Stereotypes of East and Southeast Asians in the United States

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigation Jump to search

Stereotypes of East and Southeast Asians in the United States
1899 editorial cartoon with caption: "The Yellow Terror in all his glory.", stereotyping peoples of the Far East (East and Southeast Asia) as an economic and social threat to the United States

Stereotypes of East and Southeast Asians in the United States[a] refers to ethnic stereotypes of first-generation Asian immigrants as well as Americans with ancestry from East and Southeast Asian countries that are found in American society.[b] Stereotypes of East and Southeast Asians, like other ethnic and racial stereotypes, are often portrayed in the mainstream media, in cinema, in music, on television, in literature, on the internet, as well as in other forms of creative expression in American culture and society. Many of these stereotypes are largely correlative to those that are also found in other core Anglosphere countries, such as in Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United Kingdom, as mass media are often closely interlinked between these countries.

Largely and collectively, these stereotypes have been internalized by society and in daily interactions, current events, and government legislation, their repercussions for Americans or immigrants of East and Southeast Asian descent are mainly negative.[1][2] Media portrayals of East and Southeast Asians often reflect an Americentric perception rather than realistic and authentic depictions of true cultures, customs and behaviors.[1] East and Southeast Asian Americans have experienced discrimination and have been victims of bullying and hate crimes related to their ethnic stereotypes, as it has been used to reinforce xenophobic sentiments.[1][3] Notable fictional stereotypes include Fu Manchu and Charlie Chan, which respectively represents a threatening, mysterious Asian character as well as an apologetic, submissive, "good" Eastern Asian character.[4]

East and Southeast Asian men would often be represented as misogynistic predators, especially in war propaganda, such as the propaganda which was disseminated during World War II.[5] Moreover, East and Southeast Asian women are portrayed as aggressive or opportunistic sexual beings as well as being predatory gold diggers or cunning "Dragon Ladies".[6] This contrasts with other depictions of servile "Lotus Blossom Babies", "China dolls", "Geisha girls", or prostitutes.[7] These stereotypes results in reducing East and Southeast Asian women to either being sexy, coy, and mysterious, or quiet, submissive, and subservient to the male ego. Strong and domineering women may be stereotyped as Tiger Moms, and both men and women may be depicted as a model minority, a phrase often associated with hard work and socioeconomic success.

Exclusion or hostility[edit]

Yellow Peril[edit]

The term "Yellow Peril" refers to white apprehension in the core Anglosphere countries such as Australia, Canada, New Zealand, South Africa, and the United States, first peaking in the late 19th-century. Such perilism stems from a claim that whites would be "displaced" by a "massive influx of East Asians"; who would fill the nation with a "foreign culture" and "speech incomprehensible" to those already there and "steal jobs away from the European inhabitants" and that they would eventually "take over and destroy their civilization, ways of life, culture and values."

The term has also referred to the belief and fear that East Asian societies would "invade and attack" Western societies, "wage war with them" and lead to their "eventual destruction, demise and eradication." During this time, numerous anti-Asian sentiments were expressed by politicians and writers, especially on the West Coast, with headlines like "The 'Yellow Peril'" (Los Angeles Times, 1886) and "Conference Endorses Chinese Exclusion" (The New York Times, 1905)[8] and the later Japanese Exclusion Act. The American Immigration Act of 1924 limited the number of Asians because they were considered an "undesirable" race.[9]

Laws in other Anglosphere countries[edit]

Australia had similar fears and introduced a White Australia policy, restricting immigration between 1901 and 1973, with some elements of the policies persisting up until the 1980s. On February 12, 2002, Helen Clark, then prime minister of New Zealand apologized "to those Chinese people who had paid the poll tax and suffered other discrimination, and to their descendants". She also stated that Cabinet had authorized her and the Minister for Ethnic Affairs to pursue with representatives of the families of the early settlers a form of reconciliation which would be appropriate to and of benefit to the Chinese community.[10]

Similarly, Canada had in place a head tax on Chinese immigrants to Canada in the early 20th century; a formal government apology was given in 2007 (with compensation to the surviving head tax payers and their descendants).[11]

Perpetual foreigner[edit]

There is a widespread perception that East Asians are not considered genuine Americans but are instead "perpetual foreigners".[3][12][13] Asian Americans often report being asked the question, "Where are you really from?" by other Americans, regardless of how long they or their ancestors have lived in United States and been a part of its society.[14]

East Asian Americans have been perceived, treated, and portrayed by many in American society as "perpetual" foreigners who are unable to be assimilated and inherently foreign regardless of citizenship or duration of residence in the United States.[15][16] A similar view has been advanced by Ling-chi Wang, professor emeritus of Asian American studies at the University of California, Berkeley. Wang asserts that mainstream media coverage of Asian communities in the United States has always been "miserable".[17] He states, "In [the] mainstream media's and policymakers' eyes, Asian Americans don't exist. They are not on their radar... and it's the same for politics."[17]

The introduction of Mickey Rooney's performance of I. Y. Yunioshi in the theatrical trailer for Breakfast at Tiffany's

I. Y. Yunioshi from Blake Edwards' 1961 American romantic-comedy Breakfast at Tiffany's is one such example which had been broadly criticized by mainstream publications. In 1961, The New York Times review said that "Mickey Rooney's bucktoothed, myopic Japanese is broadly exotic."[18] In 1990, The Boston Globe criticized Rooney's portrayal as "an irascible bucktoothed nerd and an offensive ethnic caricature".[19] Critics note that the character of Mr. Yunioshi reinforced anti-Japanese wartime propaganda to further exclude Japanese Americans from being treated as normal citizens, rather than hated caricatures.[20][21]

A study by UCLA researchers for the Asian American Justice Center (AAJC), Asian Pacific Americans in Prime Time, found that Asian-American actors were underrepresented on network TV. While Asian-Americans make up 5 percent of the US population, the report found only 2.6 percent were primetime TV regulars. Shows set in cities with significant Asian populations, like New York and Los Angeles, had few Asian roles. The lack of Asian representation in American film and theater supports the argument that they are still perceived as foreigners.[22]

Sexual oppression and prostitution[edit]

East Asian females in the Americas have often been regarded as mere sexual objects by white Americans.[23] This is partly due to stereotypes associated with American military personnel or occupation in places such as the Philippines (after the Philippine–American War) Thailand and Vietnam (Vietnam War) and Japan (Occupation of Japan) during the 19th and 20th centuries. While some East Asian women were indeed selling sexual favors to men, there is no statistical basis for the observation that East Asian females are more likely to be sex workers than women of other races.[24] Overall, East Asian women are actually more educated than their white counterparts, but factually experience more discrimination.[23] Moreover, for those few East Asian women working in the sex business, which is illegal in the United States, additional dangers are imminent, through violent aggression by men, who think they are acting in the law-free zone, or by the absence of local laws, regulating such business activities.[25]

Model minority[edit]

East Asians in the United States have been stereotyped as a "model minority"; that is, possessing positive traits such as being seen as being hardworking, industrious, studious, and intelligent people who have elevated their socioeconomic standing through merit, persistence, self-discipline and diligence. The model minority construct is typically measured by level of educational attainment, representation in white-collar professional and managerial occupations, and household income.[26]

Generalized statistics and positive socioeconomic indicators of East Asian Americans are often cited to back up model minority status such as above average educational attainment rates (30% of National Merit Scholarships are awarded to Asian Americans[27]), high representation in professional occupations such as academia, medicine,[28] high technology, and law,[29] and a higher household income than other racial groups in the United States. East Asians are most often perceived to achieve a higher degree of socioeconomic success than the U.S. population average. As well, other socioeconomic indicators are used to support this argument, such as low poverty rates, low crime rates, low illegitimacy rates, low rates of welfare dependency, and lower divorce rates and higher family stability. However, while East Asian Americans have a higher median income than most other racialized groups in the United States, they also have a larger income gap than any other racialized group.[30] However, the indicators fail to reflect the diversity of the Asian community. According to a report for the Ascend Foundation, whilst the probability of Asian people getting hired for high-tech employment opportunities is high, they are at the racial group with the lowest probability of getting a management promotion.[31] This is also reflected in the under representation of Asian American lawyers in leadership and management roles.[29]

Issues with the label[edit]

However, some East Asian Americans believe the model minority stereotype to be damaging and inaccurate and are acting to dispel this stereotype.[32] Some have said that the model minority myth may perpetuate a denial of Asian Americans' racial reality, which happens to also be one of eight themes that emerged in a study of commonly experienced Asian American microaggressions.[33] Many scholars, activists, and most major American news sources have started to oppose this stereotype, calling it a misconception that exaggerates the socioeconomic success of East Asian Americans.[34][35][36][37][38] According to Kevin Nguyen Do, the portrayal the model minority stereotype in media has negative psychological impacts such as stress, depression and anxiety and can lead to increased levels of depersonalisation.[39] This is because the model minority stereotype in film is usually coupled with negative characteristics of a personality such as being obedient, nerdy and unable to express a sexual or romantic longing.[39]

According to those critical of this belief, the model minority stereotype also alienates other Asian American subgroups from less affluent Asian countries and covers up existing Asian American issues and needs that are not properly addressed in American society at large.[40][41][42][43] Additionally, the stereotyped view that East Asians are generally socioeconomically successful obscures other disadvantages that East Asians face.[33] For example, the widespread notion that East Asian Americans are overrepresented at Ivy League and other prestigious universities, have higher educational attainment rates, constitute a large presence in professional and managerial occupations and earn above average per capita incomes obscures workplace issues such as the "bamboo ceiling" phenomenon, where the advancement in corporate America where attaining the highest-level managerial or executive positions top US corporations reaches a limit,[44][45][46] and the fact that East Asians must acquire more education, work experience and work more hours than their white counterparts to earn the same amount of money.[43]

The "model minority" image is also seen as being damaging to East Asian American students because their assumed success makes it easy for educators to overlook some East Asian American students who are underachieving, struggle academically, and assimilate more slowly in the American school system.[2] Some American educators hold East Asian American students to a higher academic standard and ignores other students of East Asian origin with learning disabilities from being given attention that they need. This may deprive those students with connotations of being a model minority and being labeled with the unpopular "nerd" or "geek" image.[47]: 223 

Due to this image, East Asian Americans have been the target of harassment, bullying, and racism from other races due to the racially divisive model minority stereotype.[48]: 165  In that way, the model minority does not protect Asian Americans from racism.[49] The myth also undermines the achievements of East Asian American students as part of their inherent racial attributes, rather than other factoring characteristics such as work ethic, tenacity and discipline.[50][51][52] The pressures to achieve and live up to the model minority image have taken a mental and psychological toll on some East Asian Americans as studies have noted a spike in prescription drug abuse by East Asian Americans, particularly students.[53] The pressures to achieve and live up to the model minority image have taken a mental and psychological toll on East Asian Americans.[54] Many have speculated that the use of illegal prescription drugs have been in response to East Asian Americans' pressure to succeed academically.[54]

East Asian Americans also commit crimes at a disproportionately lower rate than other racial and ethnic groups in the United States despite a younger average age, and higher family stability.[55][56][57] Research findings have shown that Asian American offenders are sometimes given more lenient punishments.[58] However, a side effect of the model minority construct may be a downplaying of the presence of East Asian criminal behavior and gangs in several cities, including New York City, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Houston, and Seattle as well as in the state of Hawaii[citation needed]. Occasionally however, news of East Asian American criminals receive widespread media coverage, such as the infamous Han Twins Murder Conspiracy in 1996, and the 1996 United States campaign finance controversy where several prominent Chinese American businessmen were convicted of violating various campaign finance laws. Other incidents include the shooting rampage by physics student Gang Lu at the University of Iowa in 1991 and Norman Hsu, a Wharton School graduate, businessman and former campaign donor to Hillary Clinton who was captured after being a fugitive for sixteen years for failing to appear at a sentencing for a felony fraud conviction. Other examples of criminal and unethical behavior are in contrast to the model minority construct.[59][60]

One notable case was the Virginia Tech massacre committed by Seung-Hui Cho, which led to the deaths of 33 individuals, including Cho himself. The shooting spree, along with Cho's Korean ancestry, stunned American society.[61] Other notable cases include the downfall of politician Leland Yee from serving in the California State Senate to serving time in federal prison, and NYPD Officer Peter Liang, who was convicted of shooting an unarmed black man. Liang was spared prison time, which lead to speculation that the decision was influenced by his model minority status[citation needed].

Another effect of the stereotype is that American society at large may tend to ignore the underlying racism and discrimination that many East Asian Americans still face despite positive socioeconomic indicators and statistical profiles. Complaints are dismissed by American politicians and other government legislators with the claim that the racism that many East Asian Americans still face is less important than or not as bad as the racism faced by other minority races, thus establishing a systematically deceptive racial hierarchy. Believing that due to their socioeconomic success and that they possess so-called "positive" stereotypical traits, many ordinary Americans assume that East Asian Americans face no forms of racial discrimination or social issues in American society at large, and that their community is thriving, having "gained" socioeconomic success through their own merit.[62][63]

Additionally, seeing Asians (usually East Asians and particular South Asians) as wealthy and "better behaves" implicitly invites a comparison to be made between the "model" Asians and the stereotypes of other racial groups. While this reinforces a racial hierarchy, it also can break solidarity between nonwhite peoples. When Asians internalize this stereotype, it can cause them to look down upon other groups and not want to see them as equals and join in with them. It might also cause other groups to not see any need for Asian empowerment and feel no need for solidarity. Therefore, this stereotype can warp the way some Asians see themselves, how Asians are treated in mainstream discussions, and how other people of color think about Asians.

Stereotypes in American fiction[edit]

Dr. Fu Manchu and Charlie Chan are two well-known fictional East Asian characters in America's cultural history. Created by Sax Rohmer and Earl Derr Biggers, respectively, in the early part of the 20th century, Dr. Fu Manchu is the embodiment of America's imagination of a threatening, mysterious East Asian while Charlie Chan is an apologetic, submissive Chinese-Hawaiian-American detective who represents America's archetypal "good" East Asian. Both characters found widespread popularity in numerous novels and films.[4]

Dr. Fu Manchu[edit]

A modern twist on Dr. Fu Manchu

Thirteen novels, three short stories, and one novella have been written about Dr. Fu Manchu, the villainous Chinese mastermind. Millions of copies have been sold in the United States with publication in American periodicals and adaptations to film, comics, radio, and television. Due to his enormous popularity, the "image of Fu Manchu has been absorbed into American consciousness as the archetypal East Asian villain."[4] In The Insidious Doctor Fu-Manchu, Sax Rohmer introduces Dr. Fu Manchu as a cruel and cunning man, with a face like Satan, who is essentially the "Yellow Peril incarnate".[64]

Sax Rohmer inextricably tied the evil character of Dr. Fu Manchu to all East Asians as a physical representation of the Yellow Peril, attributing the villain's evil behavior to his race. Rohmer also adds an element of mysticism and exoticism to his portrayal of Dr. Fu Manchu. Despite Dr. Fu Manchu's specifically Manchu ethnicity, his evil and cunning are pan-Asian attributes, again reinforcing Dr. Fu Manchu as representational of all East Asian people.[4]

Blatantly racist statements made by white protagonists such as: "the swamping of the white world by yellow hordes might well be the price of our failure" again add to East Asian stereotypes of exclusion.[65]Dr. Fu Manchu's inventively sardonic methods of murder and white protagonist Denis Nayland Smith's grudging respect for his intellect reinforce stereotypes of East Asian intelligence, exoticism/mysticism, and extreme cruelty.[4][66]

Charlie Chan[edit]

Warner Oland, a Swedish-American actor, portraying Charlie Chan, a Chinese-Hawaiian-American detective

Charlie Chan, a fictional character created by author Earl Derr Biggers loosely based on Chang Apana (1871–1933), a real-life Chinese-Hawaiian police officer, has been the subject of 10 novels (spanning from 1925 to as late as 1981), over 40 American films, a comic strip, a board game, a card game, and a 1970s animated television series. In the films, the role of Charlie Chan has usually been played by white actors (namely Warner Oland, Sidney Toler, and Roland Winters).[67] This is an example of "whitewashing," where white actors play the characters of non-white roles.[68] White actors who have played the role of Charlie Chan were covered in "yellowface" makeup and spoke in broken English.[69]

In stark contrast to the Chinese villain Dr. Fu Manchu, East Asian-American protagonist Charlie Chan represents the American archetype of the "good" East Asian.[4] In The House Without a Key, Earl Derr Biggers describes Charlie Chan in the following manner: "He was very fat indeed, yet he walked with the light dainty step of a woman. His cheeks were chubby as a baby's, his skin ivory tinted, his black hair close-cropped, his amber eyes slanting."[70] Charlie Chan speaks English with a heavy accent and flawed grammar, and is exaggeratedly polite and apologetic. After one particular racist affront by a Bostonian woman, Chan responds with exaggerated submission, "Humbly asking pardon to mention it, I detect in your eyes slight flame of hostility. Quench it, if you will be so kind. Friendly co-operation are essential between us." Bowing deeply, he added, "Wishing you good morning."[70]

Because of Charlie Chan's emasculated, unassertive, and apologetic physical appearance and demeanor he is considered a non-threatening East Asian man to mainstream audiences despite his considerable intellect and ability. Many modern critics, particularly Asian-American critics, claim that Charlie Chan has none of the daring, assertive, or romantic traits generally attributed to white fictional detectives of the time,[71] allowing "white America ... [to be] securely indifferent about us as men."[72] Charlie Chan's good qualities are the product of what Frank Chin and Jeffery Chan call "racist love", arguing that Chan is a model minority and "kissass".[73] Instead, Charlie Chan's successes as a detective are in the context of proving himself to his white superiors or white racists who underestimate him early on in the various plots.[4]

The Chan character also perpetuates stereotypes as well, oft quoting supposed ancient Chinese wisdom at the end of each novel, saying things like: "The Emperor Shi Hwang-ti, who built the Great Wall of China, once said: 'He who squanders to-day talking of yesterday's triumph, will have nothing to boast of tomorrow.'"[74] Fletcher Chan, however, argues that the Chan of Biggers's novels is not subservient to whites, citing The Chinese Parrot as an example; in this novel, Chan's eyes blaze with anger at racist remarks and in the end, after exposing the murderer, Chan remarks "Perhaps listening to a 'Chinaman' is no disgrace."[75]

Stereotypes in American film and TV shows[edit]

In 2019, 7% of all female characters and 6% of all male characters in the top 100 grossing movies in the United States were Asian.[76] Additionally, a study conducted by AAPIsOnTV (Asian American and Pacific Islanders) indicated that 64% of shows lack a presence of main Asian actors.[77] On the other hand, 96% of shows have a 96% presence of White main actors.[78]

While there has been progress in the representation of Asian actors in TV shows and films through Crazy Rich Asians and Fresh Off The Boat, the portrayal of stereotypes is still a present issue.[79] Asian actors are cast for movies usually represent stereotypes of East Asians. In most instances, they also play the roles of sex workers, nerds, foreigners, and doctors.[80] In the episode "A Benihana Christmas" of The Office, Michael Scott (as Steve Carell) has to mark Nikki (played by Kulap Vilaysack) with a Sharpie, because he is unable to differentiate her from Amy (played by Kathrien Ahn).[81] The portrayal of Asian Americans is based on the stereotype that they look identical.[81] In Mean Girls, Trag Pak (played by Ky Pham) and Sun Jin Dinh (played by Danielle Nguyen), are depicted as overly sexual students who have an affair with the PE teacher and possess limited English skills.[82] The Big Bang Theory portrays Rajesh Koothrapalli (played by Kunal Nayyar) as someone who is unable to form romantic relationships and communicate with women.[83]

According to Christina Chong, if Asian actors in American movies are needed, it is usually for "international regional accuracy."[84] These inaccurate representations shape public perceptions due to the large influence TV shows and films have on the understanding of people from different backgrounds.[79]


Emasculation and celibacy[edit]

In the mid-1800s, early Chinese immigrant workers were derided as emasculated men due to cultural practices of Qing Dynasty. The Chinese workers sported long braids (the "queue hairstyle" which was compulsory in China) and sometimes wore long silk gowns.[85] Because Chinese men were seen as an economic threat to the white workforce, laws were passed that barred the Chinese from many "male" labor-intensive industries, and the only jobs available to the Chinese at the time were jobs that whites deemed "women's work" (i.e., laundry, cooking, and childcare).[85]

This stereotype had received wider usage as a backlash due to Sessue Hayakawa's status as a sex symbol back in old Hollywood in the 1920s.[86][87]

In the documentary The Slanted Screen, Filipino American director Gene Cajayon talks about the revised ending for the 2000 action movie Romeo Must Die, a retelling of Romeo and Juliet in which Aaliyah plays Juliet to Jet Li's Romeo. The original ending had Aaliyah kissing Chinese actor Li, which would have explained the title of Romeo, a scenario that did not test well with an urban audience.[88] The studio changed the ending to Trish (Aaliyah) giving Han (Li) a tight hug. According to Cajayon, "Mainstream America, for the most part, gets uncomfortable with seeing an East Asian man portrayed in a sexual light."[87][89]

One study has shown East Asians as being perceived as being "less masculine" than their white and black American counterparts.[5] East Asian men are also emasculated, being stereotyped and portrayed as having small penises.[90] Such an idea fueled the phenomenon that being a bottom in a homosexual relationship for East Asian men is more of a reflection of what is expected of them, than a desire.[91] These stereotypes are attempts of an overall perception that East Asian men are less sexually desirable to women compared to men of other races, especially whites.[92]

Sex symbols[edit]

In the early stage of Hollywood's film production, East Asian males such as Sessue Hayakawa exhibited their male attractiveness both on and off screen, but they became the victim of their own success when their popularity caused dissension.[93][94][95] Later, when Bruce Lee joined Hollywood, he was one of the few Asians who had achieved Alpha male status on screen and transformed the image of the Asian male in US cinema; since then the popularity of East Asian male stars has grown steadily.[96][97][98]

Contemporary media depictions of East Asian males has defied such obsolete stereotypes. Study findings from an analysis of the TV show Lost suggest that increased globalization is responsible for providing a more sexualized and virilized portrayal of East Asian males in televised media.[99] The global success of K-pop and K-dramas as well as popular culture from Asia also contributed to better perceptions of East Asian males.[100][101]

Predators of white women[edit]

American anti-Japanese propaganda poster from World War II depicting a Japanese soldier threatening a white woman

East Asian men have been portrayed as threats to white women by white men in many aspects of American media.[102] Depictions of East Asian men as "lascivious and predatory" were common at the turn of the 20th century.[103] Fears of "white slavery" were promulgated in both dime store novels and melodramatic films.

Between 1850 and 1940, both US popular media and propaganda before and during World War II humanized Chinese men, while portraying Japanese men as a military and security threat to the country, and therefore a sexual danger to white women[4] due to the perception of a woman's body traditionally symbolizing her "tribe's" house or country.[104] In the 1916 film Patria, a group of fanatical Japanese individuals invade the United States in an attempt to rape a white woman.[105] Patria was an independent film serial funded by William Randolph Hearst (whose newspapers were known to promulgate threats of the yellow peril),[citation needed] in the lead up to the United States' entry into World War I.

The Bitter Tea of General Yen portrays the way in which an "Oriental" beguiles white women. The film portrays Megan Davis (Barbara Stanwyck) coming to China to marry a missionary (Gavin Gordon) and help in his work. They become separated at a railway station, and Davis is rescued/kidnapped by warlord General Yen (Nils Asther). Yen becomes infatuated with Davis, and knowing that she is believed to be dead, keeps her at his summer palace. That being said, it was also one of the first films to deal openly with interracial sexual attraction (despite the fact that the actor playing General Yen is played by a non-Asian actor).


Another stereotype of East Asian men, especially of Chinese men is that they are misogynistic, insensitive, and disrespectful towards women. However, studies have shown that East Asian American men express more gender egalitarian attitudes than the American average.[106] East Asian men are commonly portrayed in Western media as male chauvinists.[107] This can be seen in best-selling novels such as Rising Sun by Michael Crichton, in which Japanese businessmen mistreat and denigrate their white mistresses. Popular films such as The Wolverine portray Japanese patriarchs as domineering, controlling and abusive towards their daughters.

Even literature written by Asian American authors is not free of the pervasive popular cliche of Asian men. Amy Tan's book The Joy Luck Club has been criticized by Asian American figures such as Frank Chin for perpetuating racist stereotypes of Asian men.[108][109]

Asian Baby Boy[edit]

Asian baby boy or ABB, an extension of the term Asian baby girl or ABG, refers primarily to millennial or younger men who are highly outgoing and have adopted a gangster aesthetic or personality. Other associated traits include an interest in partying and fashion and sexual activeness.[110]


Dragon Lady[edit]

East Asian women have been portrayed as aggressive or opportunistic sexual beings or predatory gold diggers using their feminine wiles.[6] Western film and literature have continually stereotyped East Asian women as cunning "Dragon Ladies". This stereotype invokes others within the same orientalist repertoire: "Lotus Blossom Babies", "China dolls", "Geisha girls", war brides, and prostitutes.[7]

More recently, the Dragon Lady stereotype was embodied by Ling Woo, a fictional character in the US comedy-drama Ally McBeal (1997–2002), whom the American actress Lucy Liu portrayed. Ling is a cold and ferocious[111] bilingual Chinese American lawyer, who is fluent in both English and Mandarin[112] and is well-versed in the arts of sexual pleasuring unknown to the American world.[112][113] At the time, she provided the only major representation of East Asian women on television,[113] apart from news anchors and reporters.[114] Because there were no other major Asian American celebrity women whose television presence could counteract the Dragon Lady stereotype,[113] the portrayal of Ling Woo attracted much scholarly attention.[114]

This attention has led to the idea that orientalist stereotyping is a specific form of racial microaggression against women of East Asian descent. For example, while the beauty of Asian American women has been exoticized, Asian American women have been stereotyped as submissive in the process of sexual objectification.[33] University of Wyoming Darrell Hamamoto, Professor of Asian American Studies at the University of California, Davis, describes Ling as "a neo-Orientalist masturbatory fantasy figure concocted by a white man whose job it is to satisfy the blocked needs of other white men who seek temporary escape from their banal and deadening lives by indulging themselves in a bit of visual cunnilingus while relaxing on the sofa." Hamamoto does maintain, however, that Ling "sends a powerful message to white America that East Asian American women are not to be trifled with. She runs circles around that tower of Jell-O who serves as her white boyfriend. She's competitive in a profession that thrives on verbal aggression and analytical skill."[115] Contemporary actress Lucy Liu has been accused of popularizing this stereotype by characters she has played in mainstream media.[116]

Hypersexuality and submissiveness[edit]

An iconic source of images of East Asian women in the 20th century in the West is the 1957 novel that was adapted into a movie in 1960, The World of Suzie Wong, about a Hong Kong woman.[117][118][119][120] The titular character is represented through a frame of white masculine heterosexual desire: Suzie is portrayed as a submissive prostitute that is sexually aroused at the idea of being beaten by a white man. UC Berkeley Professor of Asian American Studies Elaine Kim argued in the 1980s that the stereotype of East Asian women as submissive has impeded their economic mobility.[121]

According to author Sheridan Prasso, the "China [porcelain] doll" stereotype and its variations of feminine submissiveness recurs in American movies. These variations can be presented as an associational sequence such as: "Geisha Girl/Lotus Flower/Servant/China Doll: Submissive, docile, obedient, reverential; the Vixen/Sex Nymph: Sexy, coquettish, manipulative; tendency toward disloyalty or opportunism; the Prostitute/Victim of Sex Trade/War/Oppression: Helpless, in need of assistance or rescue; good-natured at heart."[85][6]

Another is Madama Butterfly (Madame Butterfly), an opera in three acts (originally two acts) by Giacomo Puccini, with an Italian libretto by Luigi Illica and Giuseppe Giacosa. It is the story of a Japanese maiden (Cio-Cio San), who falls in love with and marries a white American navy lieutenant. After the officer leaves her to continue his naval service away from Japan, Cio-Cio San gives birth to their child. Cio-Cio San blissfully awaits the lieutenant's return, unaware that he had not considered himself bound by his Japanese marriage to a Japanese woman. When he arrives back in Japan with an American wife in tow and discovers that he has a child by Cio-Cio San, he proposes to take the child to be raised in America by himself and his American wife. The heartbroken Japanese girl bids farewell to her callous lover, then kills herself.

There has been much controversy about the opera, especially its treatment of sex and race.[122][123][124] It is the most-performed opera in the United States, where its rank as Number 1 in Opera America's list of the 20 most-performed operas in North America.[125] This popularity only helps to perpetuate the notion of the dominant white male over the subjugated East Asian female who can be cast aside and treated as easily dispensable[126] according to Sheridan Prasso in her book, The Asian Mystique: Dragon Ladies, Geisha Girls, & Our Fantasies of the Exotic Orient published in 2005.

A contemporary example would be Miss Saigon, a 1989 musical by Claude-Michel Schönberg and Alain Boublil, a modern adaptation of Giacomo Puccini's opera Madame Butterfly. This musical has been criticized for what some have perceived as racist or sexist overtones. Criticism has led to protests against the musical's portrayal of Asian men, Asian women, and women in general.[127] It banked a record $25 million in advance ticket sales when it was opening on Broadway.[128]

According to artist and writer Jessica Hagedorn in Asian Women in Film: No Joy, No Luck, Asian women in golden era Hollywood film were represented as sexually passive and compliant. According to Hagedorn, "good" Asian women are portrayed as being "childlike, submissive, silent, and eager for sex".[129]

In instances of rape in pornography, a study found that young East Asian women are overrepresented.[130] It had been suggested that the hypersexualized yet compliant representations of East Asian women being a frequent theme in American media is the cause of this.[131] In addition, East Asian women being often stereotyped as having tighter vaginas than other races is another suggested factor.[130]

Tiger mother[edit]

In early 2011, writer Amy Chua generated controversy with her book Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother, published in January 2011. The book was a memoir about her parenting journey using strict Confucian child rearing techniques, which she describes as being typical for Chinese immigrant parents.[132] Her book received a huge backlash and media attention and ignited global debate about different parenting techniques and cultural attitudes that foster such techniques.[133] Furthermore, the book provoked uproar after the release where Chua received death threats, racial slurs, and calls for her arrest on child-abuse charges.[134]

The archetypal Chinese tiger mom is (similar to the Jewish mother stereotype and the Japanese Kyoiku mama) refers to a strict or demanding mother who pushes her children to high levels of scholastic and academic achievement, using methods regarded as typical of childrearing in East Asia to the detriment of the child's social, physical, psychological and emotional well-being. This notion of being a tiger mother is also linked to the Asian stereotype of being more left-brained and proficient in the math and sciences.[citation needed]

Asian Baby Girl[edit]

"Asian baby girl", commonly abbreviated "ABG" and sometimes referred to as "Asian bad girl" or "Asian baby gangster", is a term that arose in the 1990s New York area, originally used to describe Chinese American women involved in gangster subcultures. These women were a part of, or admired the lifestyles of the New York Chinatown gangs, before the crime crackdowns of the 1980s ordered by Rudy Giuliani caused many of them to become defunct.[135] The term was then adopted by other Asian Americans from outside the Chinese American gangster subculture of the East Coast. The looks, fashion, and aesthetics associated with ABGs gained popularity in the 2010s, and was regarded as a negative stereotype similar to the "Valley Girl" or "dumb blond" stereotype.[135] It appeared in online forums such as the Subtle Asian Traits Facebook group.[136] In the 2020s, the ABG stereotype was adopted as a fashion trend on social media platforms such as TikTok and Instagram. It refers primarily to millennial or younger women who are highly outgoing and have adopted a gangster aesthetic or personality without necessarily being involved with actual organized crime. Other associated traits include an interest in partying and fashion and sexual activeness.[110][137]

Physical attributes and traits[edit]

Darrell Y. Hamamoto, a professor of Asian American studies at UC Irvine argues that a pervasive racialized discourse exists throughout American society, especially as it is reproduced by network television and cinema.[138] Critics argue that portrayals of East Asians in American media fixating on the epicanthic fold of the eyelid have the negative effect of caricature, whether describing the Asiatic eye positively as "almond-shaped" or negatively as "slanted" or "slanty". Even worse, these critics contend, is the common portrayal of the East Asian population as having yellow, sometimes orange or even lemon colored skin tones (which the critics reference as colorism).

This colorist portrayal negatively contrasts "colored" Asian Americans with the European population of North America in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. East Asians are also stereotyped (or orientalized) as having straight dark (or shiny "blue") hair usually styled in a "bowl cut" (boys) or with straight overgrown bangs (girls). They are often homogenized as one indiscriminate monolithic conglomeration of cultures, languages, histories, and physiological and behavioral characteristics. Almost invariably it is assumed that a person of Asian descent has genetic origins from an East and Southeast Asian country.[139][140]

There is also a common assumption that people of Asian descent are always Chinese or are supposed to be proficient in a Chinese language. This often results in racist remarks and ethnic slurs against Asian Americans such as telling them to "Go back to China" even if they aren't of Chinese descent. In reality, the term "Asian American" broadly refers to all people who descend from the Asian continental sub-regions of East, Southeast and South Asia as a whole. While people of Chinese descent make up roughly 5 million of the roughly 18 million Asians in America, a plurality, Filipinos, Indonesian, Japanese, Koreans and Vietnamese make up a larger portion of the total.[141]

East Asians are often stereotyped as being inherently bad drivers.[142] East Asians are also stereotyped as academic overachievers who are intelligent but socially inept, either lacking social skills or being asocial.[143] A 2010 study found that East Asians in the United States are most likely to be perceived as nerds. This stereotype is socially damaging and contributes to a long history of Asian exclusion in USA.[144]

East Asians have been stereotyped as immature, childlike, small, infantile looking, needing guidance and not to be taken seriously.[145][146][147][148] The infantilized stereotype is on both physical and mental aspects of the race. East Asians are believed to mature slower in appearance and body, while also thought of as less autonomous and therefore requiring guidance from the "mature" white race.[145][146] Like children, the perception is that they have little power, access, and control over themselves. The stereotype goes hand in hand with fetish against Asian women, who are perceived as more demure, submissive, more eager to please and easily yielding to powerful men.[147][148][149]

A psychological experiment conducted by two researchers found that East Asians who do not conform to common stereotypes and who possess qualities such as dominance in the workplace are "unwelcome and unwanted by their co-workers" and can even elicit negative reactions and harassment from people of other races.[150]

Physicality and sports[edit]

East Asian bodies are often stereotyped of as lacking the physical ability to endure labor-intensive tasks which is required to play sports especially contact sports.[151] This stereotype has led to discrimination in the recruitment process for professional American sports teams where Asian American athletes are highly underrepresented.[152][153][154][155]

Taiwanese-American professional basketball player Jeremy Lin believed that his race played a role in him going undrafted in NBA initially.[156] This belief has been reiterated by sports writer Sean Gregory of Time and NBA commissioner David Stern.[157] Although Asian Americans comprised 6% of the nation's population in 2012, Asian American athletes represented only 2% of the NFL, 1.9% of the MLB and less than 1% in both the NHL and NBA.[158]

Despite these stereotypes, NBA's color barrier was broken by Wataru Misaka in 1947, who was the first person of color and first Asian American athlete to play in the NBA.[159] Weightlifter Tommy Kono set a total of 26 world records and 7 Olympic records, making him the most accomplished US male weightlifter to date.[160][161] Chloe Kim, who is a snowboarder, is the youngest Olympic gold medalist in halfpipe.[162] Maia Shibutani, who is a figure skater, is a two-time Olympic medalist.[163]

See also[edit]


  1. ^ East and Southeast Asians (ESEA), in contrast to Central, South or West Asians, are usually just classified as "East Asian" due to their cultural, ethnic and genetic similarities. The geographical regions of East and Southeast Asia were first known and classified as the "Far East" by outsiders, during a time when many of these stereotypes originated. Therefore, throughout the article, the usage of the term "East Asian" in this context refers to individuals who are from both East and Southeast Asia.
  2. ^ Places include Brunei, China (inc. Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan), Cambodia, East Timor, Indonesia, Japan, Korea (inc. North Korea and South Korea), Laos, Malaysia, Mongolia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam.


  1. ^ a b c Kashiwabara, Amy, Vanishing Son: The Appearance, Disappearance, and Assimilation of the Asian-US Man in US Mainstream Media, UC Berkeley Media Resources Center
  2. ^ a b Felicia R. Lee, "'Model Minority' Label Taxes Asian Youths," New York Times, March 20, 1990, pages B1 & B4.
  3. ^ a b Matthew Yi; et al. (April 27, 2001). "Asian Americans seen negatively". The San Francisco Chronicle. Retrieved June 14, 2007.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h William F. Wu, The Yellow Peril: Chinese Americans in American Fiction, 1850–1940, Archon Press, 1982.
  5. ^ a b "Racial Stereotypes and Interracial Attraction: Phenotypic Prototypicality and Perceived Attractiveness of Asians" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on July 17, 2018. Retrieved October 13, 2021.
  6. ^ a b c Geert Hofstede, Gender Stereotypes and Partner Preferences of Asian Women in Masculine and Feminine Cultures: Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, Vol. 27, No. 5, 533–546 (1996).
  7. ^ a b Tajima, R. (1989). Lotus blossoms don't bleed: Images of Asian women., Asian Women United of California's Making waves: An anthology of writings by and about Asian American women, (pp 308–317), Beacon Press.
  8. ^ "Conference Indorses Chinese Exclusion; Editor Poon Chu Says China Will... – Article Preview – The". New York Times. December 9, 1905. Retrieved February 21, 2010.
  9. ^ History World: Asian Americans, archived from the original on May 27, 2011, retrieved September 1, 2007
  10. ^ Neumann, Klaus; Tavan, Gwenda, eds. (February 12, 2002). Office of Ethnic Affairs – Formal Apology To Chinese Community. Archives of Australian National University. doi:10.22459/DHM.09.2009. ISBN 9781921536953. Retrieved December 3, 2013.
  11. ^ "Chinese Immigration Act 1885, c". Retrieved February 21, 2010.
  12. ^ Frank H. Wu. "Asian Americans and the Perpetual Foreigner Syndrome". Archived from the original on September 28, 2007. Retrieved June 14, 2007.
  13. ^ Lien, Pei-te; Mary Margaret Conway; Janelle Wong (2004). The politics of Asian Americans: diversity and community. Psychology Press. p. 7. ISBN 9780415934657. Retrieved February 9, 2012. In addition, because of their perceived racial difference, rapid and continuous immigration from Asia, and on going detente with communist regimes in Asia, Asian Americans are construed as "perpetual foreigners" who cannot or will not adapt to the language, customs, religions, and politics of the American mainstream.
  14. ^ Wu, Frank H. (2003). Yellow: race in America beyond black and white. Basic Books. p. 79. ISBN 9780465006403. Retrieved February 9, 2012.
  15. ^ Neil Gotanda, "Exclusion and Inclusion: Immigration and American orientalism".
  16. ^ Johnson, Kevin (1997), Racial Hieracrchy, Asian Americans and Latinos as Foreigners, and Social Change: Is Law the Way to Go, Oregon Law Rev., 76, pages 347–356
  17. ^ a b "Loss of AsianWeek Increases Hole in Asian-American Coverage – NAM". Archived from the original on July 14, 2011. Retrieved February 21, 2010.
  18. ^ Weiler, A.H. (October 6, 1961). "The Screen: Breakfast at Tiffany's: Audrey Hepburn Stars in Music Hall Comedy". New York Times. Retrieved September 24, 2011.
  19. ^ Koch, John (April 1, 1990). "Quick Cuts and Stereotypes". The Boston Globe. Boston. Retrieved September 24, 2011.
  20. ^ Yang, Jeff (July 17, 2011). "'Breakfast at Tiffany's' protest is misguided: Let's deal openly with the film's Asian stereotypes". NY Daily News. Retrieved July 19, 2011.
  21. ^ Kerr, David. "Stereotypes in the Media". mrkerronline. Retrieved May 1, 2017.
  22. ^ Smith, Choueiti, Pieper, Gillig, Lee, DeLuca, Stacy, Marc, Katherine, Traci, Carmen, Dylan (2015). "Inequality in 700 Popular Films: Examining Portrayals of Gender, Race & LGBT Status from 2007 to 2014". The Harnish Foundation: 1–31.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  23. ^ a b Mukkamala, Shruti; Suyemoto, Karen L. (March 2018). "Racialized sexism/sexualized racism: A multimethod study of intersectional experiences of discrimination for Asian American women". Asian American Journal of Psychology. 9 (1): 32–46. doi:10.1037/aap0000104. S2CID 149039208.
  24. ^ Chang, A. (March 19, 2021). For Asian "American Women, Misogyny And Racism Are Inseparable, Sociologist Says". NPR. Retrieved May 3, 2021.
  25. ^ "Prostitution laws: health risks and hypocrisy" CMAJ. 2004 Jul 20; 171(2): 109. doi: 10.1503/cmaj.1041057. Retrieved May 3, 2021.
  26. ^ "Model Minority Stereotype". Retrieved February 5, 2017.
  27. ^ Lu, Nisbett and Morris, Jackson, Richard and Michael (March 3, 2020). "Why East Asians but not South Asians are underrepresented in leadership positions in the United States". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. 117 (9): 4590–4600. doi:10.1073/pnas.1918896117. PMC 7060666. PMID 32071227.
  28. ^ Acosta, Poll-Hunter, Eliason, David, Norma Iris, Jennifer (November 2017). "Trends in Racial and Ethnic Minority Applicants and Matriculants to U.S. Medical Schools, 1980–2016". Analysis in Brief. Association of American Medical Colleges. 17. Retrieved May 9, 2021.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  29. ^ a b Chung, Dong, Hu, Kwon and Liu, Eric, Samuel, Xiaonan, Christine and Goodwin. "A Portrait of Asian Americans in the Law". Center of the legal profession Harvard law School. Harvard Law School. Retrieved May 9, 2021.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  30. ^ "The Model Minority Myth". Center of the legal profession Harvard law School. Harvard Law School.
  31. ^ Gee, Peck, Buck, Denise (2015). "THE ILLUSION OF ASIAN SUCCESS". Ascend.
  32. ^ ASIAN-AMERICAN SCIENTISTS: Silent No Longer: 'Model Minority' Mobilizes – Lawler 290 (5494): 1072 – Science.
  33. ^ a b c "Racial Microaggressions and the Asian American Experience" (PDF).
  34. ^ Stacey J. Lee, Unraveling the "Model Minority" Stereotypes: Listening to Asian American Youth, Teachers College Press, New York: 1996 ISBN 978-0-8077-3509-1.
  35. ^ Bill Sing, "'Model Minority' Resentments Spawn Anti-Asian-American Insults and Violence," Los Angeles Times February 13, 1989, p. 12.
  36. ^ Greg Toppo, "'Model' Asian student called a myth ; Middle-class status may be a better gauge of classroom success," USA Today, December 10, 2002, p. 11.
  37. ^ Benjamin Pimentel, "Model minority image is a hurdle, Asian Americans feel left out of mainstream," San Francisco Chronicle, August 5, 2001, p. 25.
  38. ^ "What 'Model Minority' Doesn't Tell," Chicago Tribune, January 3, 1998, p. 18.
  39. ^ a b Nguyen Do, Kevin (December 2020). "Positive Portrayal versus Positive Stereotype: The Effect of Media Exposure to the Model Minority Stereotype on Asian Americans' Self-Concept and Emotions". Thesis for University of California. Retrieved May 8, 2021.
  40. ^ "Model Minority". Archived from the original on October 22, 2016. Retrieved May 9, 2015.
  41. ^ Kim, Angela; Yeh, Christine J (2002), Stereotypes of Asian American Students, ERIC Educational Reports
  42. ^ Yang, KaYing (2004), "Southeast Asian American Children: Not the Model Minority", The Future of Children, 14 (2): 127–133, doi:10.2307/1602799, JSTOR 1602799, S2CID 70895306
  43. ^ a b Ronald Takaki, "The Harmful Myth of Asian Superiority," The New York Times, June 16, 1990, p. 21.
  44. ^ Woo, Deborah (July 1, 1994). "The Glass Ceiling and Asian Americans". Cornell University ILR School.
  45. ^ "The Glass Ceiling for African, Hispanic (Latino), and Asian Americans," Ethnic Majority, The Glass Ceiling for African, Hispanic, and Asian Americans Archived September 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
  46. ^ Constable, Pamela, "A 'Glass Ceiling' of Misperceptions," WashingtonPost, October 10, 1995, Page A01 A GLASS CEILING' OF MISPERCEPTIONS.
  47. ^ Chen, Edith Wen-Chu; Grace J. Yoo (December 23, 2009). Encyclopedia of Asian American Issues Today, Volume 1. ABC-CLIO. p. 223. ISBN 978-0-313-34749-8.
  48. ^ Ancheta, Angelo N. (2006). Race, Rights, and the Asian American Experience. Rutgers University Press. ISBN 0-8135-3902-1.
  49. ^ Chou, Feagin, Rosalind, Joe (November 5, 2008). Myth of the Model Minority (1st ed.). Routledge.
  50. ^ Bhattacharyya, Srilata: From "Yellow Peril" to "Model Minority": The Transition of Asian Americans: Additional information about the document that does not fit in any of the other fields; not used after 2004. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Mid-South Educational Research Association (30th, Little Rock, AR, November 14–16, 2001): Full text available.
  51. ^ ERIC PDF Download. October 31, 2001. Retrieved February 21, 2010.
  52. ^ ARONSON J. (1) ; LUSTINA M. J. (1) ; GOOD C. (1) ; KEOUGH K. (1) ; STEELE C. M. (2) ; BROWN J. (2) ; When white men can't do math : Necessary and sufficient factors in stereotype threat, Journal of experimental social psychology vol. 35, no1, pp. 29–46 (1 p.3/4): Elsevier, San Diego 1999.
  53. ^ "Mental Health and Depression in Asian Americans" (PDF). National Asian Women’s Health Organization. Archived from the original (PDF) on September 10, 2006 – via University of Hawaii.
  54. ^ a b Elizabeth Cohen (May 16, 2007). "Push to achieve tied to suicide in Asian-American women". CNN.
  55. ^ Flowers, Ronald B. (1990), Minorities and criminality, p. 190
  56. ^ "Section IV: Persons Arrested". Crime in the United States (PDF) (Report). FBI. 2003. pp. 267–336. Archived from the original (PDF) on October 27, 2004.
  57. ^ Walter E. Williams (March 9, 2003). "Affirmative Action Bake Sale". George Mason University.
  58. ^ Johnson, Betsinger, Brian, Sara (November 9, 2009). "Punishing the "Model Minority": Asian-american Criminal Sentencing Outcomes in Federal District Courts". Criminology. 47 (4): 1045. doi:10.1111/j.1745-9125.2009.00169.x.
  59. ^ "Our big cultural heritage, our awful little secrets" Archived August 20, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
  60. ^ "Some Korean Americans fearful of racial backlash" Archived January 9, 2009, at the Wayback Machine.
  61. ^ "Sadly, Cho is Most Newsworthy APA of 2007 Archived January 3, 2008, at the Wayback Machine." Asianweek. Another incident Binghamton, NY a shooting spree was committed by a naturalized citizen, when Jiverly Wang gunned down 14 people, and injured 3 at the local American Civic Association.January 1, 2008. Retrieved on December 21, 2009.
  62. ^ Yellow Face: The documentary part 4 – Asian Americans do face racism, July 5, 2010, archived from the original on December 21, 2021, retrieved February 24, 2013
  63. ^ Asians, Blacks, Stereotypes and the Media, July 5, 2010, archived from the original on December 21, 2021, retrieved February 24, 2013
  64. ^ Sax Rohmer, The Insidious Doctor Fu-Manchu (1913; reprint ed., New York: Pyramid, 1961), p. 17.
  65. ^ Rohmer, Sax, The Hand of Fu-Manchu (1917; reprint ed., New York: Pyramid, 1962), p. 111.
  66. ^ Yen Le Espiritu Asian American Panethnicity: Bridging Institutions and Identity Temple University Press, 1992, ISBN 978-0-87722-955-1, 222 pages.
  67. ^ Internet Movie Database — list of Charlie Chan movies, IMDB, archived from the original on September 19, 2017, retrieved June 30, 2018
  68. ^ Umeda, mihori. Asian Stereotypes in American Films (Thesis). Chukyo University. p. 145.
  69. ^ Umeda, mihori. Asian Stereotypes in American Films (Thesis). Chukyo University. p. 145.
  70. ^ a b Earl Derr Biggers, The House Without a Key (New York: P.F. Collier & Son, 1925), p. 76.
  71. ^ Kim (1982), 179.
  72. ^ Frank Chin and Jeffery Chan, quoted in Kim (1982), 179.
  73. ^ Chin and Chan, quoted in Kim (1982), 179.
  74. ^ Biggers, Earl Derr, Charlie Chan Carries On (1930; reprint ed., New York: Bantam, 1975), p. 233.
  75. ^ The Chinese Parrot, quoted in Chan (2007).
  76. ^ Stoll, Julia. "Distribution of male and female characters in top grossing films in the United States in 2019, by ethnicity". Statista. Retrieved May 2, 2021.
  77. ^ Chin, Deo, DuCros, Jong-Hwa Lee, Milman, Yuen, Christina, Meera, Faustina, Jenny, Noriko, Nancy (September 2017). "TOKENS ON THE SMALL SCREEN: Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders in Prime Time and Streaming Television" (PDF): 2–13. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  78. ^ Chin, Deo, DuCros, Jong-Hwa Lee, Milman, Yuen, Christina, Meera, Faustina, Jenny, Noriko, Nancy (September 2017). "TOKENS ON THE SMALL SCREEN: Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders in Prime Time and Streaming Television" (PDF): 2–13. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  79. ^ a b Ramos, Dino-Ray (September 12, 2017). "Asian Americans on TV: Study finds continued Underrepresentation despite new wave of AAPI-led shows". Deadline. Retrieved May 8, 2021.
  80. ^ Levin, Sam (April 11, 2017). "'We're the geeks, the prostitutes': Asian American actors on Hollywood's barriers". The guardian. Retrieved May 2, 2021.
  81. ^ a b Murphy, Chris (March 26, 2021). "The Office Actor Kat Ahn calls out show for portrayal of Asian women". Vanity Fair.
  82. ^ Jokic, Natasha. "What Are Some Problematic And Racist Depictions Of East Asian People In TV And Movies That You've Seen?". Buzzfeed. Buzzfeed. Retrieved May 9, 2021.
  83. ^ Sreedhar, Anjana. "5 Most Offensive Asian Characters in TV History". Mic. Retrieved May 9, 2021.
  84. ^ Chong, Christina Shu Jien. "Where Are the Asians in Hollywood? Can §1981, Title VII, Colorblind Pitches, and Understanding Biases Break the Bamboo Ceiling?" (PDF). Asian Pacific American Law Journal: 29. Retrieved May 2, 2021.
  85. ^ a b c Sheridan Prasso, The Asian Mystique: dragon ladies, geisha girls, & our fantasies of the exotic orient, PublicAffairs, 2005.
  86. ^ Adachi, Jeff (Director) (March 12, 2006). The Slanted Screen (Motion picture). USA: Fouladkar, Assad.
  87. ^ a b Hwang Chen, Chiung (1996). "Feminization of Asian (American) Men in the U.S. Mass Media". Journal of Communication Inquiry. 20: 57–71. doi:10.1177/019685999602000204. S2CID 220732802.
  88. ^ Jose Antonio Vargas (May 25, 2007). "Asian Men: Slanted Screen". Washington Post. Retrieved July 13, 2013.
  89. ^ H. Denis Wu. "The Submissive, the Calculated, and the American Dream" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on April 12, 2013. Retrieved July 13, 2013.
  90. ^ Drummond, Murray JN, and Shaun M. Filiault. "The long and the short of it: Gay men's perceptions of penis size." Gay and lesbian issues and psychology review 3.2 (2007): 121–129.
  91. ^ Hoppe, Trevor. "Circuits of Power, Circuits of Pleasure: Sexual Scripting in Gay Men's Bottom Narratives.
  92. ^ Yim, Jennifer Young (2009). Pg. 130, 142 "Being an Asian American Male is Really Hard Actually": Cultural Psychology... ISBN 9781109120486. Retrieved July 13, 2013.
  93. ^ Bernardi, Daniel (July 1, 1996). The Birth of Whiteness: Race and the Emergence of United States Cinema. Rutgers University Press. ISBN 0-8135-2276-5.
  94. ^ Venutolo, Anthony (March 8, 2008). "Cinema can't keep up with Hayakawa's strides". The Star-Ledger. Newark: Retrieved March 9, 2013.
  95. ^ Lee, Juilia H (October 1, 2011). Interracial Encounters: Reciprocal Representations in African and Asian American Literatures, 1896–1937. New York University Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-5256-2.
  96. ^ Blake, John (August 2, 2016). "Enter the mind of Bruce Lee".
  97. ^ "The 50 Greatest Male Sex Symbols in Film History". Archived from the original on January 30, 2018. Retrieved January 30, 2018.
  98. ^ Tran, JT (May 13, 2010). "Bruce Lee Was a Sexy Alpha Male". LA Weekly.
  99. ^ Biswas, Tulika; Kim, Taewoo; Lei, Wu; and Yang, Liuyan All Research "Asian Stereotypes Lost or Found in the Television Series Lost?"
  100. ^ "Un-designing masculinities: K-pop and the new global man?". The Conversation. January 23, 2014. Archived from the original on January 27, 2014.
  101. ^ "How Korean boy band BTS toppled Asian stereotypes – and took America by storm". The Conversation. June 7, 2018. Archived from the original on June 10, 2018.
  102. ^ Espiritu, Y. E. (1997). Ideological Racism and Cultural Resistance: Constructing Our Own Images, Asian American Women and Men, Rowman & Littlefield Publishing.
  103. ^ Frankenberg, R. (1993). White women, race matters: The social construction of whiteness., University of Minnesota Press.
  104. ^ Rich, Adrienne. 1994 Blood, Bread and Poetry: Selected Prose 1979–1985. New York: Norton 1986: p. 212.
  105. ^ Quinsaat, J. (1976). Asians in the media, The shadows in the spotlight. Counterpoint: Perspectives on Asian America (pp 264–269). University of California at Los Angeles, Asian American Studies Center.
  106. ^ Chua, Peter; Fujino, Diane (1999). "Negotiating New Asian American Masculinities: Attitudes and Gender Expectations". Journal of Men's Studies. 7 (3): 391–413. doi:10.3149/jms.0703.391. S2CID 52220779.
  107. ^ Conrad Kim, "Big American Misconceptions about Asians", GoldSea
  108. ^ Come All Ye Asian American Writers of the Real and the Fake.
  109. ^ Tanaka Tomoyuki. "Review: The Joy Luck Club" – via Google Groups.
  110. ^ a b Li, Vicki (March 7, 2020). "The Rise of the ABG". The F-Word Magazine. Retrieved November 5, 2020.
  111. ^ Shimizu, Celine Parreñas (2007). "The Sexual Bonds of Racial Stardom". The hypersexuality of race. Duke University Press. p. 87. ISBN 9780822340331.
  112. ^ a b Prasso, Sheridan (2006). "Hollywood, Burbank, and the Resulting Imaginings". The Asian Mystique: Dragon Ladies, Geisha Girls, and Our Fantasies of the Exotic Orient (Illustrated ed.). PublicAffairs. pp. 72–73. ISBN 9781586483944.
  113. ^ a b c Patton, Tracey Owens (November 2001). ""Ally McBeal" and Her Homies: The Reification of White Stereotypes of the Other". Journal of Black Studies. Sage Publications, Inc. 32 (2): 229–260. doi:10.1177/002193470103200205. S2CID 144240462.
  114. ^ a b Dow, Bonnie J. (2006). "Gender and Communication in Mediated Contexts". The SAGE handbook of gender and communication. Julia T. Wood. SAGE. pp. 302–303. ISBN 9781412904230.
  115. ^ Chisun Lee (November 30, 1999). "The Ling Thing – - News – New York". Village Voice. Archived from the original on April 12, 2011. Retrieved February 21, 2010.
  116. ^ Nadra Kareem Nittle. "Five Common Asian-American Stereotypes in TV and Film". About News.
  117. ^ Sumi K. Cho. "Converging Stereotypes in Racialized Sexual Harassment: Where the Model Minority Meets Suzie Wong". In Richard Delgado; Jean Stefancic (eds.). Critical Race Theory: the Cutting Edge. p. 535. ...Hong Kong hooker with a heart of gold.
  118. ^ Thomas Y. T. Luk. "Hong Kong as City/Imaginary in The World of Suzie Wong, Love is a Many Splendored Thing, and Chinese Box" (PDF). The Chinese University of Hong Kong. Archived from the original (PDF) on April 10, 2011.
  119. ^ "Asian American Cinema : Representations and Stereotypes". Film Reference.
  120. ^ Staci Ford; Geetanjali Singh Chanda. "Portrayals of Gender and Generation,East and West: Suzie Wong in the Noble House" (PDF). University of Hong Kong. Archived from the original (PDF) on March 6, 2009.
  121. ^ Kim, Elaine (1984). "Asian American writers: A bibliographical review". American Studies International. 22 (2): 41–78.
  122. ^ "Controversy About the Opera". The New York Times.[dead link]
  123. ^ "Film Listings". November 29, 1996. Retrieved February 21, 2010.
  124. ^ "Puccini opera is 'racist': News24: Entertainment: International". News24. February 15, 2007. Archived from the original on September 3, 2012. Retrieved February 21, 2010.
  125. ^ "Cornerstones". Archived from the original on August 22, 2008. Retrieved May 9, 2015.
  126. ^ "Puccini's masterpiece transcends its age | The Japan Times Online". July 3, 2005. Archived from the original on June 5, 2011. Retrieved February 21, 2010.
  127. ^ Steinberg, Avi. "Group targets Asian stereotypes in hit musical," Boston Globe, January 2005. Archived April 30, 2012, at the Wayback Machine Retrieved on 2007 – December 15.
  128. ^ RICHARD CORLISS;Janice C. Simpson/New York (August 20, 1990). "Theater: Will Broadway Miss Saigon?". TIME. Archived from the original on October 16, 2007. Retrieved February 21, 2010.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  129. ^ Hagedorn, Jessica (January–February 1994). "Asian Women in Film: No Joy, No Luck". Ms. Magazine.
  130. ^ a b Mayall, Alice, and Diana EH Russell. "Racism in pornography." Feminism & Psychology 3.2 (1993): 275–281.
  131. ^ Park, Hijin. "Interracial Violence, Western Racialized Masculinities, and the Geopolitics of Violence Against Women." Social & Legal Studies 21.4 (2012): 491–509. Web.
  132. ^ Hodson, Heather (January 15, 2011). "Amy Chua: 'I'm going to take all your stuffed animals and burn them!'". The Guardian. London.
  133. ^ Emily Rauhala (August 14, 2014) 'Tiger Mother': Are Chinese Moms Really So Different? Time. Retrieved March 8, 2014
  134. ^ Kira Cochrane (February 7, 2014). "The truth about the Tiger Mother's family". The Guardian. Retrieved July 14, 2014.
  135. ^ a b Tran, Mai (October 7, 2020). "It was a cultural reset: a short history of the ABG aesthetic". i-D Magazine. i-D Magazine. Retrieved September 6, 2021.
  136. ^ "S.A.D. Defines the "popular" Asian, but it's what we expect. : Networks Course blog for INFO 2040/CS 2850/Econ 2040/SOC 2090".
  137. ^ Shamsudin, Shazrina (March 5, 2020). "Everything You Need To Know About The Asian Baby Girl Trend That's Taking Over The Internet". Nylon Singapore. Retrieved November 5, 2020.
  138. ^ Darrell Y. Hamamoto, Monitored peril: Asian Americans and the politics of TV representation University of Minnesota Press, 1994, ISBN 978-0-8166-2368-6, 311 pages.
  139. ^ Jung Heum Whang (September 2007). Body Politics of the Asian American Woman: From Orientalist Stereotype to the Hybrid Body. ISBN 9780549173045. Retrieved June 26, 2013.
  140. ^ Lisa Lowe (1996). Immigrant Acts: On Asian American Cultural Politics. Duke University Press. ISBN 0822318644. Retrieved June 26, 2013.
  141. ^ "The Rise of Asian Americans". Pew Research Center. Retrieved January 24, 2017.
  142. ^ Tewari, Nita; Alvarez, Alvin N. (September 17, 2008). Asian American Psychology:Asians Bad Drivers False. ISBN 9781841697499. Retrieved June 8, 2013.
  143. ^ "Perceptions of Asian American Students: Stereotypes and Effects". Retrieved August 21, 2012.
  144. ^ Zhang, Qin (2010). "Asian Americans Beyond the Model Minority Stereotype: The Nerdy and the Left Out". Journal of International and Intercultural Communication. 3 (1): 20–37. doi:10.1080/17513050903428109. S2CID 144533905.
  145. ^ a b Shibusawa, Naoko (2010). America's Geisha Ally: Reimagining the Japanese Enemy. Harvard University Press. ISBN 9780674057470.
  146. ^ a b Petersen-Smith, Khury (January 19, 2018). ""Little Rocket Man": The Anti-Asian Racism of US Empire". Verso Books.
  147. ^ a b Lim, Audrea (January 6, 2018). "The Alt-Right's Asian Fetish". New York Times.
  148. ^ a b Hu, Nian (February 4, 2016). "Yellow Fever: The Problem with Fetishizing Asian Women". The Harvard Crimson.
  149. ^ Song, Young In; Moon, Ailee (July 27, 1998). Korean American Women: From Tradition to Modern Feminism. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 9780275959777 – via Google Books.
  150. ^ "Dominant East Asians face workplace harassment, says study". psychology. University of Toronto, Rotman School of Management. Retrieved September 14, 2013.
  151. ^ Azzarito, Laura; Kirk, David (October 10, 2014). Pedagogies, Physical Culture, and VisualMethods. Sports. ISBN 9780415815727. Retrieved September 14, 2013.
  152. ^ Samer Kalaf. "Asian population critically underrepresented in NFL". Sports. Retrieved September 14, 2013.
  153. ^ Michelle Banh. "Hey American Sports! Where are all the Asians at?". Sports. Archived from the original on September 15, 2013. Retrieved September 14, 2013.
  154. ^ Bryan Chu (December 16, 2008). "Asian Americans remain rare in men's college basketball". Sports. Retrieved September 14, 2013.
  155. ^ "Studying Antecedent and Consequence of Self Efficacy of Asian American Sport Consumers: Development of a Theoretical Framework" (PDF). Socioeconomics. Archived from the original (PDF) on October 4, 2013. Retrieved September 14, 2013.
  156. ^ Barron, David (April 5, 2013). "Lin tells "60 Minutes" his ethnicity played a role in him going undrafted". Houston Chronicle. Archived from the original on April 8, 2013.
  157. ^ Gregory, Sean (December 31, 2009). "Harvard's Hoops Star Is Asian. Why's That a Problem?". Time. Archived from the original on June 4, 2011. Retrieved November 8, 2010. "I've heard it at most of the Ivies if not all of them," he says. Lin is reluctant to mention the specific nature of such insults, but according to Harvard teammate Oliver McNally, another Ivy League player called him a C word that rhymes with ink during a game last season.
  158. ^ "The Lack of Asians and Asian-American Athletes in Professional Sports". Sports. Retrieved September 14, 2013.
  159. ^ Vecsey, George (August 11, 2009). "Pioneering Knick Returns to Garden". The New York Times. p. B-9. Retrieved October 28, 2010. He lasted just three games, but is remembered as the first non-Caucasian player in modern professional basketball, three years before African-Americans were included. The NHL's color barrier was broken by an Asian as well, by Larry Kwong in 1948. He played professionally for 18 years, however, only played one game in the NHL, where he was only played for a single shift lasting about a minute.
  160. ^ "Two-Time Weightlifting Olympic Champion Tommy Kono Dies At 85". Team USA. Retrieved April 26, 2016.
  161. ^ Litsky, Frank (April 29, 2016). "Tommy Kono, Weight-Lifting Champion Raised in Internment Camp, Dies at 85". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved May 3, 2016.
  162. ^ Bengel, Chris. "American snowboarder Chloe Kim wins first competition in 22 months". CBS Olympics. Retrieved May 19, 2021.
  163. ^ Cho, Heather (January 24, 2020). "Olympic medalists Maia and Alex Shibutani to serve as 2020 National Library Week honorary chairs". ALA news. Retrieved May 21, 2021.

External links[edit]

  • Hollywood Chinese Hollywood Chinese, a 2007 documentary film about the portrayals of Chinese men and women in Hollywood productions.
  • The Slanted Screen The Slanted Screen, a 2006 documentary film addressing the portrayals of Asian men in American television and film.