Squanto

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
For the 1994 film, see Squanto: A Warrior's Tale.
Squanto
Squantoteaching.png
1911 illustration of Tisquantum ("Squanto") teaching the Plymouth colonists to plant maize.
Born 1574 - 1594 ?
Patuxet territory, Wampanoag (Pokanoket) Confederacy
(now Plymouth Bay, U.S.)
Died November 30, 1622
Chatham, Massachusetts Bay Colony, English America
Nationality Patuxet
Other names Squanto, Squantum, Tisquantum
Known for Helping the pilgrims during their first visit to North America

Tisquantum (ca. 1585 ? - November 30, 1622), variously spelled in 17th century documents and commonly known as Squanto today, was one of the last of the Patuxet, a tribe of Native Americans who were subordinated to the Pokanoket (Wampanoag) as part of the Wampanoag tribal confederation.

In 1614, when he was presumably in his 20s or 30s, Squanto was kidnapped by an English explorer and sold in Spain, where there is no record of his activities or even his length of stay. From there he made his way to England, where he resided for some time at the home of an official of the Newfoundland Company, during which time he learned the English language. In 1617 he accompanied an English explorer to Newfoundland. There he met another explorer, Thomas Dermer, who, as a result of Squanto's descriptions, became interested in the commercial possibilities of New England. The two returned to England to seek permission to explore the area. From there in March 1619 Dermer and Squanto took passage on a vessel that had been fitted out for voyage to New England. When Dermer decided to explore the coast on the way to Jamestown, Dermer granted Squanto leave to visit his people. Squanto discovered, however, that they had been decimated by a plague. Rather than continue with the Englishmen, Squanto slipped into the forest and was not seen again by Europeans until his famous encounter with the Mayflower settlement in 1621.

Squanto's chief fame resulted from his efforts to bring about peaceable contact and alliance between the English Separatists who had come to the New World on the Mayflower and the Pokanoket. Owing to his facility with English, Squanto played a key role in the early meetings in March 1621. He soon became attached to the Separatists, whom he assisted in plantings of native vegetables and dealings with other native tribes. As he became more trusted by the Separatists, Squanto engaged in an intrigue evidently designed to incite hostilities between the Separatists and certain Pokanoket. When the Great Sachem of the Pokanokets requested his life, the settlers failed to turn him over, creating a rift between the Separatists and the Pokanoket sachem. In September 1622, as a result of an increasing number of settlers sent from England, severe food shortages arose. Squanto accompanied William Bradford on an expedition to Cape Cod for the purpose of trading with the native inhabitants for food. It was during this expedition that Squanto fell ill and died.

Considerable mythology and legend has surrounded Squanto over time, largely because of early praise by Bradford and owing to the central role that the "Thanksgiving" festival of 1621 plays in American folk history. Bradford's later assessment of Squanto, however, was more realistic and acknowledged the more complicated character of the man.

Name[edit]

Seventeenth century documents variously spell Squanto's name as Tisquantum, Tasquantum, Tusquantum, Squanto, Squantum, Tantum and Tantam.[1] The name derives from the Algonquian term for the rage of the Manitou, "the world-suffusing spiritual power at the heart of coastal Indians’ religious beliefs."[2] It is therefore unlikely that it was his birth name rather than one he acquired or assumed later in life, but there is no historical evidence on this point. The name suggests that he may have undergone special spiritual and military training (as a pniesesock, or otherwise), and for this reason was selected for his role as liaison with the English settlers in 1620 (see below).[3] Or perhaps the name was selected at the time of his 1621 encounter with the English settlers either as a defense to their cultural or religious influence or because he was entering a cultural no-mans-land. [a]

Early life and enslavement[edit]

Almost nothing is known of Squanto's life before his first contact with Europeans, and even when and how that first encounter took place is subject to contradictory assertions.

The indigenous culture from which Squanto came[edit]

"[T]he time and circumstances of Squanto's birth are unknown."[6] But given that first hand descriptions of him written between 1618 and 1622 do not remark on his youth or old age, it has been suggested that a reasonable presumption is that he was in his twenties or thirties when he was forcibly embarked to Spain in 1614,[7] and therefore was born around 1585.

1605 map drawn by Samuel de Champlain of Plymouth Harbor (which he called Port St. Louis). "F" designates native wigwams and cultivated fields. For the rest of the legend, see Pilgrim Hall Museum.

Just before European exploration of New England began at the beginning of the seventeenth century, the seven or eight Algonquin "tribes"[b] of Southern New England consisted of 13,000 to 45,000 inhabitants, according to traditional historians, to as high as 90,000 based on near contemporary efforts to collect first-hand information, all of which spread thinly along the Atlantic coast from Eastport, Maine to the Southern tip of Connecticut.[c]

These interrelated societies referred to themselves as Ninnimissinuok, a variation of the Narragansett word Ninnimissinnȗwock, meaning roughly "people" and signifying "familiarity and shared identity."[14] Squanto's tribe, the Patuxet, occupied the coastal area west of Cape Cod Bay. Squanto himself told an English trader that the Patuxet once numbered 2,000.[15] They spoke a dialect of Eastern Algonquian common to peoples as far west as Narragansett Bay.[d] The various Algonquian dialects of Southern New England were sufficiently similar to allow effective communications.[19] The term patuxet means "at the little falls" and refers to the site of Plymouth, Massachusetts.[20] Politically the Patuxet had been subjugated by the Wampanoags (Pokanoket)[e] and made part of the so-called Wampanoag confederacy.[23] Since the Patuxet had been decimated by disease before European settlement (see below), there are no written records of Patuxet life by first-hand observers. In such a case reasonable conclusions about a culture's organization and beliefs can be made by reference to other tribes in the same area "which may be expected to share cultural traits."[24] In this case the Southern New England tribes were closely related linguistically (through similar Algonquin languages), politically (by the Wampanoag confederacy), economically (by trade) and ethnically.

Unlike the inhabitants living in northern Maine and Canada where the annual growing season was insufficiently long to reliably produce maize harvests and therefore lived a fairly nomadic existence,[25] the southern New England Algonquins were "rudimentary sedentary cultivators."[26] Although their habitations were relatively mobile, being made of striplings fixed in a circle in the ground with their tops tied by walnut bark (with hole for smoke from central fire inside, covered with mats of reed, hemp and hides,[27] the one main migrations of the entire population of each tribe (including women and children) took place only from winter residence (in warmer forested areas) to summer habitation (near the cornfields) and back again.[f] Maize and other cultivated vegetables made up a substantial part of the Ninnimissinuok diet. William Wood noted in his 1634 report that "to speake paradoxically, they be great eaters, and yet little meate-men …"[32] Stanford nutritionist M.K. Bennett concluded that 60% of their daily caloric intake came from grain products and only 10% from animal or bird flesh (as opposed to more than 20% in the average diet in mid-twentieth century America).[33] To support their dependence on corn cultivation, the men cleared fields, broke the ground and fertilized the fields with fish and crustaceans,[34] while the women tended to weeding with clam-shell hoes, with assiduity that amazed English settlers.[g] The proficiency at horticulture allowed the Southern New England natives to accumulate enough surplus for the winter, but also for trade (especially to northern native bands), and as the English settlers repeatedly noted, to relieve their distress for many years where their own harvests proved insufficient.[37]

Socially the groups that made up the Ninnimissinuok were hierarchically stratified and presided over by one (or sometimes two) sachem (ordinarily a male but women could act as sachems when male heirs were absent[38]). Sachems acquired their positions by heredity. The polity of the sachem was called a sontimooonk or sachemship. The members of this polity were those who pledged to defend not only the sachem himself by the institution of the sachem.[39] Colonial writers noted that sachemships themselves could be subjected to a ruler over many sachems, a great sachem or kaeasonimoog, which the Englis writers referred to as "kings."[h] Sachems held dominion over specific territories marked by geographical identifiers.[i] The authority of the sachem was absolute within his domain.[46] It was traditional in important matters that the sachem attempt to achieve a consensus.[47] One factor limiting the despotism of sachems was the option, said to have frequently exercise, for a subject to leave a particular sachem and live under a more congenital ruler.[48] The chief functions of the sachem were to allocate land for cultivation,[49] to manage the trade with other sachemships or more distant native societies,[50] to dispense justice (including passing on capital punishment),[51] to collect and store tribute from harvests and hunts in part at least for later redistribution,[52] to aid in trade and for gifts in aid of foreign policy,[53] and making and conducting war.[54] It was on the authority of great sachem Massasoit dispathched Squanto to live among and assist the English settlers in the years 1621 and 1622.[55]

Sachem were advised by "principal men" of the community, called ahtaskoaog, generally called "nobles" by the English. Sachems achieved consensus through the consent of these men, who probably also involved in the selection of of new sachems (among those within the prescribed degree of kinship to the incumbent). One or more "principal men" were almost always present when sachems ceded land, perhaps suggesting that their consent was necessary.[56] In addition, among the Pokanoket, according to Edward Winslow, there was a class called the pniesesock, which collected the annual tribute to the sachem, led warriors into battle and had a special relationship with one of the gods, Abbomocho (Hobbomock) invoked in powwows for healing powers, a force that the English associated with the devil.[j] Salisbury has suggested that Squanto was a pniesesock.[3] This class may have been something of a praetorian guard equivalent to the "valiant men" described by Roger Williams among the Narragansett, the only other Southern New England society with a permanent military elite.[61] Whether or not Squanto received special training for such a position, it is likely he underwent the initiation ordeal of Pokanet youth, where they were required to endure an entire winter alone.[k]

First encounters with Europeans[edit]

For nearly a century before the landing of the Mayflower in 1620, the Ninnimissinuok sporadically experienced direct contact by European explorers and for decades before that the indirect consequences of European cod fishermen off the Newfoundland banks.[l] The effect of these early encounters, though gradual and perhaps unattributable when they occurred, were profound. First, and more immediately catastrophic, Europeans brought a variety of diseases[m] for which the aboriginal population had no resistance. Mortality rates eventually rose to 90% throughout the entire continent. When the English settlers arrived, they discovered that vast swaths of Southern New England, previously prepared for cultivation and settlement by extensive deforestation and land preparation was devoid of populations.[66] Second, more gradual but equally profound for the economic and social conditions of the natives, the trading system engaged in at first by the Newfoundland fishermen, and later, more systematically by the French and English, called, for short, the "Fur Trade," destroyed the previously existing continental inter-tribal pattern of exchange in which the natives traded local products in a system of extensive and peaceful commerce. That system was replaced by an economy driven by the demand of the Europeans for one product (animal pelts). The new economy resulted in intense inter-tribal rivalries and hostilities, which eventually allowed the English to play one off against the other.[67] In addition to contributing to the first two causes of calamity, the English created immense ill-will and eventually hostilities by their aggressive approach to settlement, the brutality of which was apparent even before the first settlers.[68] This was the result of the system the English employed which depended exclusively on private profiteers.[n] Richard Hakluyt made plain the goals that the entrepreneurs would pursue in an “inducement” he wrote in 1585: “The ends of this voyage are these: 1, to plant the Christian religion; 2, To trafficke; 3, To conquer; Or, to do all three.”[69] The first goal was never seriously pursued.[o] The 1605 voyage of George Weymouth showed how cavalierly the English entrepreneurs and their agents treated American natives to achieve the second and third goals.

English kidnappings and Squanto's abduction[edit]

According to most popular accounts, Captain George Weymouth was exploring the New England coastline for Thomas Arundell and Henry Wriothesley, 3rd Earl of Southampton in 1605. He captured Squanto and four others and brought them back to England. Weymouth landed in Plymouth and delivered three of his captives, including Squanto, to Ferdinando Gorges, governor of the fort at Plymouth. Gorges taught Squanto English so that he might serve as an interpreter on future voyages.[70]

Squanto returned to New England in 1614 with an expedition led by Captain John Smith. On his way back to Patuxet, he was abducted by Thomas Hunt, one of Smith's lieutenants. Hunt was planning to sell fish, corn, and captured natives in Málaga, Spain. He transported Squanto and a number of other Native Americans to Spain, where he tried to sell them into slavery for £20 apiece. [71]

Squanto somehow reached London, where he lived with John Slany, a shipbuilder for whom he worked for a few years. Slany taught him more English. He took Squanto to Cuper's Cove, Newfoundland in 1617.[72] To get to New England, Squanto tried to take part in an expedition to that part of the North American east coast, but Thomas Dermer sent him back to London in 1618 to meet Gorges and ask for permission.[73]

In 1619, Squanto finally returned to his homeland aboard John Smith's ship, having joined an exploratory expedition along the New England coast led by Captain Dermer. He soon discovered that the Patuxets and a majority of coastal New England tribes (mostly Pokanoket and Massachusetts) had been decimated the previous year by a plague,[74] possibly smallpox. In 2010, researchers published an article suggesting that this had been an epidemic of leptospirosis.[75]

Interactions with the Plymouth colonists[edit]

Abenaki sagamore Samoset was visiting Pokanoket Chief Massasoit, and he introduced Squanto to the Plymouth colonists near the site of his former village.[70] He helped them recover from an extremely hard first winter by teaching them the native method of maize cultivation. He also instructed them to bury fish in the soil to fertilize crops, an ancient Roman agricultural technique common in the Mediterranean and France, which he probably learned while working in southern Europe, or later while working in European settlements in Newfoundland.[76] In 1621, Squanto was the guide and translator for settlers Stephen Hopkins and Edward Winslow as they traveled upland on a diplomatic mission to the Pokanoket sachem, known today as Massasoit.

In a subsequent mission for Governor William Bradford that summer, Squanto was captured by Pokanoket while gathering intelligence on the renegade sagamore Corbitant at the village of Nemasket (site of present-day Middleborough, Massachusetts).[77] Myles Standish led a ten-man team of settlers from Plymouth to rescue Squanto if he was alive or, if he had been killed, to avenge him. He was found alive and welcomed back by the Pilgrims at Plymouth, where he continued in his vital role as assistant to the colony.

Squanto worked at building alliances, but Massasoit did not trust him in the tribe's dealings with the settlers (even though Massasoit was the sachem who first appointed Squanto as liaison to the Pilgrims). He assigned Hobomok[78] to watch over Squanto. On his way back from a meeting to repair damaged relations between the Pokanoket and Pilgrims, Squanto fell ill with a fever and began bleeding from the nose. Some historians have speculated that he was poisoned by the Pokanoket because they believed that he had been disloyal to the sachem.[79] Squanto died a few days later in 1622 in Chatham, Massachusetts. He was buried at Burial Hill in Chathamport, at the head of Ryder's Cove. A marker on the front lawn of the Nickerson Genealogical Research Center on Orleans Rd (Route 28) in Chatham explains the area where he is buried. Peace between the Pokanoket and Pilgrims lasted for another fifty years.

Governor William Bradford wrote regarding Squanto's death in Bradford's History of the English Settlement:

Here [Monomoyick Bay] Squanto fell ill of Indian fever, bleeding much at the nose, which the Indians take as a symptom of death, and within a few days he died. He begged the Governor to pray for him, that he might go to the Englishman's God in heaven, and bequeathed several of his things to his English friends, as remembrances. His death was a great loss.

William Wood explained how the Pokanoket conception of "the Englishmens God, as they call him" fit within the Ninnimissinuok pantheon at the time.[80]

Legacy[edit]

His name lives on in place names in Massachusetts' South Shore, most notably in the neighborhood of Squantum, Quincy, Massachusetts.

Film[edit]

Notes and references[edit]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ The other native dispatched by Massasoit to assist the English settlers, Hobbamock, also used the name of a supernatural being. Kupperman suggests that they both may have taken up these names "as they took up English association to indicate that they were entering into a liminal state with all the power and danger that that entailed."[4] Pulsipher describes a Maine shaman who spoke of God's movement from the natives to the English (to destroy them) also used the same divine avatar Squando perhaps for a similar reason.[5] The problem with Kupperman's speculation with respect to Squanto is that he is recorded to have used the name in 1614. So if he assumed the name in his dealing with the English, he had to have done it much earlier than 1621.
  2. ^ "Tribe" generally refers to one of the stages of social organization described by Elman Service in his 1962 theory of political evolution of societies. As applied to the societies in Southern New England the term "merely lumps together those societies that are neither bands nor states." While the social organizations were realities in Native identity, "the imprecise concept of 'tribe' has less utility for interpreting Native cultures of five hundred years ago."[8]
  3. ^ The lower range is by Bennett based on estimates by historians from the mid-nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries.[9] The higher estimate is from the efforts of Daniel Gookin, Superintendent of the Indians of Massachusetts Bay (1656-1687), who interviewed old natives in 1675. He divided the southern New England Indians into five "nations" (or confederations of smaller societies): Pequots, Narragansitts, Pawkunnawkuts, Massachsetts and Pawtukets, and determined that these nations supported about 18,000 "fighting men" before the arrival of the English settlers.[10] Assuming four dependents per warrior, the "five nations" would have had 72,000 inhabitants. But even Gookin's calculations might be conservative.[11] Moreover, there were 3,000 Pokanoket (Wampanoags) on Martha's Vineyard and 1,500 on Block Island.[12] Most modern historians, therefore, accept the higher population figure.[13]
  4. ^ The languages of Southern New England are known today as: Western Abenaki, Massachusett, Loup A and Loup B, Narragansett, Mohegan-Pequot and Quiripi-Unquachog.[16] The languages were spoken south of the Saco River including eastern Long Island. These languages descended from a Proto-Eastern Algonquian language (which broke off from Proto-Algonquian about 2,000 years ago[17]), concentrated in southeastern New England, From this nucleus Eastern Algonquian languages spread southward by language replacement and northward by migration. Many seventeenth century writers state that numerous people in the coastal areas of Southern New England were fluent in two or more of these languages.[18]
  5. ^ Wampanoags as an ethnonym was first applied to later descendants of the Pokanokets and was not used by them to describe themselves. It seems to have been derived from a Delaware term for "easterner" and picked up by Dutch explorers who applied the term Wapanoos to natives living near Narragansett Bay. By contrast John Smith, who visited the area in 1614, identified the Pakanokicks in association with Massasoyts, presumably kin of the Wampanoag chief sachem Massassoit, who would become allied with the Plymouth settlers (see below).[21] Later Pokanoket was applied to all the territory and peoples presided over by Massasoit.[22]
  6. ^ So concluded Bennett,[28] chiefly based on the writing of Roger Williams, who wrote: "their great remove is from their Summer fields to warme and thicke woodie bottomes where they winter…"[29] Thomas Morton also noted annual (if not more) changes of habitation: "They use not to winter and summer in the same place, for that would be reason to make the fuell scarece; but, after the manner of the Gentry of civilized nations, remove for their pleasures…"[30] Morton suggested that they removed to hunt, fish or or even for "Revelles." Williams, however, said that other than the removal of the entire village from winter and summer habitations, individual families or even the whole might move: to avoid flea infestations, to tend to multiple corn plots, when there was a death in the household, and in response to hostilities."[31] In any event these descriptions, and others, suggest the life of relatively sedentary horticulturists.
  7. ^ William Wood wrote of the women's work in tending to corn: "wherein they exceede our English husband-men, keeping it so cleare with their Clamme shell-hooes, as if it were a garden rather than a corne-field, not suffering a choaking weede to advance his audacious head above their infant corne, or an undermining worme to spoile his spumes."[35] So regular was their diligence that when a field spouted weeds the English believed the natives were neglecting cultivation to prepare for war.[36]
  8. ^ Gookin in the passage quoted above[10] by dividing the native population into five "Nations" with subordinated groups recognized the distinction between sachem and "great sachem." Edward Winslow described the nature of a great sachem, which he called a "King" as follows:

    Their Sachims cannot bee all called Kings, but onely some few of them, to whom the rest resort for protection, and pay homage unto them, neither may they warre without their knowledge and approbation, yet to be commanded by the greater as occasion serveth. Of these sort is Massassowat our friend, and Conanacus of Nanohigganset our supposed enemy."[40]

    Wood also described great sachems: "A King of large Dominions hath his Viceroyes, or inferiour Kings under him, to agitate his State-affaires, and keepe his Subjects in good decorum. Other Officers there be, but how to distinguish them by name is some-thing difficult … ."[41] Massassoit, as Winslow pointed out, was such a great sachem or kaeasonimoog as his Pokanoket presided over other sachemships, including Squanto's Patuxet.[42]

  9. ^ Roger Williams noted that "The Natives are very exact and punctual in the bounds of their Lands, belonging to this or that Prince or People, (even to a River, Brooke) &c."[43] Winslow wrote that sachems were jealous of their domain: "Every Sachim knoweth how farre the bounds and limites of his own Countrey extendeth, and that is his owne proper inheritance … . The great Sachims or Kings, know their owne bounds or limits of land, as well as the rest."[44] Boundaries were well known and defined by drainage basins, streams, hills or other notable features. Even a casual trespass, such as encroachment on a deer park was grounds for hostility and even death.[45]
  10. ^ Winslow called this supernatural being Hobbamock (the Indians north of the Pokanoket call it Hobbamoqui, he said) and expressly equated him with the devil.[57] William Wood called this same supernatural being Abamacho and said it presided over the infernal regions where their enemies and "loose livers" were condemned to dwell after death.[58] Winslow used the term powah to refer to the shaman who conducted the healing ceremony[59] Wood described in detail the ceremonies of the "Pow-Wow."[60]
  11. ^ According to Isaack de Rasieres, on return the intiate would be required to imbibe poisonous herbs for several days. If he was able to endure the ordeal, he was rewarded with a wife and presumably obtained a certain rank among the Pokanoket.[62]
  12. ^ In June 1524 Florentine explorer Giovanni da Verrazzano under commission of Francis I sailed into Newport Harbor and, according to his lpublished report encountered the aboriginal Narragansett with mutual exuberance and acceptance. It would be over a half century later that further direct contacts occurred, these by the English who were driven first by privateering and the desire to match Spain's colonial enterprise during the Anglo-Spanish War and later in competition with the French who were establishing entrepôts in the north in the area of Newfoundland and the Saint Lawrence River. The English adventurers who reached southern New England included Bartholomew Gosnold in in 1602, Martin Pring in 1603 and George Weymouth in 1605. The French explorers Samuel de Champlain and Marc Lescarbot explored the New England coast from the French fishing and trading settlements in the north between 1604 and 1606. Dutch explorer Adrien Block encountered the peoples between Narragansett Bay and Long Island in his cartographic voyages between 1612 and 1614. And John Smith, recently active in the founding of the Colony of Virginia at Jamestown, explored the coast of New England with a view towards the prospects of settlement in 1614.[63] The fishermen off the Newfoundland banks from Bristol, Normandy and Brittany as well as the Basque provinces began making annual spring visit beginning as early as 1481 to bring salted cod for sale to Southern Europe.[64]
  13. ^ Paleopathological evidence exists for European importation of typhoid, diphtheria, influenza, measles, chicken pox, whooping cough, tuberculosis, yellow fever, scarlet fever, gonorrhea and small pox.[65]
  14. ^ The crown was unwilling to expend any money to finance exploration or settlement but was quite interested in participating in any revenue that it generated. It therefore grated monopolies to favored entrepreneurs to undertake the financing. To obtain investors the entrepreneurs had to be able to show near term profits and to do so be willing to cut expense and produce immediate income. And that’s what the promoters proposed doing, regardless of the wishes of the native inhabitants.
  15. ^ Unlike the French or even the Spanish, the English never attempted any missions among the natives until much later.

References[edit]

  1. ^ Template:HarvnbBaxter; Kinnicut 1915, pp. 110–12.
  2. ^ Mann 2005.
  3. ^ a b Salisbury 1989, p. 230.
  4. ^ Kupperman & 2000 p60.
  5. ^ Pulsipher 2005, pp. 191-92.
  6. ^ Salisbury 1989, pp. 228.
  7. ^ Salisbury 1989, pp. 228-29.
  8. ^ Bragdon 1996, p. 42.
  9. ^ Bennett 1955, p. 370.
  10. ^ a b Gookin 1806, pp. 147-49.
  11. ^ See Jennings 1976, p. 26 n.33.
  12. ^ Jennings 1976, pp. 26-27.
  13. ^ Bragdon 1996, p. 25; Snow & Lanphear 1988.
  14. ^ Bragdon 1996, p. i.
  15. ^ Letter of Emmanuel Altham to his brother Sir Edward Altham, September 1623, in James 1963, p. 29. A copy of the letter is also reproduced online by MayflowerHistory.com.
  16. ^ Goddard 1978, pp. passim.
  17. ^ Goddard 1978, p. 70.
  18. ^ Bragdon 1996, pp. 28-29, 34.
  19. ^ Salisbury 1989, p. 229.
  20. ^ Adolf 1964, p. 257 n.1.
  21. ^ Smith 1907, p. II:12.
  22. ^ Salwen 1978, pp. 174-75.
  23. ^ Morison 1956, pp. 69-74.
  24. ^ Axtell 1978, p. 119.
  25. ^ Bennett 1955, pp. 370-71.
  26. ^ Bennett 1955, pp. 374-75.
  27. ^ Morton 1637 in Adams 1883, pp. 134–35
  28. ^ Bennett 1955, p. 375.
  29. ^ Williams 1643, p. 47.
  30. ^ Morton 1637, p. 138.
  31. ^ Williams 1643, p. 46.
  32. ^ Wood 1634, p. 76.
  33. ^ Bennett 1955, p. 392.
  34. ^ Russell 1980, pp. 166-67, 169.
  35. ^ Wood 1634, p. 106.
  36. ^ Jennings 1976, p. 63.
  37. ^ Jennings 1976, pp. 65-67.
  38. ^ Jennings 1976, p. 112.
  39. ^ Bragdon 1996, pp. 140-41.
  40. ^ Winslow 1624, p. 56 reprinted at Young 1841
  41. ^ Wood 1634, p. 90.
  42. ^ See Bragdon 1996, p. 141.
  43. ^ Williams 1643, p. 93.
  44. ^ Winslow 1924, p. 57 reprinted at Young 1841, pp. 361–62.
  45. ^ Russell 1980, p. 21.
  46. ^ Wood 1634, p. 89.
  47. ^ Williams 1643, p. 134.
  48. ^ Gookin 1806, p. 154.
  49. ^ Winslow 1924, p. 57 reprinted at Youmg 1841, p. 361.
  50. ^ Bragdon 1996, p. 146.
  51. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 59–60 reprinted at Young 1841, pp. 364–65; Wood 1634, p. 90; Williams 1643, p. 136.
  52. ^ Winslow 1624, pp. 57–58 reprinted at Young 1841, pp. 362–63; Jennings 1976, p. 113.
  53. ^ Bragdon 1996, pp. 145, 147–48; Salisbury 1982, p. 47; Jennings 1976, p. 113.
  54. ^ Williams1643, pp. 178–79; Brigdon 1996, pp. 148–50.
  55. ^ Brandon 1996, p. 151; Humins 1987, pp. 58–59; Salisbury 1982.
  56. ^ Bragdon1996, p. 142.
  57. ^ Winslow 1624, p. 53 reprinted at (Young 1841, p. 356)
  58. ^ Wood 1634, p. 105 For more on Abbomocho, see (Bragdon 1996, pp. 143, 188–90, 201–02)
  59. ^ Winslow 1624, p. 54 reprinted at Young 1841, p. 357.
  60. ^ Wood 1634, pp. 92-94.
  61. ^ Bragdon 1996, p. 143.
  62. ^ Isaack de Rasieres to Samuel Bloomaert, ca. 1628, in James 1963, p. 79. See also Salisbury 1989, p. 229.
  63. ^ Bragdon 1996, pp. 3-6.
  64. ^ Martin 1978, p. 41.
  65. ^ Martin 1978, p. 43.
  66. ^ Jennings 1976, pp. pp=15–16, 22–24, 26–31; Martin 1978, pp. 43–51
  67. ^ Jennings 1976, pp. 85-88.
  68. ^ Bragdon 1996, p. 6.
  69. ^ Jennings 1976, p. 76.
  70. ^ a b Profile: "Squanto", Biography.com; accessed November 26, 2014.
  71. ^ Winslow, Edward; Bradford, William. Caleb Johnson, ed. "Mourt's Relation: A Journal of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, 1622, Part I". The Plymouth Colony Archive Project. Retrieved 2008-11-25.  (Uses modern spelling.)
  72. ^ Mann, Charles. 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus, New York: Random House, 2005.
  73. ^ Kinnicutt, L.N. (1914–1915). "Plymouth settlement and Tisquantum". Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. XLVIII: 103–18. 
  74. ^ Alan Axlerod, Little-known Wars of Great and Lasting Impact, p. 101, Fair Winds Press; 1st edition (October 1, 2009); ISBN 1592333753; ASIN: B005UVWT94
  75. ^ Marr, J.S.; Cathey, J.T. (2010). "New hypothesis for cause of an epidemic among Native Americans, New England, 1616–1619". Emerg Infect Dis. 16 (2): 281–6. doi:10.3201/eid1602.090276. PMC 2957993Freely accessible. PMID 20113559. 
  76. ^ Ceci, Lynn. "Fish fertilizer: a native North American practice?." Science 188.4183 (1975): 26-30.
  77. ^ Weston, Thomas. History of the Town of Middleboro Massachusetts 1669–1905, Boston/New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1906.
  78. ^ This name may have been a pseudonym, as it meant "mischievous."
  79. ^ Philbrick, Nathaniel. Mayflower: A Story of Courage, Community, and War. Penguin Books (paperback, April 24, 2007); ISBN 0143111973; ISBN 978-0143111979.
  80. ^ Wood 1634, p. 94.

Sources[edit]

Primary[edit]

Secondary[edit]

  • Adams, Charles Francis (1892). Three Episodes of Massachusetts History. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company.  Online (via HathiTrust): Multiple copies. ("The Settlement of Boston Bay" is found in Volume 1, pp. 1–360.)
  • Adolf, Leonard A. (Summer 1964). "Squanto's Role in Pilgrim Diplomacy". Ethnohistory. 11 (3): 247–61. Retrieved November 22, 2016 – via JSTOR. (subscription required (help)). 
  • Axtell, James (January 1978). "The Ethnohistory of Early America: A Review Essay". William and Mary Quarterly. 35 (1): 110–44. Retrieved November 23, 2016 – via JSTOR. (subscription required (help)). 
  • Baxter, James Phinney (1890). Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine. Boston: Prince Society.  In three volumes, online, at archive.org, as follows: Volume 1 consists of Baxter's memoir of Sir Ferdinando Gorges and A briefe relation of the discovery and plantation of New England … (London: J. Haviland for W. Bladen, 1622). Volume 2 includes A briefe narration of the original undertakings of the advancement of plantation into the parts of American… by … Sir Ferdinando Gorges … (London: E. Brudenell, for N. Brook, 1658) as well as other works of Gorges and his son Thomas Gorges. Volume 3 is devoted to Gorges's letters and other papers, 1596-1646.
  • Bennett, M.K. (October 1955). "The Food Economy of the New England Indians, 1605-75". Journal of Political Economy. 63 (5): 369–397. Retrieved November 27, 2016 – via JSTOR. (subscription required (help)). 
  • Bragdon, Kathleen J. (1996). Native People of Southern New England, 1650-1775. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 0806140046. 
  • Burrage, Henry S., ed. (1906). Early English and French voyages, chiefly from Hakluyt, 1534-1608. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.  (The work consists of first-hand accounts of early voyages to the New World, with introduction and notes by Burrage.)
  • Ceci, Lynn (April 4, 1975). "Fish Fertilizer: A Native North American Practice?". Science. 188: 26–30. doi:10.1126/science.188.4183.26. 
  • Cell, Gillian T. (October 1965). "The Newfoundland Company: A Study of Subscribers to a Colonizing Venture". William and Mary Quarterly. 22 (4): 611–25. Retrieved November 22, 2016 – via JSTOR. (subscription required (help)). 
  • Deetz, James; Deetz, Patricia E. Scott (2000). The Times of Their Lives: Life, Love, and Death in Plymouth Colony. New York: Random House. ISBN 0716738309. 
  • Goddard, Ives (1978). "Eastern Algonquian Languages". In Trigger, Bruce G. Northeast. Handbook of North American Indians. 15. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. pp. 70–77. ISBN 0160045754.  (William C. Sturtevant, general editor.)
  • Humins, John H. (March 1987). "Squanto and Massasoit: A Struggle for Power". New England Quarterly. 60 (1): 54–70. Retrieved November 22, 2016 – via JSTOR. (subscription required (help)). 
  • James, Sydney V., Jr., ed. (1963). Three Visitors to to Early Plymouth. Plymouth, Massachusetts: Plimouth Plantation, Inc. LCCN 66008244. 
  • Jennings, Francis (1976). The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest. New York: Norton. ISBN 0393008304. 
  • Kinnicut, Lincoln N. (1915). "The Plymouth Settlement and Tisquantum". Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 48: 103–118. 
  • Kupperman, Karen Ordahl (2000). Indians and English: Facing Off in Early Americalocation=Ithaca, New York. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0801431786. 
  • McManis, Douglas (1972). European Impressions of the New England Coast, 1497-1620. Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago, Department of Geography. ISBN 0890650462. 
  • Mann, Charles C. (December 2005). "Native Intelligence". Smithsonian Magazine. Retrieved November 22, 2016. 
  • Martin, Calvin (1978). Keepers of the Game: Indian-Animal Relationships and the Fur Trade. Berkeley, California: University of California Press. ISBN 0520035194. 
  • Morison, Samuel Eliot (1956). The Story of the "Old Colony" of New Plymouth, 1620-1692. New York: Knopf. LCCN 56008893. 
  • Pulsipher, Jenny Hale (2005). Subjects unto the Same King: Indians, English, and the Contest for Authority in Colonial New England. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 0812238761. 
  • Russell, Howard S. (1980). Indian New England before the Mayflower. Hanover, New Hampshire: University Press of New England. ISBN 0874511623. 
  • Salisbury, Neal (1982). Manitou and Providence: Indians, Europeans, and the Making of New England, 1500–1643. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0195034546. 
  • Salisbury, Neal (1989). "Squanto: Last of the Patuxets". In Sweet, David G.; Nash, Gary B. Struggle and Survival in Colonial America. Berkeley, California: University of California Press. pp. 228–45. ISBN 0520041100. 
  • Salwen, Bert (1978). "Indians of Southern New England and Long Island: Early Period". In Trigger, Bruce G. Northeast. Handbook of North American Indians. 15. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. pp. 160–76. ISBN 0160045754.  (William C. Sturtevant, general editor.)
  • Shuffleton, Frank (March 1976). "Indian Devils and Pilgrim Fathers: Squanto, Hobomok, and the English Conception of Indian Religion". New England Quarterly. 49 (1): 1108–16. Retrieved November 22, 2016 – via JSTOR. (subscription required (help)). 
  • Snow, Dear R.; Lanphear, Kim M. (Winter 1988). "European Contact and Indian Depopulation in the Northeast: The Timing of the First Epidemics". Ethnohistory. 35 (1): 15–33. Retrieved November 29, 2016 – via JSTOR. (subscription required (help)). 
  • Young, Alexander, ed. (1841). Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers of the Colony of Plymouth, from 1602-1625. Boston: C. C. Little and J. Brown. LCCN 01012110.  Da Capo published a facsimlie reprinting of this volume in 1971.

External links[edit]