United States occupation of Haiti
|United States occupation of Haiti|
|Part of the Banana Wars|
Top to bottom, left to right: United States Marines in 1915 defending entrance gate in Cap-Haïtien, Marines and a Haitian guide patrolling the jungle during the Battle of Fort Dipitie, U.S. Navy airplanes in Haiti circa 1919
|Commanders and leaders|
Gerald C. Thomas
Franklin D. Roosevelt
Philippe Sudré Dartiguenave
First Caco War:
1,500 American soldiers
2,700 Haitian Gendarmes
First Caco War:|
|Casualties and losses|
First Caco War:
28 Americans killed
70 Gendarmes killed
First Caco War:
3,250 Haitian deaths (US claim)|
Up to 15,000 Haitian deaths (Haitian Historians)
Part of a series on the
|History of Haiti|
|Pre-Columbian Haiti (before 1492)|
|Captaincy General of Santo Domingo (1492–1625)|
|First Empire of Haiti (1804–1806)|
|North Haiti (1806–1820)|
|South Haiti (1806–1820)|
|Republic of Haiti (1820–1849)|
|Second Empire of Haiti (1849–1859)|
|Republic of Haiti (1859–1957)|
|Duvalier dynasty (1957–1986)|
|Anti-Duvalier protest movement|
|Republic of Haiti (1986–present)|
The United States occupation of Haiti began on July 28, 1915, when 330 United States Marines landed at Port-au-Prince, Haiti, on the authority of President of the United States Woodrow Wilson in order to establish control of Haiti's political and financial interests. The July intervention took place following years of socioeconomic instability within Haiti that culminated with the murder of President of Haiti Vilbrun Guillaume Sam by insurgents angered by his ordered executions of elite opposition. The occupation ended on August 1, 1934, after President Franklin D. Roosevelt reaffirmed an August 1933 disengagement agreement. The last contingent of US Marines departed on August 15, 1934, after a formal transfer of authority to the Garde d'Haïti.
During the occupation, Haiti had three new presidents and a new United States created Gendarmerie. The occupation saw two major rebellions and numerous human rights violations including killings and also Corvee labor for infrastructure projects. Under the occupation, the majority of Haitians continued to live impoverished while only a select minority of Haitians supported by the Americans achieved prosperity. The United States expressed goals of improving education, infrastructure and stability in Haiti. The occupation greatly improved some of Haiti's infrastructure, helped grow the economy and redesigned the education system; however Haiti only experienced stability after the unsuccesful rebellions and violence in the early years of the occupation, that resulted in thousands of deaths.
The Haiti indemnity controversy – which France forced upon Haiti through gunboat diplomacy in 1825 due to France's financial loss following Haiti's independence – had resulted in an unstable Haiti as the nation was using eighty percent of its wealth to pay debt to foreign nations by the late-1800s. Simultaneously, the United States had been interested in controlling Haiti in the decades following its independence from France. As a way "to secure a U.S. defensive and economic stake in the West Indies", according to the United States Department of State, President Andrew Johnson of the United States pursued the annexation of Hispaniola, including Haiti, in 1868.
United States and German relations
Going into the twentieth century, Haiti's large debt was held by three nations; France, followed by Germany and lastly the United States. The United States was not concerned by France's influence, though they feared that German influence in Haiti. Germany had intervened in Haiti, including the Lüders affair in 1897, and had been influencing other Caribbean nations during the previous few decades. Germany had also became increasingly hostile to United States domination of the region under its self-proclaimed Monroe Doctrine. In the lead-up to World War I, the strategic importance of the island of Hispaniola – with its manpower, material wealth, and port facilities – was understood by almost all navies operating in the Caribbean, including Germany and the still-neutral United States. Germany had invested in military and intelligence gathering across Hispaniola as part of a wider network of German interest in Latin America and the Caribbean during the 1890s through the 1910s.
Foreign policy of the United States that directly affected its relationship with Haiti was then influenced by President Theodore Roosevelt and his Roosevelt Corollary addition to the Monroe Doctrine. By 1910, President William Howard Taft had granted a large loan to Haiti in order to pay off foreign debts, though this proved to be fruitless due to the size of the debt. The United States' concern over Germany's ambitions was mirrored by apprehension and rivalry between American businessmen and the small German community in Haiti, which although numbering only about 200 in 1910 wielded a disproportionate amount of economic power. German nationals controlled about eighty percent of the country's international commerce. They owned and operated utilities in Cap-Haïten and Port-au-Prince, including the main wharf and a tramway in the capital, and also had built the railway serving the Plain of the Cul-de-Sac.
The German community was more willing to integrate into Haitian society than any other group of Caucasian foreigners, including the more numerous French. Some Germans had married into Haiti's most prominent families of "persons of color" that were mixed race of African-French descent. This enabled them to bypass the constitutional prohibition against foreigners owning land. Nevertheless, the German residents retained strong ties to their homeland and sometimes aided the German military and intelligence networks in Haiti. They also served as the principal financiers of the nation's numerous revolutions, floating loans at high-interest rates to the competing political factions.
Haitian instability and American financial interests
In the first decades of the 20th century, Haiti experienced great political instability and was heavily in debt to France, Germany and the United States. A series of short lived presidencies came and went: President Pierre Nord Alexis was forced from power in 1908, as was his successor François C. Antoine Simon in 1911; President Cincinnatus Leconte (1911–12) was killed in a (possibly deliberate) explosion at the National Palace; Michel Oreste (1913–14) was ousted in a coup, as was his successor Oreste Zamor in 1914. Between 1911 and 1915, Haiti had seven presidents because of political assassinations, coups and forced exiles. Various revolutionary armies carried out the coups. Each was formed by cacos, or peasant militia from the mountains of the north, or who invaded along the porous Dominican border. They were enlisted by rival political factions under the promises of money, which would be paid after a successful revolution, and the opportunity to plunder.
Due to the influence of Germans within Haiti, they were regarded as a threat to American businessmen's financial interests. In an effort to reduce German influence, the United States Department of State State between 1910 and 1911 backed a consortium of American investors, headed by the National City Bank of New York, to acquire investor control of the Banque Nationale de la République d’Haïti (BNRH). This was the country's sole commercial bank and served as the Haitian government's treasury.
In 1914, National City Bank and BNRH began to plan the destabilization of Haiti in order to pressure the United States to intervene. John H. Allen of BNRH stated that if the United States permanently occupied Haiti, he supported National City Bank acquiring all shares of BNRH, believing that it would "pay 20% or better". Executive and lobbyist of National City Bank, Roger Farnham, persuaded United States Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan to have the United States invade Haiti during a telephone call on January 22, 1914. Farnham argued that Haiti was not improving due to continuous internal conflict, that Haitians were not interested in the revolts occurring and that American troops would be welcomed in Haiti. The businessman concluded that Haiti would not improve "until such time as some stronger outside power steps in".
On January 27, 1914, Haitian President Michel Oreste was deposed in a coup and two generals who were brothers, Charles and Oreste Zamor, seized control. In response, the USS Montana sent a marine detachment on January 29 into Port-au Prince to protect American interests. On February 5, 1914, military forces from the French Cruiser Conde and British HMS Lancaster also landed troops. By mutual agreement, these units left the city and boarded their respective war ships on February 9, 1914.
BNRH's Allen telegrammed the State Department on April 8, 1914 requesting that the U.S. Navy sail to Port-au-Prince to deter possible rebellions. In the summer of 1914, the BNRH began to threaten the Haitian government that it would no longer provide payments. Simultaneously, Secretary Bryan telegrammed the United States consul in Cap-Haïtien, writing that the State Department agreed with invading Haiti, telling the consul that the United States "earnestly desires successfully carrying out of Farnham's plan".
National City Bank officials – acting on behalf of Farnham – demanded the State Department to provide military support to acquire Haiti's national reserves, with the bank arguing that Haiti had become to unstable to safeguard the assets. Urged by the National City Bank and the BNRH, with the latter of the two already being under direction of American business interests, the United States Marines took custody of Haiti's gold reserve of about US$50,000 – about $13 million as of 2020 – on December 17, 1914. The Marines transported the gold onto the USS Machias and transferred it to the National City Bank's New York City vault on 55 Wall Street.
In February 1915, Jean Vilbrun Guillaume Sam, son of a former Haitian president, took power as President of Haiti. The culmination of his repressive measures came on 27 July 1915, when he ordered the execution of 167 political prisoners, including former president Zamor, who was being held in a Port-au-Prince jail. This infuriated the population, which rose up against Sam's government as soon as news of the executions reached them. Sam, who had taken refuge in the French embassy, was lynched by an enraged mob in Port-au-Prince as soon as they learned of the executions.
The United States regarded the anti-American revolt against Sam as a threat to American business interests in the country, especially the Haitian American Sugar Company (HASCO). When the caco-supported anti-American Rosalvo Bobo emerged as the next president of Haiti, the United States government decided to act quickly to preserve its economic dominance.
On July 28, 1915, American President Woodrow Wilson ordered 330 United States Marines to occupy Port-au-Prince. Secretary of the Navy instructed the invasion commander, rear admiral William Banks Caperton, to "protect American and foreign" interests. Wilson also wanted to rewrite the Haitian constitution, which banned foreign ownership of land, in order to replace it with one that guaranteed American financial control. To avoid public criticism, Wilson claimed the occupation was a mission to "re-establish peace and order ... [and] has nothing to do with any diplomatic negotiations of the past or the future," as disclosed by Rear Admiral Caperton. Only one Haitian soldier, Pierre Sully, tried to resist the invasion, and he was shot dead by the Marines.
Haitian presidents were not elected by universal suffrage but rather chosen by the Senate. The American occupying authorities therefore looked to find a presidential candidate ready to cooperate with them. Philippe Sudré Dartiguenave, president of the Senate and among the mixed-race elite who supported the United States, agreed to accept the presidency of Haiti in August 1915 after several other candidates had refused.
U.S. takeover of Haitian institutions
For several decades, the Haitian government had been receiving large loans from both American and French banks, and with the political chaos was growing increasingly incapable of repaying their debts. If the anti-American government of Rosalvo Bobo prevailed, there was no guarantee of debt repayment, and American businesses refused to continue investing there. Within six weeks of the occupation, U.S. government representatives seized control of Haiti's customs houses and administrative institutions, including the banks and the national treasury. Under U.S. government control, a total of forty percent of Haiti's national income was designated to repay debts to American and French banks. While this helped improve the economic stability and credibility of the Haitian government, it led to allegations that the American actions froze Haiti's economic development.
In September 1915, the United States Senate ratified the Haitian-American Convention, a treaty granting the United States security and economic oversight of Haiti for a 10-year period. Representatives from the United States wielded veto power over all governmental decisions in Haiti, and Marine Corps commanders served as administrators in the departments. A Haitian gendarmerie, now known as the Garde d'Haïti, was also created and controlled by U.S. Marines.
Rear admiral Caperton ordered his 2,500 Marines to occupy all of Haiti's districts, equipping them with airplanes, cars and trucks. Marines were tasked with multiple duties for their districts; law enforcement, tax collection, medicine distribution and overseeing arbitration. For the next nineteen years, U.S. government advisers ruled Haiti, their authority enforced by the United States Marine Corps.
First Caco War
Opposition to the U.S. occupation began immediately after the Marines entered Haiti and installed a president without the consent of Haitians in 1915. The rebels (called "cacos," after a local bird sharing their ambush tactics) strongly resisted American control of Haiti. The U.S. government and its Haitian puppet regime began a vigorous campaign to destroy the rebel armies. Perhaps the best-known account of this skirmishing came from Marine Major Smedley Butler, awarded a Medal of Honor for his exploits. He was appointed to serve as commanding officer of the Haitian Gendarmerie. He later expressed his disapproval of the U.S. intervention in his 1935 book War Is a Racket.
On November 17, 1915, the Marines captured Fort Rivière, a stronghold of the Cacos rebels, which marked the end of the First Caco War.:201 The United States military issued two Haitian Campaign Medals to U.S. Marine and Naval personnel for service in the country during the periods 1915 and 1919–20.
U.S. forces new Haitian constitution
Shortly after installing Dartiguenave as president of Haiti, President Wilson pursued the rewriting of the Constitution of Haiti. One of the main concerns for the United States was the ban of foreigners from owning Haitian land. Early leader Jean-Jacques Dessalines had forbidden land ownership by foreigners when Haiti became independent to deter foreign influence, and since 1804, some Haitians had viewed foreign ownership as anathema.
The legislature of Haiti immediately rejected the constitution proposed by the United States. Instead, the legislative body began drafting a new constitution of its own that was in contrast to the interests of the United States. Under orders from the United States, President Dartiguenave dissolved the legislature in 1917 after its members refused to approve the proposed constitution.
Haiti's new constitution was drafted under the supervision of Franklin D. Roosevelt, then Assistant Secretary of the Navy. A referendum in Haiti subsequently approved the new constitution in 1918 (by a risible vote of 98,225 to 768). In Roosevelt's new constitution, Haiti explicitly allowed foreigners to purchase land. As a result of opposing the United States' effort of rewriting its constitution, Haiti would remain without a legislative branch until 1929.
Second Caco War
The end of the First World War in 1918 deprived the Haitians of their main ally in the guerrilla struggle. Germany's defeat meant its end as a menace to the U.S. in the Caribbean, as it lost control of Tortuga. Nevertheless, the U.S. continued its occupation of Haiti after the war, despite the embarrassment that it caused President Woodrow Wilson at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 when he supported self-determination among other peoples.
At one time, at least twenty percent of Haitians had been involved in the rebellion against occupation according to africanologist Patrick Bellegarde-Smith. The strongest period of unrest culminated in a 1918 rebellion by up to 40,000 former cacos and other members of the opposition led by Charlemagne Péralte, a former officer of the dissolved Haitian army. The scale of the uprising overwhelmed the Gendarmerie, but U.S. Marine reinforcements helped put down the revolt. For their part, the Haitians resorted to non-conventional tactics, being severely outmatched by their occupiers. Prior to his death,Péralte launched an attack on Port-au-Prince. The assassination of Péralte in 1919 solidified US Marine power over the Cacos.:211–218[page needed] The Second Caco War ended with the death of Benoît Batraville in 1920,:223 who had commanded an assault on the Haitian capital that year. An estimated 2,004 cacos were killed in the fighting, as well as 28 American marines and 70 Haitian gendarmes.
In 1922, Dartiguenave was replaced by Louis Borno, with the US-appointed General John H. Russell, Jr. serving as High Commissioner. At this time the BNRH was completely acquired by National City Bank and its headquarters was moved to New York City.
The Borno-Russell government oversaw the use of forced labor to expand the economy and to complete infrastructure projects. Sisal was introduced to Haiti as a commodity crop, and sugar and cotton became significant exports. However, efforts to develop commercial agriculture met with limited success, in part because much of Haiti's labor force was employed as seasonal workers in the more-established sugar industries of Cuba and the Dominican Republic. An estimated 30,000-40,000 Haitian laborers, known in Cuba as braceros, went annually to the Oriente Province between 1913 and 1931. Many Haitians continued to resent the loss of sovereignty. The Great Depression disastrously affected the prices of Haiti's exports and destroyed the tenuous gains of the previous decade.
Transition to independent Haiti
In 1930, Sténio Vincent, a long-time critic of the occupation, was elected President of Haiti. Herbert Hoover had become concerned about the effects of the occupation, particularly after the December 1929 incident in Les Cayes. Hoover appointed a commission to study the situation, with William Cameron Forbes as the chair.:232–233
The Forbes Commission praised the material improvements that the U.S. administration had achieved, but it criticized the continued exclusion of Haitian nationals from positions of real authority in the government and the constabulary, which had come to be known as the Garde d'Haïti. In more general terms, the commission asserted that "the social forces that created [instability] still remain – poverty, ignorance, and the lack of a tradition or desire for orderly free government." The commission concluded that occupation of Haiti was a failure and that the United States did not "understand the social problems of Haiti". The Hoover administration did not fully implement the recommendations of the Forbes Commission; but United States withdrawal was under way by 1932, when Hoover lost the presidency to Franklin D. Roosevelt.
Franklin D. Roosevelt, who as Assistant Secretary of the Navy had overall responsibility for drafting the 1918 constitution, was a proponent of the "Good Neighbor policy" for the US role in the Caribbean and Latin America. On a visit to Cap-Haïtien in July 1934, Roosevelt reaffirmed an August 1933 disengagement agreement. The last contingent of U.S. Marines departed on August 15, 1934, after a formal transfer of authority to the Garde. The U.S. retained influence on Haiti's external finances until 1947.
The occupation led to numerous agricultural changes such as the introduction of Sisal. Sugarcane and cotton became significant exports, boosting prosperity. Haitian traditionalists, based in rural areas, were highly resistant to U.S.-backed changes, while the urban elites, typically mixed-race, welcomed the growing economy, but wanted more political control. Following the end of the occupation in 1934, under the Presidency of Sténio Vincent (1930–41), debts were still outstanding, though less due to increased prosperity, and the U.S. financial advisor-general receiver handled the budget until 1941.
The occupation greatly improved some of Haiti's infrastructure and centralized power in Port-au-Prince. Infrastructure improvements were particularly impressive: 1700 km of roads were made usable, 189 bridges were built, many irrigation canals were rehabilitated, hospitals, schools, and public buildings were constructed, and drinking water was brought to the main cities. Port-au-Prince became the first Caribbean city to have a phone service with automatic dialing. Agricultural education was organized, with a central school of agriculture and 69 farms in the country.
The United States redesigned the education system. It dismantled the "liberal arts" education which the Haitians had inherited (and adapted) from the French system. The Americans emphasized vocational training, similar to its industrial education for minorities and immigrants in the United States. The elite Haitians despised this system, believing it was discriminatory against their people.
Human rights abuses
During the occupation of Haiti by the United States, human rights abuses were committed against the native Haitian population. Such actions involved the censorship, concentration camps, forced labor, racial segregation, religious persecution of Haitian Vodou practitioners and torture.
The United States Marines ruled Haiti as a military regime using a constant state of martial law, operating the newly-created Haitian gendarmerie to suppress Haitians who opposed occupation. American troops also performed union busting actions, often working on behalf of American business interests, such as the Haitian American Sugar Company, the Haitian American Development Corporation and National City Bank of New York.
At the forefront of Haitian opposition among the educated elite was L'Union Patriotique, which established ties with opponents of the occupation in the U.S. They found allies in the NAACP and among both white and African-American leaders. The NAACP sent civil rights activist James Weldon Johnson, its field secretary, to investigate conditions in Haiti. He published his account in 1920, decrying "the economic corruption, forced labor, press censorship, racial segregation, and wanton violence introduced to Haiti by the U.S. occupation encouraged numerous African Americans to flood the State Department and the offices of Republican Party officials with letters" calling for an end to the abuses and to remove troops.
"Military camps have been built throughout the island. The property of natives has been taken for military use. Haitians carrying a gun were for a time shot on sight. Machine guns have been turned on crowds of unarmed natives, and United States Marines have, by accounts which several of them gave me in casual conversation, not troubled to investigate how many were killed or wounded."
According to Johnson, there was only one reason why the United States occupied Haiti:
"[T]o understand why the United States landed and has for five years maintained military forces in that country, why some three thousand Haitian men, women, and children have been shot down by American rifles and machine guns, it is necessary, among other things, to know that the National City Bank of New York is very much interested in Haiti. It is necessary to know that the National City Bank controls the National Bank of Haiti and is the depository for all of the Haitian national funds that are being collected by American officials, and that Mr. R. L. Farnham, vice-president of the National City Bank, is virtually the representative of the State Department in matters relating to the island republic."
Two years after Johnson published his findings, a congressional investigation began in the United States in 1922. The report from congress did not include testimony from Haitians and ignored allegations involving National City Bank of New York and U.S. Marines. Congress concluded the report by defending a continued occupation of Haiti, arguing that "chronic revolution, anarchy, barbarism, and ruin" would befall upon Haiti if the United States withdrew. Johnson described the congressional investigation as "on the whole, a whitewash".
One controversial event occurred when in an attempt to discourage rebel support from the Haitian population, the US troops took a photograph of Charlemagne Péralte's body tied to a door, and distributed it in the country.:218 However, it had the opposite effect, with the image's resemblance to a crucifixion making it an icon of the resistance and establishing Péralte as a martyr.
In December 1929, hundreds of Haitians protesting local economic conditions in Les Cayes were fired upon by Marines, resulting in up to twenty-two Haitian peasants dead and left fifty-one injured. Academic W. E. B. Du Bois, who had Haitian ancestry, demanded response for the Wilson administrations actions and wrote that U.S. troops "have no designs on the political independence of the island and no desire to exploit it ruthlessly for the take of selfish business interests".
African Americans and Haitian American coalitions horrified of the violence occurring in Haiti called on the U.S. congress to investigate human rights abuses, eventually persuading the American legislature to act. President Herbert Hoover would later appoint two commissions to investigate conditions, including one headed by a former U.S. governor of the Philippines William Cameron Forbes. The commission criticized the exclusion of Haitians from positions of authority in the government and gendarmerie.
During Senate hearings in 1921, the commandant of the Marine Corps reported that, in the 20 months of active unrest, 2,250 Haitians had been killed. However, in a report to the Secretary of the Navy, he reported the death toll as being 3,250. Haitian historians have claimed the true number was much higher. One went so far as to say, "the total number of battle victims and casualties of repression and consequences of the war might have reached, by the end of the pacification period, four or five times that – somewhere in the neighborhood of 15,000 persons." This is not supported by most historians outside Haiti.
A corvée policy of forced labor was enacted upon Haitians, enforced by the U.S.-operated Haitian gendarmerie in the interest of improving economic conditions to fulfill foreign debts – including payments to the United States – and to improve the nation's infrastructure. In some instances, Haitians were forced to work on projects without pay and while shackled to chains. The corvée system's treatment of Haitians has been compared to the system of bondage labor enforced upon black Americans during the Reconstruction era following the American Civil War.
The United States introduced Jim Crow laws to Haiti with racist attitudes towards the Haitian people by the American occupation forces were blatant and widespread. Many of the Marines who were chosen to occupy Haiti were from the Southern United States, resulting in racial tensions. Initially, there was intermingling of officers and the elites at social gatherings and clubs but when families of American forces began arriving, such gatherings were minimized. Relations degraded rapidly upon departure of officers for World War I. The Haitian elite found the American junior and non-commissioned officers to be ignorant and uneducated. There were numerous reports of remaining Marines drinking to excess, fighting, and sexually assaulting women. The situation was so bad that Marine General John A. Lejeune, based in Washington, D.C., banned the sale of alcohol to any military personnel.
The Americans inhabited neighborhoods of Port-au-Prince in high quality housing. This neighborhood was called the "millionaires' row". Hans Schmidt recounted a navy officer's opinion on the matter of segregation: "I can't see why they wouldn't have a better time with their crowd, just as I do with mine." American racial intolerance provoked indignation and resentment – and eventually a racial pride that was reflected in the work of a new generation of Haitian historians, ethnologists, writers, artists, and others. Many of these later became active in politics and government. The elite Haitians, who were mostly mixed race with higher levels of education and capital, continued to dominate the country's bureaucracy and to strengthen its role in national affairs.
Colorism, which had existed since French colonization, had also become prevalent once more under American occupation and racial segregation became common . All three rulers during the occupation came from the country's mixed-race elite. At the same time, many in the growing black professional classes departed from the traditional veneration of Haiti's French cultural heritage and emphasized the nation's African roots. Among these were ethnologist Jean Price-Mars and the journal Les Griots (the title referred to traditional African oral historians, the storytellers.) edited by Dr. François Duvalier.
Loss of German influence
Finally, the political, military, and economic power of both the German-Haitian community and the Imperial German government were utterly broken by the long years of hostile occupation. Germans had been censured for association with anti-American mobilization. German intelligence cells operating on the island were purged or forced to surrender. The US had entered the war against the German Empire in 1917, and in 1918 the latter was defeated in the war and almost immediately collapsed. The remaining German-Haitians were largely left isolated, with many opting to emigrate (usually back to Germany) or to stay on and try to claw their way back.
Haitian writers and public figures also responded to the occupation. For example, a minister of public education, Dantès Bellegarde raised issues with the events in his book, La Résistance Haïtienne (l'Occupation Américaine d'Haïti). Bellegarde outlines the contradictions of the occupation with the realities. He accused President Wilson of writing the new Haitian Constitution to benefit the Americans, and wrote that Wilson's main purpose was to remove the previous Haitian clause that stated foreigners could not own land in the country. The original clause was designed to protect Haiti's independence from foreign powers. With the clause removed, Americans (including whites and other foreigners) could now own land. Furthermore, Bellegarde discusses the powerlessness of Haitian officials in the eyes of the Occupation because nothing could be done without the consent of the Americans. However, the main issue that Bellegarde articulates is that the Americans tried to change the education system of Haiti from one that was French based to that of the Americans. Even though Bellegarde was resistant he had a plan to build a university in Haiti that was based on the American system. He wanted a university with various schools of science, business, art, medicine, law, agriculture, and languages all connected by a common area and library. However, that dream was never realized because of the new direction the Haitian government was forced to take.
Jean Price-Mars associated the reasons behind the Occupation to the division between the Haitian elite and the poorer people of the country. He noted that the groups were divided over the practice of Haitian Vodou, with the implication that the elites did not recognize Vodou because they connected it to an evil practice.
Pezullo writes in his 2006 book Plunging Into Haiti: Clinton, Aristide, and the Defeat of Diplomacy that the racism similar to Jim Crow laws in the United States inspired black nationalism within Haiti and ignited future support for Haitian dictator François Duvalier.
Ostensibly initiated on humane grounds, the occupation had not fulfilled any of its stated goals of building infrastructure, expanding education, or providing internal or regional stability. Repressive violence emerged as its only purpose and logic.
According to a 2020 study which contrasts the American occupations of both Haiti and Dominica, the United States had a longer and more domineering occupation of Haiti because of perceived racial differences between the two populations. Dominican elites articulated a European–Spanish identity – in contrast to Haitian blackness – which led U.S. policymakers to accept leaving the territory in the population's hands.
- History of Haiti
- Banana Wars
- Parsley Massacre
- Battle of Fort Dipitie
- Battle of Fort Rivière
- United States occupation of the Dominican Republic (1916–1924)
- Haiti during World War I
- Foreign interventions by the United States
- United States involvement in regime change
- Racial capitalism
- Clodfelter (2017). Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures, 1492-2015. p. 378.
- Hans Schmidt (1971). The United States Occupation of Haiti, 1915–1934. Rutgers University Press. p. 102. ISBN 9780813522036.
- Farmer, Paul (2003). The Uses of Haiti. Common Courage Press. p. 98.
- Alcenat, Westenly. "The Case for Haitian Reparations". Jacobin. Retrieved February 20, 2021.
- "U.S. Invasion and Occupation of Haiti, 1915-34". United States Department of State. July 13, 2007. Retrieved February 24, 2021.
- Paul Farmer, The Uses of Haiti (Common Courage Press: 1994)
- Occupation of Haiti, 1915-34, US Department of State
- Schmidt, 35.
- "Hurry Election Of Simon In Haiti; Followers Fear Delay May Cause Disorders And Invite Intervention From United States" New York Times 8 December 1908
- "Simon Elected President; Following Action by Haitian Congress, He Is Recognized By The United States", New York Times 18 December 1908
- "Leconte in Haiti's Capital; Revolutionary Leader Takes Possession of National Palace" (PDF). The New York Times. August 8, 1911. p. 4. Retrieved January 13, 2010.
- Hayes, Carlton H.; Edward M. Sait (December 1912). "Record of Political Events". Political Science Quarterly. 27 (4): 752. doi:10.2307/2141264. JSTOR 2141264.
- Kaplan, U.S. Imperialism in Latin America, p. 61.
- Heinl 1996, p. 791.
- Douglas, Paul H. from Occupied Haiti, ed. Emily Greene Balch (New York, 1972), 15–52 reprinted in: Money Doctors, Foreign Debts, and Economic Reforms in Latin America. Wilmington, Delaware: Edited by Paul W. Drake, 1994.
- Hudson, Peter James (2013). "The National City Bank of New York and Haiti, 1909–1922". Radical History Review. Duke University Press. Winter 2013 (115): 91–107. doi:10.1215/01636545-1724733.
- Johnson 2019, p. 66.
- Bytheway, Simon James; Metzler, Mark (2016). Central Banks and Gold: How Tokyo, London, and New York Shaped the Modern World. Cornell University Press. p. 43. ISBN 9781501706509.
- Millett, Allan Reed (1991). Semper Fidelis: The History of the United States Marine Corps. New York: Simon and Schuster. p. 185. ISBN 9780029215968.
- Weinstein, Segal 1984, p.28
- "Haiti's Tragic History": Review of Laurent Dubois, Haiti: The Aftershocks of History, New York Times, 1 January 2012
- Weston 1972, p. 217.
- Pamphile, Léon Dénius (2008). Clash of Cultures :America's Educational Strategies in Occupied Haiti, 1915-1934. Lanham: University Press of America. p. 22. ISBN 9780761839927.
- Renda, Mary (2001). Taking Haiti: Military Occupation and the Culture of U.S. Imperialism 1915-1940. Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press. pp. 30–31. ISBN 978-0-8078-2628-7.
- Weinstein, Segal 1984, p. 29.
- Plunging Into Haiti: Clinton, Aristide, and the Defeat of Diplomacy, p. 78, at Google Books
- Pezzullo, Ralph (2006). Plunging Into Haiti: Clinton, Aristide, and the Defeat of Diplomacy. University Press of Mississippi. pp. 77–100. ISBN 9781604735345.
- Sannon, Horace Pauleus (1933) . Histoire de Toussaint-Louverture. Port-Au-Prince: Impr. A.A. Héraux. p. 142.
- Musicant, I, The Banana Wars, 1990, New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., ISBN 0025882104
- U.S. Haiti Rebellion 1918, On War
- Roosevelt asserted his authorship of the Haitian Constitution in several speeches during his 1920 campaign for Vice President - which was at best a politically awkward overstatement and caused some controversy in the campaign. (Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Crisis of the Old Order, 364, citing 1920 Roosevelt Papers for speeches in Spokane, San Francisco, and Centralia.)
- "SAYS AMERICA HAS 12 LEAGUE VOTES; Roosevelt Declares He Himself Had Two Until Last Week, Referring to Minor Republics" (PDF). The New York Times. August 19, 1920.
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