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was a miniature painter of the Ghent Bruges school, generally considered one of the most prominent artists of his generation.[1] born either in Ghent or Antwerp [Note] to illuminator Alexander Bening and Catherine de Goes, possibly a sister or niece of Hugo van der Goes.[2] He worked as an apprentice in the family workshop in Ghent, probably trained by his father.

Children: Getty & Hindman: 6. McKendrick: 5 (?!)

Testa 1994.

  • Backhouse, Janet. The Illuminated Page: Ten Centuries of Manuscript Painting in the British Library. London: British Library, 1997. ISBN: 978-0-71234-840-9
  • Hindman, Sandra et al. Illuminations in the Robert Lehman Collection. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1997.
  • Kren, Thomas; Mc Kendrick, Scot. Illuminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting in Europe (exhibition catalogue). Los Angeles: Getty publications, 2003. ISBN: 9780892367047
  • Morrison, Elizabeth and Kren, Thomas (eds). Flemish Manuscript Painting in Context. Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Trust, 2006. ISBN 978-0-89236-852-5


Taymouth Hours

Unicorn sarnie, anyone?

Romance of Beves of Hampton [1] & Phantom tales of Woman Ingratitude (not known to us). Bevis: romance as "quintessentially vernacular genre. Brantley, p. 87.

Images: a mixture of sacred text and Romance stories [audience→ romances were popular per se/so were books of hours (their role is, however, extremely difficult to define)]

Comparison with works by Pucelle in Blick & and Gelfand (p. 113) and Stanton (QM'sP, p. 198). Both cite Panofsky.

Bedford workshop

"the Lamoignon Hours (Lisbon, Gulbenkian Foundation, MS LA 237): made c. 1420 and owned by Isabella of Brittany[14]" (lousy source)→ Susie Nash. Between France and Flanders: Manuscript Illumination in Amiens p. 158. "certainly completed by 1430" (cf p. 124)

Hours of Charlotte of Savoy (M 1004), p. 138

"the Sobieski Hours: made c. 1420-1425, probably for Margaret of Burgundy, Dauphine of France, and wife of Louis of Guyenne".[16] →Godfried Hrsg Croenen; Peter F. Ainsworth. Patrons, Authors And Workshops: Books And Book Production in Paris Around 1400. p. 461 (about a specific hand.

Sherborne Missal 216 Cambridge

Sherborne Missal 216 BL

Richard W. Pfaff, The Liturgy in Medieval England: A History: 68 illuminations, many of them full page (cf p. 237) vs. Crucifixion is the only one (Backhouse). Cost and wages (cf p 241) and someone else (who?).

Overview from BLDMss

Date: 9th c. 830 – c. 840.

c. 834-843 (abbacy of Adalhard) [not this chap Adalard of Corbie. Weird]

or 843-851 (abbacy of Vivien)

or in the transition period between abbacies of Fridigus (807-834) and Adalhard.

Place: Benedictine abbey of St Martin in Tours [ Basilica of St. Martin, Tours?]. Offered to MG still in 9th century.

It contains an emended version of the entire Vulgate (A offered this version to Ch on his coronation day). It's one of three surviving copies. These copies were made for distribution around the empire [BLtp affirms that all the bibles were produced at the abbey of Tours. Other sources don't]. Colophon picture is an Apocalypse miniature (Dutton & Kessler, p. 86). 4 full-page miniatures. 4 historiated initials in colour, gold and silver. Incipit (full-page) and initials at the beginning of books with interlace decoration.

449 ff. Parchment. 510 x 375 mm ("enormous"). Caroline minuscule ["highly legible". Boynton p. 107. Some 20 monks involved (others say more than 24 hands. Also a sign of its importance). Quire number were added by a 16th-century hand.

Connection b/w size and function. General concepts on book production and scriptoria (political, cultural and economic factors).

Boynton, p. 107

Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation, p. 23. A gave a copy of the emended b to Ch on his coronation day. Abbey in Tours produced copies for other churches.

Mc Kitterick, p. 140. mentions 3 "Great Tour Bibles":→ MG, Bamberg B and Vivian Bmore detail in Imaging the Early Medieval Bible, edited by John Williams (mass production):

p. 132 ff: W seems to disagree with David Ganz→ Made to be read in the church (public readings, quotes Carmen 66 by A) and with the supposed didactic function of such readings.

"for communication in a context we cannot at present reconstruct" (Mc K in Williams).

p. 133: by "church", A might have meant not a building (sort of a modern interpretation of the word) but a chapter house or refectory, ie, whatever place Christian people gather together.

p. 143: cheaper bibles vs. made-to-order, luxurious bibles. [cf also Avrin: revival of the tradition of the "gift book"]

Rosamond McKitterick, History and Memory in the Carolingian World, p. 243 "the power of the written word and by implication those who controlled and produced books" (how books are depicted on several Carolingian illuminations).

From N' (with a pinch of salt – not v. accurate)

Apart from New and Old Testament, poems by A [cf. McK The C and the Written W and History and Memory in the Carolingian World, p. 177: Salzburg Liber Vitae contains poems on the church of St Rupert by A. Were copied on blank pages in the 11th and 12th centuries. Dutton & Kessler, p. 68: there's a dedication poem in MG.].

Timeline: It's "fairly certain" that it was offered to MG in 9th c. During the Reformation, monks ("chanoines, héritiers des moines") move to Delémont in 1534, taking the bible w/ them [Huguenots in MG]. In 1792 revolutionaries forced the monks ("chanoines") to leave and the bible is left (forgotten) in the attic of the chapter house in Delémont. 1821 or 22: kids find the bible in the chapter house and give it to the owners of the property (demoiselles Verdat). The ladies sell it to an Alexis Bennot (vice-president of the court of Delémont) for 25 batz (Vaud franc). In turn, he sells it for 24 louis d'or to Speyr Passavant, a bookdealer from Basle on 19 March 1822. From 1822 on Passavant exhibits it in several European countries – passing it off as the bible that A gave to Ch in 801. Passavant sold it to the BM for 750 £ in 1836. [slightly different version on BLDMss and Tymms]

[convent in Prum: mentioned by Henry (p.54) and the other 2 old sources (Mémoires and Fribourg. Why nuffink in modern ones?]


Minuscule Caroline: widely spread in the 9th c. Systematisation of punctuation & spacing b/w words and sentences. Standardisation of ligatures, abbreviations and contractions. cf p. 190.

Role of books in CE. cf. p. 244–5.

Bible text: the version by A (804) + additions by Fridugisus and Aldahar. (cf Emulation and Innovation, p. 222 22 ff)

W. R. Tymms and M. D. Wyatt, The Art of Illuminating as Practised in Europe from the Earliest Times. London: Day and Sons, 1860 (pl. IX. 6-7, pp. 29-30.

The painting's near miniature size contrast with Mary's unrealistically large stature compared with her setting. She physically dominates the cathedral; her head is almost level with the approximately sixty feet high gallery.[3] This distortion of scale in relation to the interior is found in other van Eyck's Madonna paintings where Mary's massive size means the architectural space lacks headroom. Pächt describes the interior as a "throne room", which envelopes her as if a "carrying case".[4] Her monumental stature reflects a tradition reaching back to an Italo-Byzantine type – perhaps best known through Giotto's Ognissanti Madonna (c. 1310) – and emphasises her identification with the cathedral itself. Art historian Till-Holger Borchert says that van Eyck did not paint her as "the Madonna in a church", but instead as metaphor, presenting Mary "as the Church".[5] This idea that her size represents her embodiment as the church was first suggested by Erwin Panofsky in 1941. Art historians in the 19th century, who thought the work was executed early in van Eyck's career, attributed her scale as the mistake of a relatively immature painter.[6]

[In your version ("Her monumental stature reflects a tradition reaching back to an Italo-Byzantine type, perhalps best known through Giotto's Ognissanti Madonna (c. 1310), which emphasises her identification with the cathedral itself."), the tradition can be interpreted as being what emphasises the identification, not vE's trick]

The presentation is today seen as deliberate, and opposite to both his Madonna of Chancellor Rolin and Arnolfini Portrait. These works show interiors seemingly too small to contain the figures, a device van Eyck used to create and emphasise an intimate space shared by donor and saint.[7] The Virgin's height recalls his Annunciation of 1434–36, although in that composition there are no architectural fittings to give a clear scale to the building. Perhaps reflecting the view of a "relatively immature painter", a copy of the Annunciation by Joos van Cleve shows Mary at a more realistic proportion scale to her surroundings.[3]

Mary is presented as a Marian apparition; in this case she probably appears before a donor, who would have been kneeling in prayer in the now lost opposite panel.[8] The idea of a saint appearing before laity was common in Northern art of the period,[9] and is also represented in van Eyck's Virgin and Child with Canon van der Paele (1434–36). There, the Canon is portrayed as if having just momentarily paused to reflect on a passage from his hand-held bible as the Virgin and Child with two saints appear before him, as if embodiments of his prayer.[10]

  1. ^ Backhouse (1997), 226
  2. ^ Kren and McKendrick (2003), 447
  3. ^ a b Cite error: The named reference H169 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  4. ^ Pächt (1999), 203–205
  5. ^ Cite error: The named reference B63 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  6. ^ Panofsky (1953), 145
  7. ^ Harbison (1991), 100
  8. ^ Cite error: The named reference h99 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  9. ^ Harbison (1995), 96
  10. ^ Rothstein (2005), 50