明門, ... ) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  57. ^ Watanabe (2006), p. 278.
  58. ^ (文懿攻南圍突出,帝縱兵擊敗之,斬于梁水之上星墜之所。既入城,立兩標以別新舊焉。男子年十五已上七千餘人皆殺之,以為京觀。偽公卿已下皆伏誅,戮其將軍畢盛等二千餘人。收戶四萬,口三十餘萬。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  59. ^ (初,文懿篡其叔父恭位而囚之。及將反,將軍綸直、賈範等苦諫,文懿皆殺之。帝乃釋恭之囚,封直等之墓,顯其遺嗣。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  60. ^ (時有兵士寒凍,乞襦,帝弗之與。或曰:「幸多故襦,可以賜之。」帝曰:「襦者官物,人臣無私施也。」乃奏軍人年六十已上者罷遣千餘人,將吏從軍死亡者致喪還家。遂班師。天子遣使者勞軍于薊,增封食昆陽,并前二縣。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  61. ^ (初,帝至襄平,夢天子枕其膝,曰:「視吾面。」俛視有異於常,心惡之。先是,詔帝便道鎮關中;及次白屋,有詔召帝,三日之間,詔書五至。手詔曰:「間側息望到,到便直排閤入,視吾面。」帝大遽,乃乘追鋒車晝夜兼行,自白屋四百餘里,一宿而至。引入嘉福殿臥內,升御牀。帝流涕問疾,天子執帝手,目齊王曰:「以後事相託。死乃復可忍,吾忍死待君,得相見,無所復恨矣。」命與大將軍曹爽並受遺詔輔少主。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  62. ^ Sakaguchi (2005), p. 204.
  63. ^ (及齊王即帝位,遷侍中、持節、都督中外諸軍、錄尚書事,與爽各統兵三千人,共執朝政,更直殿中,乘輿入殿。爽欲使尚書奏事先由己,乃言於天子,徙帝為大司馬。朝議以為前後大司馬累薨於位,乃以帝為太傅,入殿不趨,贊拜不名,劔履上殿,如漢蕭何故事。嫁娶喪葬取給於官,以世子師為散騎常侍,子弟三人為列侯,四人為騎都尉。帝固讓子弟官不受。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  64. ^ (魏正始元年春正月,東倭重譯納貢,焉耆、危須諸國,弱水以南,鮮卑名王,皆遣使來獻。天子歸美宰輔,又增帝封邑。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  65. ^ (初,魏明帝好脩宮室,制度靡麗,百姓苦之。帝自遼東還,役者猶萬餘人,雕玩之物動以千計。至是皆奏罷之,節用務農,天下欣賴焉。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  66. ^ (二年夏五月,吳將全琮寇芍陂,朱然、孫倫圍樊城,諸葛瑾、步騭掠柤中,帝請自討之。議者咸言,賊遠來圍樊,不可卒拔。挫於堅城之下,有自破之勢,宜長策以御之。帝曰:「邊城受敵而安坐廟堂,疆埸騷動,衆心疑惑,是社稷之大憂也。」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  67. ^ (吳兵猶在荊州,太傅懿曰:「柤中民夷十萬,隔在水南,流離無主,樊城被攻,歷月不解,此危事也,請自討之。」) Zizhi Tongjian vol. 74.
  68. ^ (六月,乃督諸軍南征,車駕送出津陽門。帝以南方暑溼,不宜持久,使輕騎挑之,然不敢動。於是休戰士,簡精銳,募先登,申號令,示必攻之勢。吳軍夜遁走,追至三州口,斬獲萬餘人,收其舟船軍資而還。天子遣侍中常侍勞軍于宛。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  69. ^ (秋七月,增封食郾、臨潁,并前四縣,邑萬戶,子弟十一人皆為列侯。帝勳德日盛,而謙恭愈甚。以太常常林鄉邑舊齒,見之每拜。恒戒子弟曰:「盛滿者道家之所忌,四時猶有推移,吾何德以堪之。損之又損之,庶可以免乎!」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  70. ^ (三年春,天子追封謚皇考京兆尹為舞陽成侯。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  71. ^ (三月,奏穿廣漕渠,引河入汴,溉東南諸陂,始大佃於淮北。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  72. ^ (先是,吳遣將諸葛恪屯皖,邊鄙苦之,帝欲自擊恪。議者多以賊據堅城,積穀,欲引致官兵。今懸軍遠攻,其救必至,進退不易,未見其便。帝曰:「賊之所長者水也,今攻其城,以觀其變。若用其所長,棄城奔走,此為廟勝也。若敢固守,湖水冬淺,船不得行,勢必棄水相救,由其所短,亦吾利也。」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  73. ^ (四年秋九月,帝督諸軍擊諸葛恪, ... 軍次于舒,恪焚燒積聚,棄城而遁。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  74. ^ (帝以滅賊之要,在於積穀,乃大興屯守,廣開淮陽、百尺二渠,又脩諸陂於潁之南北,萬餘頃。自是淮北倉庾相望,壽陽至于京師,農官屯兵連屬焉。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  75. ^ (五年春正月,帝至自淮南,天子使持節勞軍。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  76. ^ (尚書鄧颺、李勝等欲令曹爽建立功名,勸使伐蜀。帝止之,不可,爽果無功而還。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  77. ^ Sakaguchi (2005), p. 51.
  78. ^ (六年秋八月,曹爽毀中壘中堅營,以兵屬其弟中領軍羲。帝以先帝舊制禁之,不可。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  79. ^ (冬十二月,天子詔帝朝會乘輿升殿。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  80. ^ (七年春正月,吳寇柤中,夷夏萬餘家避寇北渡沔。帝以沔南近賊,若百姓奔還,必復致寇,宜權留之。曹爽曰:「今不能脩守沔南而留百姓,非長策也。」帝曰:「不然。凡物致之安地則安,危地則危。故兵書曰『成敗,形也;安危,勢也』。形勢,御衆之要,不可以不審。設令賊以二萬人斷沔水,三萬人與沔南諸軍相持,萬人陸梁柤中,將何以救之?」爽不從,卒令還南。賊果襲破柤中,所失萬計。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  81. ^ Watanabe (2006), p. 280.
  82. ^ Sakaguchi (2005), pp. 50, 162.
  83. ^ (曹爽用何晏、鄧颺、丁謐之謀,遷太后於永寧宮,專擅朝政,兄弟並典禁兵,多樹親黨,屢改制度。帝不能禁,於是與爽有隙。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  84. ^ (五月,帝稱疾不與政事。時人為之謠曰:「何、鄧、丁,亂京城。」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  85. ^ (九年春三月,黃門張當私出掖庭才人石英等十一人,與曹爽為伎人。爽、晏謂帝疾篤,遂有無君之心,與當密謀,圖危社稷,期有日矣。帝亦潛為之備,爽之徒屬亦頗疑帝。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  86. ^ (會河南尹李勝將莅荊州,來候帝。帝詐疾篤,使兩婢侍,持衣衣落,指口言渴,婢進粥,帝不持杯飲,粥皆流出霑胷。勝曰:「衆情謂明公舊風發動,何意尊體乃爾!」帝使聲氣纔屬,說「年老枕疾,死在旦夕。君當屈并州,并州近胡,善為之備。恐不復相見,以子師、昭兄弟為託」。勝曰:「當還忝本州,非并州。」帝乃錯亂其辭曰:「君方到并州。」勝復曰:「當忝荊州。」帝曰:「年老意荒,不解君言。今還為本州,盛德壯烈,好建功勳!」勝退告爽曰:「司馬公尸居餘氣,形神已離,不足慮矣。」他日,又言曰:「太傅不可復濟,令人愴然。」故爽等不復設備。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  87. ^ Watanabe (2006), p. 281.
  88. ^ (嘉平元年春正月甲午,天子謁高平陵,爽兄弟皆從。是日,太白襲月。帝於是奏永寧太后廢爽兄弟。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  89. ^ (於是假司徒高柔節,行大將軍事,領爽營, ... 命太僕王觀行中領軍,攝羲營。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  90. ^ (帝親帥太尉蔣濟等勒兵出迎天子,屯于洛水浮橋,上奏曰:「先帝詔陛下、 ... 伺察非常。」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  91. ^ (... 而夜遣侍中許允、尚書陳泰詣帝,觀望風旨。帝數其過失,事止免官。泰還以報爽,勸之通奏。帝又遣爽所信殿中校尉尹大目諭爽,指洛水為誓,爽意信之。 ... 終不能從,乃曰:「司馬公正當欲奪吾權耳。吾得以侯還第,不失為富家翁。」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  92. ^ Sakaguchi (2005), p. 162.
  93. ^ Watanabe (2006), p. 282.
  94. ^ (既而有司劾黃門張當,并發爽與何晏等反事,乃收爽兄弟及其黨與何晏、丁謐、鄧颺、畢軌、李勝、桓範等誅之。蔣濟曰:「曹真之勳,不可以不祀。」帝不聽。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  95. ^ (二月,天子以帝為丞相,增封潁川之繁昌、鄢陵、新汲、父城,并前八縣,邑二萬戶,奏事不名。固讓丞相。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  96. ^ (冬十二月,加九錫之禮,朝會不拜。固讓九錫。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  97. ^ (二年春正月,天子命帝立廟于洛陽,置左右長史,增掾屬、舍人滿十人,歲舉掾屬任御史、秀才各一人,增官騎百人,鼓吹十四人,封子肜平樂亭侯,倫安樂亭侯。帝以久疾不任朝請,每有大事,天子親幸第以諮訪焉。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  98. ^ (兗州刺史令狐愚、太尉王淩貳於帝,謀立楚王彪。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  99. ^ (三年春正月,王淩詐言吳人塞涂水,請發兵以討之。帝潛知其計,不聽。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  100. ^ ([嘉平三年]四月甲申, ... 丙午,聞太尉王淩謀廢帝,立楚王彪,太傅司馬宣王東征淩。五月甲寅,淩自殺。) Sanguozhi vol. 4.
  101. ^ (夏四月,帝自帥中軍,汎舟沿流,九日而到甘城。淩計無所出,乃迎于武丘,面縛水次,曰:「淩若有罪,公當折簡召淩,何苦自來邪!」帝曰:「以君非折簡之客故耳。」即以淩歸于京師。道經賈逵廟,淩呼曰:「賈梁道!王淩是大魏之忠臣,惟爾有神知之。」至項,仰鴆而死。收其餘黨,皆夷三族,并殺彪。悉錄魏諸王公置于鄴,命有司監察,不得交關。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  102. ^ (天子遣侍中韋誕持節勞軍于五池。帝至自甘城,天子又使兼大鴻臚、太僕庾嶷持節,策命帝為相國,封安平郡公,孫及兄子各一人為列侯,前後食邑五萬戶,侯者十九人。固讓相國、郡公不受。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  103. ^ (六月,帝寢疾,夢賈逵、王淩為祟,甚惡之。秋八月戊寅,崩于京師,時年七十三。天子素服臨弔,喪葬威儀依漢霍光故事,追贈相國、郡公。弟孚表陳先志,辭郡公及轀輬車。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  104. ^ (九月庚申,葬于河陰,謚曰文貞,後改謚文宣。先是,預作終制,於首陽山為土藏,不墳不樹;作顧命三篇,斂以時服,不設明器,後終者不得合葬。一如遺命。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  105. ^ (晉國初建,追尊曰宣王。武帝受禪,上尊號曰宣皇帝,陵曰高原,廟稱高祖。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  106. ^ (高士傳曰:初,晉宣帝為布衣時,與昭有舊。同郡周生等謀害帝,昭聞而步陟險,邀生於崤、澠之間,止生,生不肯。昭泣與結誠,生感其義,乃止。昭因與斫棗樹共盟而別。昭雖有陰德於帝,口終不言,人莫知之。) Gaoshi Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 11.
  107. ^ (魏武察帝有雄豪志,聞有狼顧相,欲驗之。乃召使前行,令反顧,面正向後而身不動。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  108. ^ (操病勢轉加。忽一夜夢三馬同槽而食,及曉,問賈詡曰:「孤向日曾夢三馬同槽,疑是馬騰父子為禍;今騰已死,昨宵復夢三馬同槽,主何吉凶?」詡曰:「祿馬吉兆也。祿馬歸於曹,王上何必疑乎?」操因此不疑。後人有詩曰:三馬同槽事可疑,不知已植晉根基。曹瞞空有奸雄略,豈識朝中司馬師?) Sanguo Yanyi ch. 78.
  109. ^ (又嘗夢三馬同食一槽,甚惡焉。因謂太子丕曰:「司馬懿非人臣也,必預汝家事。」太子素與帝善,每相全佑,故免。帝於是勤於吏職,夜以忘寢,至於芻牧之間,悉皆臨履,由是魏武意遂安。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  110. ^ (魏略雲:晉宣帝好學,曹洪自以麄踈,屈身輔帝。帝恥往訪,乃託病拄杖。洪恨之,以語太祖。太祖召帝,乃投杖以應命。) Beitang Shuchao vol. 133.
  111. ^ (帝內忌而外寬,猜忌多權變。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  112. ^ (及平公孫文懿,大行殺戮。誅曹爽之際,支黨皆夷及三族,男女無少長,姑姊妹女子之適人者皆殺之,既而竟遷魏鼎云。 ... 迹其猜忍,蓋有符於狼顧也。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  113. ^ (初,文懿聞魏師之出也,請救於孫權。權亦出兵遙為之聲援,遺文懿書曰:「司馬公善用兵,變化若神,所向無前,深為弟憂之。」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  114. ^ (明帝時,王導侍坐。帝問前世所以得天下,導乃陳帝創業之始,及文帝末高貴鄉公事。明帝以面覆牀曰:「若如公言,晉祚復安得長遠!」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  • Chen, Shou (3rd century). Records of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguozhi).
  • Fang, Xuanling (ed.) (648). Book of Jin (Jin Shu).
  • Luo, Guanzhong (14th century). Romance of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguo Yanyi).
  • Pei, Songzhi (5th century). Annotations to Records of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguozhi zhu).
  • Sakaguchi, Wazumi, ed. (2005). Seishi Sangokushi Gunyu Meimeiden 正史三國志群雄銘銘傳. Tokyo: Kojinsha.
  • Sima, Guang (1084). Zizhi Tongjian.
  • Yu, Shinan (7th century). Beitang Shuchao (北堂書鈔).
  • Watanabe, Seiichi, ed. (2006). Moichidomanabitai Sangokushi もう一度学びたい 三国志. Tokyo: Seitosha.

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