From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigation Jump to search
    • POV{{}}


Written pornography[edit]

The origins of written pornography — writing intended to arouse — are unknown. The Song of Songs (the song which stands out over all the others as "really a song") is at least openly celebrating the physical joys of matrimony. Sexuality was generally accepted in Classical antiquity, and books were far too expensive for wide use, although poets like Martial wrote about sexual acts and proclivities. Greek homosexuality was widely known, uncontroversial, and emerges in various Greek books. Greek civilization was considered the most refined of the Nediterranean.

It was the invention of paper, and movable type printing, that gave written pornography an opportunity. Following the usual practice that "if a new technology can be adopted to a sexual purpose it will, and quickly", publishers issued pornographic works as soon as the demands for higher-status items like missals, Bibles, and Classics had been met. It was, as never since, a time of Spanish doninance, and in 1517 there appeared in Spanish the first book openly intended for sexual arousal: the Cancionero de obras de burlas, provocantes a risa ("A Collection of Facetious Works, to make you laughfamous example

Pictorial visual pornography[edit]


The Monument to Enslaved Laborers is a memorial being constructed on the campus of the University of Virginia, in Charlottesville, Virginia. It will honor the slaves who built the central buildings on the campus. Completion is expected in October, 2019. UVA COMMEMORATES ENSLAVED LABORERS AT ‘LIBERATION AND FREEDOM DAY’ CEREMONY

  • Bromley, Anne E. (March 3, 2019). "UVa Commemorates Enslaved Laborers at 'Liberation and Freedom Day' Ceremony". UVa Today.

The Tragic Era[edit]

Du Bous' answer The Tragic Era. The Revolution after Lincoln (1929)[1] is a best-selling popular history of the Reconstruction Era by Democratic party leader Claude G. Bowers. It was Bowers' favorite among the several books he wrote,[2]:100 two others of which were also best-sellers (Party Battles of the Jackson Period, 1922, and Jefferson and Hamilton: The Struggle for Democracy in America, 1925).

Bowers' position[edit]

To say "Bowers' position" is to say "the contents of Bowers' book". He made no effort to be impartial and did not see any reason to do so.

Bowers, in The Tragic Era, saw Reconstruction as the domination of the South by a vindictive and corrupt North. This was the work of "bitter" politicians, the leader of whom was Radical Republican House Speaker Thaddeus Stevens. Acording to Dixon, they were out to punish and humiliate the South by having freedmen rule over whites (and thus assure the dominance of the Republican party in the 1868 elections and beyond, as Landon C. Bell points out in a critique of Bowers' book[3]). Self-serving carpetbaggers exploited the new negro voters' ignorance to their own corrupt benefit.

Never have American public men in responsible positions, directing the destiny of the Nation, been so brutal, hypocritical, and corrupt. The Constitution was treated as a doormat on which politicians and army officers wiped their feet after wading in the muck.[1]:v

The freedmen were mostly uneducated and often illiterate; teaching them to read was in the later Antebellum period a crime. (See Anti-literacy laws in the United States.)

They were told, with cruel malice, that the land they had formerly cultivated as slaves was to be given them. Accepting it seriously, some had actually taken possession and planted corn and cotton.[1]:48

But for the suggestions of soldiers and agitators, the former masters and slaves might easily have effected a social readjustment to their mutual benefit, but this was not the game intended. The negroes must be turned against their former masters; it was destiny perhaps that the carpetbagger should be served.[1]:47 Left to themselves, the negros would have turned for leadership to the native whites, who understood them best.... Imperative, then, that they be taught to hate.[1]:198

Freedom — it meant idleness, and gathering in noisy groups in the streets.... Freedom meant throwing aside all marital obligations, deserting wives and taking new ones, and in an indulgence in sexual promiscuity that soon took its toll in the victims of consumption and venereal disease.... Jubilant, and happy, the negro...was in no mood to discuss work.[1]:49

Contemporary reception[edit]

The Tragic Era was picked by Mark Van Doren as the September, 1929, selection of the Literary Guild book club, meaning 70,000 copies were sold before it was published on September 6.[4] The hardback was reprinted 12 times before it was issued as a paperback. It has never gone out of print.[5]:19

It is "perhaps the single most widely read history of Reconstruction and therefore a work of considerable influence."[5]:19

Along with the enormously popular Birth of a Nation, whose position on Reconstruction is almost the same as Bowers', it "helped mold a generation's racist view of Reconstruction".[6] He popularized the views of the Dunning School historians, seven of whom he cites.[5]:21 n. 5

The first impression made by Bowers' book is one of "apparently thorough research".[7]:21 Its 567 pages bristle with footnotes. The list of "Manuscripts, Books and Newspapers Consulted and Cited" occupies 7 pages (541–547), and it has a detailed, professionally-prepared index (549–567), as the New York Times noted.[8] It is well written. The author, being from Indiana, is not geographically suspect (he was not a Southerner).

It was cited in arguments before the Supreme Court by those opposing Brown v. Board of Education.[2]:100

He "expressed pride when southern segregationists used the book to oppose civil rights legislation a quarter century later.

According to the review in the New York Times, it was "an immensely important contribution to history" "the chapters on Reconstriction conditions in the South are masterpieces" "prodigious documentation" "the first compilation of the case and comment of Reconstruction worthy of its titanic scheme".[8]

A dissenting contemporary voice[edit]

he was editor}} 247: All three of the volumes of Mr. Bowers would be much sounder, live longer and do less harm, had he understood that it is not so much the business of the historian to blame and praise, as to explain political leaders. Neither is it the chief business of the historian to drive his own interpretations into the 248 minds of his readers with the most forceful English that he can command, but instead to present the truth clearly leaving his readers free to form their own conclusions in the presence of the evidence impartially stated. 248 selection of the Guild was Wood ward's Meet General Grant. The choice of these volumes by the keen-minded Carl Van Doren and his associates carries a heavy responsibility. It seems to imply that these intellectual leaders, who have assumed the task of educating the tastes of cultivated readers, prefer books in the field of history that have high literary quality. They must of course, understand the desirability of unbiased accounts, balanced narratives, and presentations of truth for its own sake, but evidently these seemingly indispensible qualities of historical writing have been considered as secondary

Later reevaluation=[edit]

Praised by historians when it appeared, more recently it has been reviled by professional historians.[[5]] The Tragic Era is still recommended reading on neo-Confederate Internet sites."[9]

Called "hyperbolic and racist",[9]

"Of course the Negro was not ready for the vote, claimed Bowers; only idleness, promiscuity, drunkenness, arrogant assumptions of equality, and manipulation by carpetbaggers followed the political elevation of the freedman."[5]:20


NEGROES DOonning klan costumes tragic era 311

not one article in his ____ page biblio no book reviews

positive view of Andrew Johnson someone said worst of presidents

very detailed, professional index

used unpublished diary kyvig1977 28 n 27

Holman Hamilton, “Before ‘The Tragic Era’: Claude Bowers’s Earlier Attitudes Toward Reconstruction,” Mid-America, LV (October, 1973), 235-44.

h-net review:As journalist, orator, historian and diplomat, Claude Bowers was a consistent advocate of democracy. He supported Progressivism, the New Deal, and the Fair Deal, a model liberal Democrat on every issue except racial justice, which he never accepted. In this he may have followed the footsteps of his great hero, Thomas Jefferson.




He has leading ladies by the dozen, villians by the score..... Judge Williams is one of the score. Heroes are few. The reviewer is startled to find that all the villians are Republicans, while the heroes are of another party or turncoat G. 0. P.-ers. As one-sided history, the book is a masterpiece.

|volume=25 |number=3 |year=1929 |pages=246–248 |url=//}}

  • The Tragic Era: The Revolution after Lincoln

  • 2. Ebscohost

Washington at Last? Detail Only Available Review By: Bowers, Claude G. Nation. 10/27/1926, Vol. 123 Issue 3199, p431-432. 2p. , Database: MasterFILE Complete Reviews several books. "George Washington: The Image and the Man," by W.E. Woodward; "George Washington, 1732-1762," by Rupert Hughes; "The Family Life of George Washington," by Charles Moore. not free:

  • muse

|last=Kolchin |first=Peter |title=Comparative Perspectives on Emancipation in the U.S. South: Reconstruction, Radicalism, and Russia |magazine=Journal of the Civil War Era |volume=2 |number=2 |year=2012 |pages=203-232 |via=Project MUSE |doi=10.1353/cwe.2012.0058

    • Thomas, Brook. "The Unfinished Task of Grounding Reconstruction’s Promise." The Journal of the Civil War Era, vol. 7 no. 1, 2017, pp. 16-38. Project MUSE, doi:10.1353/cwe.2017.0011


  1. ^ a b c d e f Bowers, Claude G. (1929). The Tragic Era : The Revolution after Lincoln. Cambridge: Riverside. OCLC 974179800. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "Tragic" defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  2. ^ a b Bushnell, Scott M. (2007). Hard news, heartfelt opinions : a history of the "Fort Wayne Journal Gazette". Indiana University Press.
  3. ^ Bell, Landon C. (January 1930). The Lincoln Myths Are Passing—but Slowly. Bowers' Tragic Era [sic]. Tyler's Quarterly Historical and Genealogical Magazine (reprint). p. 5.
  4. ^ "The Literary Guild Selects the Tragic Era by Claude G. Bowers". Capital Times (Madison, Wisconsin). September 1, 1929. p. 32 – via
  5. ^ a b c d e Kyvig, David E. (1977). "History as Present Politics: Claude Bowers' The Tragic Era". Indiana Magazine of History. pp. 17–31. Retrieved July 3, 2019.
  6. ^ Kyvig, David E. (December 2003). "Review of Peter J. Sehlinger". Indiana Magazine of History. 99 (4). pp. 388–389 – via EbscoHost.
  7. ^ Cite error: The named reference kyvig1977 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  8. ^ a b Krock, Arthur (September 8, 1929). "Mr. Bowers Rebuilds the Stormy Reconstruction Period". New York Times. pp. 34, 44.
  9. ^ a b Pegram, Thomas R. (September 2002). "Review of Spokesman for Democracy: Claude G. Bowers, 1878-1958, by Peter J. Sehlinger and Holman Hamilton". Journal of American History. 89 (2). p. 682.

Lost music[edit]

magnetic tape

never written or recorded

archive of masters of some company



Richmond exposition[edit],1915,1916&ob=1&ssdi=1&pr=50&psb=relevance&search=y/

Likenesses of Cervantes[edit]

There is no authentic, documented likeness of Miguel de Cervantes.

Since Cervantes is commonly held to be the greatest author in the Spanish language, author of a work which is undisputedly a classic, it is commonly assumed that a portrait of him must exist. A simple Internet search — such as — will in fact produce many portraits of him. Historians of Spanish art unanimously agree that there is no documentation that any of them is of the famous author.

We know, from Cervantes' own words in his prologue to the Exemplary Novels, that he had been painted by Juan de Jáuregui. In the same passage, Cervantes complains that the publisher of his work was unwilling to pay to have it engraved, so that it could be used as frontispiece of the book.

An internet search for Jáuregui's portrait of Cervantes — such as — produces hundreds if not thousands of results. None of them are signed by Jáuregui, and there is no evidence that the person portrayed in any of them is Cervantes.

Flood of 1935[edit]


go through Kan. hist newsletters=

pictures of Audrey Remchuk=

tracks while subway built=

Replacing wooden trestles:

Kennedy gulch

route 36 arterial[edit]

Hartford Bible Convention[edit]

The Hartford Bible Convention was held on June 2–5, 1853, in the Melodeon, a venue in Hartford, Connecticut. Its stated purpose was to examine the Bible's "origin, authority, and influence", which implied opposition toward traditional religion. As the hostile Hartford Courant pointed out, religious skeptics, spiritualists, and atheists were joined by abolitionists, concerned because the Bible was regularly quoted as endorsing slavery, and women's suffragists, concerned because the Bible was cited as endorsing male supremacy.[1] It was in essence a get-together of the left wing of the day, people opposed in one way or another to antebellum American society. There was no other such meeting during the period.

The call[edit]

An announcement of the convention and call for participation appeared in various American newspapers in April of 1853. It bore the names of Andrew Jackson Davis, William Green, Jr., and William P. Donaldson, "on behalf of a large number of persons." It invited "Clergymen and Laymen, without distinction of sect", as well as "philosophers, theologians, thinkers and religionists"...[2]

The "call" was reproduced at the beginning of the proceedings:


The undersigned, solicitous for the advancement of the cause of Truth and Humanity, hereby invite all who are friendly to free discussion, to attend a Convention to be held at Hartford, Conn., on Thursday, Friday, Saturday, and Sunday 2d, 3d, 4th, and 5th of June next, for the purpose of freely and fully canvassing the Origin, Authority, and Influence of the Jewish and Christian Scriptures.

This invitation is not given to any particular class of Philosophers, Theologians, or Thinkers, but is in good faith extended to all who feel an interest in the examination of the questions above stated. There are many who believe that a supernatural Revelation has been given to man ; many others who deny this, and a large number who are afflicted with perplexing doubts — trembling between the silent skepticism of their reason and the fear of absolute denial. In issuing a call for a Convention, we have in view the correction of error, by which party soever entertained, and the relief of those who stand between doubt and fear, from their embarrassing position.

Abolitionists William Lloyd Garrison, "the great gun of Abolitionism", Henry C. Wright, Parker Pillsbury, and William Stillman were among the atendees.[3]

The meeting[edit]

The participants quickly and spontaneously divided themselves into pro- and anti-Bible factions; if there were participants who were confused and have their doubts resolved from the debate, they do not appear in the Proceedings.

Press coverage[edit]

Press coverage before, during, and after was uniformly derisive; the press called it the "anti-Bible convention" and the "atheist convention". According to the National Intelligencer:

The assembly was not numerous. There were not so many present as would ordinarily be found at a morning Methodist class-meeting in a country village. [The New York Times reported attendance of 200.[4]] The concourse was, however, motley, there being a sprinkling of blacks, persons with unshorn beards, women of a very quarter-of-a-dollarish air, and men of longing and enthusiastic aspects. There were those who seemed to be ambitious to play the Christ of the movement, in so far as it could be done by parting their hair on their foreheads, and leaving it uncut behind, and wearing beards to match.[5]

In the opinion of the New York Times, "No damage will result from such a Parliament of spiritual quacks, beyond the shame to which the members will be exposed."[2]

The New York Daily Herald reported:

The various organs and missionaries in the North, of socialism, abolitionism, atheism, spiritual manifestations, and amalgamation, have not been laboring in their ungodly and detestable work without success. They have gained some proselytes—they have picked up a considerable number, indeed, of crack-brained philosophers, sceptical teachers of religion, strong minded women, and poor, deluded negroes, and are leading them about as a Jack-o'-the-lantern leads a benighted traveller into the depths of a morass.[6]

The worst was from the local Hartford Courant:

It was an assembly of Abolitionists, Women's Rights believers, Spiritual Rappers and Atheists, gathered for the purpose of spitting out their venom against all that this community hold sacred...the Bible...Christ...God.... The Infidel repeated the stale and worn-out puerilities of Voltaire and Tom Paine, and called them arguments.... The opponents of the Bible filled the ears of the audience with the most revolting blasphemies, and made the Convention a miniature Hell, with Demons spitting out the concentrated malice of their hearts, in terms of "condensed damnation." The most revolting scene was when a specimen of the "fair sex" [Ernestine Rose] pronounced her tirades against the Deity and the Scriptures[,] said to be the most blasphemous stuff uttered in the Convention.... She refuses the Christianity of the New Testament because women were not allowed to speak in the churches! ...We trust that the soil of Connecticut will never be desecrated again, and her laws set at defiance, by such an assemblage, or the air of Connecticut polluted again by such blasphemy.[1]

Publication of the addresses delivered was planned from the outset, as the Call said "Measures have been taken to secure the services of a good phonographic [Pitman shorthand] reporter, to make a faithful record of the proceedings of the Convention. It is designed, as far as possible and agreeable to the individuals, to obtain a full and impartial report of the speeches made during the discussion, pro or con, for publication in a book form."[7]

    • Baltimore Daily Commercial (Baltimore, Maryland)

07 May 1845, Wed Page 2 ----NY Infidels convention

    • Anti-bible conference in Salem, Ohio The Ohio Organ, of the Temperance Reform (Cincinnati, Ohio)

18 Feb 1853, Fri page 4

    • The Liberator (Boston, Massachusetts)

14 Mar 1856, Fri Page 2

    • New-York Tribune (New York, New York)

29 Apr 1853, Fri Page 4

    • call The Liberator (Boston, Massachusetts)

20 May 1853, Fri Page 3

    • Hartford Courant (Hartford, Connecticut)

25 May 1853, Wed Page 2

    • Brooklyn Daily Eagle (Brooklyn, New York)

03 Jun 1853, Fri Page 2

    • The New York Times (New York, New York)

04 Jun 1853, Sat Page 1

    • New York Daily Herald (New York, New York)

05 Jun 1853, Sun Page 4

    • Hartford Courant (Hartford, Connecticut)

06 Jun 1853, Mon Page 2

    • Hartford Courant (Hartford, Connecticut)

07 Jun 1853, Tue Page 2

    • New-York Tribune (New York, New York)

08 Jun 1853, Wed Page 4

    • Hartford Courant (Hartford, Connecticut)

08 Jun 1853, Wed Page 2 broken up letter from student

    • The Liberator (Boston, Massachusetts)

10 Jun 1853, Fri nothing i teresting on the 3rd Page 2

    • Daily Delta (New Orleans, Louisiana)

15 Jun 1853, Wed Page 2

    • The Liberator (Boston, Massachusetts)

17 Jun 1853, Fri - nothing June 24 Page 3

    • Alton Weekly Telegraph (Alton, Illinois) - quotes Tribune

17 Jun 1853, Fri Page 2

    • The Liberator (Boston, Massachusetts)

01 Jul 1853, Fri Page 3 and 4

    • The Derby Mercury (Derby, Derbyshire, England)

13 Jul 1853, Wed Page 1

    • The Liberator (Boston, Massachusetts)

29 Jul 1853, Fri Page 3 and 4

    • The Liberator (Boston, Massachusetts)

12 Aug 1853, Fri Page 1

    • The Liberator (Boston, Massachusetts)

26 Aug 1853, Fri Page 4

    • Reply to harpers The Liberator (Boston, Massachusetts)

09 Sep 1853, Fri Page 4

    • review of published book The Liberator (Boston, Massachusetts)

16 Dec 1853, Fri Page 2 and 3

nothing but ad 23 30

    • Bradford Inquirer (Bradford, Vermont)

31 Dec 1853, Sat Page 2

    • Buffalo Daily Republic (Buffalo, New York)

03 Jan 1854, Tue Page 2 ended "in much apparent disorder". Book received

    • The Liberator (Boston, Massachusetts)

14 Mar 1856, Fri Page 2


  1. ^ a b "Anti-Bible Convention". Hartford Courant. June 7, 1853. p. 2.
  2. ^ a b "A Bible Convention". New York Times. April 19, 1853. p. 4.
  3. ^ "The Anti-Bible Convention". Wheeling Daily Intelligencer (Wheeling, West Virginia). June 11, 1853. p. 2.
  4. ^ "The Bible Convention". New York Times. June 3, 1853. p. 1.
  5. ^ "Anti-Bible Convention". Weekly National Intelligencer (Washington, D.C.). June 11, 1853. p. 2.
  6. ^ "The Infidel Convention at Hartford". New York Daily Herald. June 5, 1853. p. 4.
  7. ^ Published by the Committee (1854). Proceedings of the Hartford Bible Convention, reported phonographically, by Andrew J. Graham. New York: Partridge & Brittan.

I, 13–32 mr. dean then adjourn to 2:30 pm

afternoon I, 34–59 Mr. Barker zi, 59 George Storrs The testimony is on the Bible breaking what laws? 61-66 Henry C. Wright answers 66 Turner inquires about time for pro bible speakers 67 procedural resolution adopted

The Clansman play[edit]

"In most cases, Dixon's adaptation of a novel for the stage was merely intended to present his message to a larger audience, for his avowed purpose as a writer was to reach as many people as possible."[1]:107

To spread his views to more people, Dixon decided to turn The Clansman into a play, enrolling in a course on dramatic technique.[1]:101 The play "followed very closely the novel."[1]:101 Four horses were used on stage, for the Klansmen to ride.

Dixon took the care to hire "a well-organized, hard-working press bureau" to generate publicity and engagements for the play.[2]

When it opened in Norfolk, Virginia, in 1905, the local newspaper called it "a tremendous success". "The receipts for the first week not only paid the entire course of producing the play but also made a prophet [sic] of fifty thousand dollars."[1]:102 "Everywhere the play appeared, it created a sensation and, as it moved through Charleston, Atlanta, Birmingham, and other Southern cities, people fought madly over seats; and policemen stood ready with fire hoses to drive back the crowds.[1]:102 It opened in New York in 1906 "to the largest crowd ever to attend a performance at the Liberty Theatre."[1]:103 "For three years after the opening two companies toured the country simultaneously to sell-out crowds, creating a fortune for the author", who was now "a weslthy and famous man".[1]:104 There were 75 people plus the 4 horses in the touring company.[3]

"Mr. Dixon argues that the Ku Klux Klan was a basically a meritorious organization and that it performed a great and virtuous service in restraining the attempted domination of the blacks in the south in the troublous [sic] carpetbagging days."[4]

The Traitor[edit]

The Birth of a Nation[edit]

"Its drama is so intense that it brings the audiences to their feet as no theatrical play has in many, many years."[5]

"For nearly two decades after its release in 1915, the film remained immensely popular. Never before had the public been exposed to cinematography in a way that so successfully stirred emotions and reinforced racial prejudices. Moreover, many viewers were convinced that the film was not a mere exercise in fiction. Having muted many of the excesses found in Dixon’s novel, Griffith argued that The Birth of a Nation was solidly grounded in historical fact. As the New York Times would favorably note in 1916, Americans in all parts of the country were “being taught to idealize the Klan.'"[6]

President Wilson[edit]

Wilson introduced Dixon to the editor of the Baltimore Sun, where he was briefly employed as a drama critic. Slide 20 Dedication of 1915 book The Southerner. A Romance of the Real Lincoln Dedicated to our first Southern-born president since Lincoln, my friend and collegemate Woodrow Wilson

It was only after he was "chafing under the criticism", involving "many letters protesting" and visits to the White House by two prominent African-Americans, that the President's Secretary, J. P. Tumulty, issued a statement that "the President was entirely unaware of the character of the play" and "Its exhibition at the White House was a courtesy extended to an old acquaintance."[7][8] Prior to the showing, "the President's interest in the due to the great lesson of peace it teaches. ...Dixon was a schoolmate of President Wilson and is an intimate friend."[9]

Dixon sent Wilson afterwards clippings of all the reviews save one. The Fiery Cross: The Ku Klux Klan in America By Wyn Craig Wade p. 133


  1. ^ a b c d e f g Cook, Raymond A. (1974). Thomas Dixon. Lexington, Kentucky: Twayne. ISBN 9780850702064. OCLC 878907961.
  2. ^ "West Rejects 'The Clansman'". New York Age. October 22, 1908. p. 6.
  3. ^ Cite error: The named reference Advert was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  4. ^ "More New Plays". News-Democrat (Paducah, Kentucky). February 3, 1906.
  5. ^ "Biggest of the Movies". Washington Herald. March 14, 1915. p. 18.
  6. ^ Lay, Shawn (2008). "Second Klan". Encyclopedia of Race and Racism. Thomson Gale.
  7. ^ "'Birth of a Nation'Brings Wilson Worry". Washington Herald. May 1, 1915. p. 6.
  8. ^ "Dixon's Play Is Not Indorsed [sic] by Wilson". Washington Times. April 30, 1915. p. 6.
  9. ^ "President to See Movies [sic]". Washington Evening Star. February 18, 1915. p. 1.


Laurens riot[edit] The Laurens riot took place on October 20, 1870, the day after elections, the federal troops overseeing the electoral process having withdrawn. At the time racial tensions in South Carolina were high; blacks were given the right to vote, for the first time, in the Constitution of 1868, but much conflict over a the electoral process took place, especially in the upland counties. South Carolina's governor, Robert Kingston Scott, was a former Union general. As in other former Confederate states, blacks were organized by the Republican governments into "black militias", since without them, blacks were defenseless against actions by angry former (white) Confederates.

vol. 3, p. 1302 vol. 3: (to 597)

vol. 4 598-


vol. 5 1283-

1317: standing on a volcano

In Laurens,

Men Sat, Oct 22, 1870 – Page 2 · The Daily Phoenix (Columbia, Richland, South Carolina, United States of America) AFFRAY IN LAURENS.-SENSA? TIONAL REPORTS.-Pr?yate letters receiv? ed in thia city, yesterday, from New? berry, Btnte that a difficulty ocenrred in Laurens, on Thursday, while members of tho State Constabulary were attempt? ing to arrest a Teuueaseean. Shots were exchanged, and it is rnmoredover that thc two constables were killed and othci parties wounded-Joe Crows among them. There are many rumors afloat, and ranch excitement. Several colored persons, who had arrived in Newberry, report thnt four of their race bad been killed. Tho conductor of thc freight train, which left Newberry at 4 o'clook, report? that a crank car bad arrived at Helenf from Laurens, with young Crews aboard, who asserted that ono whito and fonr co lorcd men had been killed, and that bi: father had disappeared. Constable Hubbard has been fnrnishec with the following information by on< of his deputies: "About half-past ll o'clock, on Thurs day, a party of about 100 armed met proceeded to the residence of Mr. Jos Crews, in Laurens, where a number o arms belonging to the colored militii were deposited, and carried them oil Deputy Constables Tyler and Halo, win were in charge, were killed. It is ro ported that Volney Perrott, another do puty, was wounded. Deputy Constabl F. D. Lchey is said to have been hun/ on the roadside. Crows ran off, but wa pursued. The arms were carried off." PncsNrxiANA.-Persons Oct 22, 1870 – Page 1 Charleston Daily News REIGN OF WINCHESTER RIELE LAW. \IJ f J \ FIVE WHITE MEN AND THREE NEGROES KILLED. JOE CREWS WOUNDED IN THE LEG. .GOVERNOR SCOTT APPEALING TO THE UNITED STATES FOR AID. INTENSE EXCITEMENT IN COLUMBIA A REFORM NEGRO BURNED OUT BY" RADICALS. Fact? and Kamora About the Election?. [SPECIAL TELEGRAM TO TBS STTWS.] COLUMBIA, October 21. . "*L?nrens will giveforty majority for Scott, but st least eiohi hun^rfl fraudulent votes were cast by boys aad repeaters. The day of election in Laurens passed off quiet? ly enough, but a row occurred on Thursday, after the United States troops had left the place. It | that the constables tried to arrest a Ten nesseean named Johnson, wt o resisted the arrest. This caused a fight. A messenger wu o brings the news to Governor Scott says that five white 'inca and, three negroes were soiled. The-white mear are named Tyler, Lowry, Frost, Leahy and K&ihoe. Several or the persons reported killed, if not all of them, were constables. Rumor says that Joe Crews was snot in the leg, but escaped into the woods. A man named Powell was wounded, and ls supposed to have been killed. The Governor ls trying to get the United states soldiers to return to Laurens. If they cannot do so, the Governor will send op the white militia from Columbia. The negro militia aie assembling to-night at this place. Tae Governor has telegraphed to the Secretary of War, and to General ferry, for troops. There | intense excitement here. ~ Last night, & Reform n?gro, living ten miles from Columbia, was burnt out by the Radicals. Iiis house with his crop in it was burned, and his family barely escaped with their lives. United States Commissioner Janney issued to day five warrants for fraudulent voting ia Colombia, also one yesterday. The accused are all negroes. Fifty-three other cases are ready Tor him, and 'many others will be found to-night. In Spartanburg the total vote was 3500, of which 2250 are Reform-giving a Reform majority of twelve hundred ana. fifty. COSJXIR. ELECTION Sun, Oct 23, 1870 – Page 2 · The Daily Phoenix (Columbia, Richland, South Carolina, United States of America) ·</a>

October 23,1870. ! ' j J al l' .-. ? . - ? 1 ?' ,, r 1 - Tb* AJTklr at laurene Court House. The nows received here Friday even? ing, of troubles at Laurens Court House, produced deep feeling in the community. The report that Governor Scott designed to send up the two negro companies have created much excitement, which was increased by the unusual display of colored uniforms and guns on tho street. About 9 o'clock P. M., a gentleman from Governor Scott's office brought the assurance that no colored companies would be sent from Columbia. This led to public quiet. We learu that Messrs. H?ge and Hobbard went up to Newberry, Friday night, and remained an hour or two. We have heard of several inflammatory remarks which should be brought to notice. One case we intend to bring forward. A gentleman informed us that he heard Mr. J. B. Dennis, otherwise known as "General," say to a crowd of colored men, in reference to the affair at Laurens, that they onght io take their Winchester rifles, and go and kill these people off, &o., ?C. Mr. Donuts, we believe, has some official connection with tho Adjutant General's office here. As he is so belligerent, we hope that Governor Scott will seud him, at least, to the front. , mm ? We leam that the excitement hus subsided at Laurens, and that all is quiet. It is reported that five white and three oolored men were killed in the difficulty i occurred; and that the firing, which ! in the death of these men, com- i between a citizen and a member of the State constabulary. Oar infor? mant states that the United States troops sont to Laurens will be received with satisfaction, as the community desire law and order. The whole difficulty, it is claimed, resulted from the armiug of th? oblored people. This led the whites, in self-defence, to arm themselves, i the firing, and the result ' ? ^ .???? A

Oct 24, 1870 – Page 1 · The Charleston Daily News (Charleston, Charleston, South Carolina) ·

E? LAURENS. CAUSE A]\'l> RESULT OF THE FRAY. Governor Scott Take* Timely Warning. [FROM OCR OWN CORRESPONDENT.] COLUMBIA, Saturday, October 22. That the election ls over with so little excitement is, to the highest degree, gratifying. Tbe quiet resulted from mutual agreement-concert without coherence-*! the two parties. All over the State the Scott Radicals felt that the beam of fortune was nearly balanced, and a disturbance would probably turn lt sadly against them. Quiet being assured, they carried their intimida? tion of the poor negroes to an astonlshlag extent. In their leagues new oaths were exacted, among the conditions of which was the requirement fha t they get their votes from particular individuals, and these were designated. As Pickett was frightened into withdrawing by threats, thousands were made to vote for their political masters by threats if they did not. I write what I get from the poor fools themselves. WHAT IS THOUGHT OP CREWS, The United States officer who was sent to Laurens, a short time ago, to report upon the disturbances there, freely _expressed the oplnion that Crews ls the great?jtjnlschl?f maker' in.thc up? country, and^eflnej hlTchiracter 90 apuy that the officer has risen largely m the esteem of. thi3;corni munlty. He says Crews is a compound of craft* and cowardice, cunning and servility. THE TROUBLES IN LAURENS. Upon the recent difficulties in Laurens-those of the 20th Instant-General Dennis, (a clerk in the office of the Adjutant and Inspector General,) was heard by some of our citizens to tell Wlmbush, this morning, near the Pqstomce, that a company of about eighty (the number of the United States troops sent up this morning) men, with winchester rifles, was cent to kill every man in Laurens, and burn every house there. Myinfomant'aname, (who knows his hst of witnesses,) is at the service or parties interested. SENDING THE SOLDIERS. This momiug. by direction of General Terry, Governor Scott sent one company or United States infantry up to Laurens. They would have been sent last night, but the general commanding did not answer la time. The Governor last night express?d the determi? nation to send United States troops if he could get them; If not, to send Captain O'Ne ale's com? pany or white volunteer militia of this city. He had no Idea or sending his negro militia up there, ror the reason that that would on y Increase the trouble. j THE KILLED IND WOUNDED. The casualties in Laurens, reported by last night's telegraph, were received from a gentle? man In the official family or the Governor. To? day's news gives about the same number of deaths. A citizen Just down from there thinks the whole difficulty anne from the negroes Im? prudently going to the polia vlth their arms. Joe Crews ls said to be in town to-night, wound? ed In the leg. ? " Last night the dwelling house or Ur. Edmund Davis, In this city, was burnt, probably by an In? cendiary, although Mr. Davis ls not known to be obnoxious in any special way to any class or party. Insurance $2500. PRESENTMENT OF THE GRIND JURY OF LAURENS COUNTY. The following was submitted to the Governor this (Saturday) night: , The State of South Carolina, Laurens County-In the General Sessions. The grand Jurors for said county and State, by. virtue of their authority in the discharge of then* duty as such, respectfully present: The County of Laurens has always been distin? guished for Us adherence to good order; and the disturbance of the peace which occurred during the present term of this conn, m broad daylight, almost nuder the eaves of the courthouse, whilst the court wa* In sexsion, ls greatly to be regretted. We have not been able, arter every exertion, to ascertain all the circumstances or the case, or learn who were active In the affair. It seems that a member or the constabulary force cursed a citizen as -'a tallow-faced son of a bitch," whereupon the two commenced lighting. - The armed cons abai arv, wlih a number or colored militia, having possessed themselves or the State arms, made demonstrations or assistance to their associate engaged. A pistol in the coat pocket or some one standing by was accidentally discharged, whereupon the armed body within the constabu? lary quarters and armory delivered a volley, and the firing extended to others m the vicinity of the disturbance. So far as we have learned, two white men and a tittie white boy were wounded, and one negro killed instantly, and two others severely wounded. The sheriff finally succeeded in commanding the peace. The grand Jury or the county, m the Interest or peace, commend that the public arms here, which have been directed by his Honor the Judge to be J by the Bherlff Into his possession, be re? tained by the sheriff, or returned to the armory of the State at Columbia. They feel bound to ex? press, in the strongest terms, their apprehension of the consequences if these arms and ammuni? tions are placed in the hands of one class of our citizens whilst the rest of the community is left in an unarmed and defenceless condition. It is believed that the announcement of the In? tention to put public arms into the possession or one race In the community and to leave the other unarmed has created tue restless and uneasy reeling In the community which, no doubt, was the underlying cause or th* people being armed, and, therefore, or the late lamentable disturbance of the peace. The grand Jury would urge la the mose earnest manner, situated as our community ls, that thc public arms now here be cudected and deposited by the authorities of the 8t?te in .the armory at Columbia. The grand Jury cannon but express their com? mendation that Hie Hon. Jud-re Vernon presiding, hus taken rlgorus steps, through the peace officer or the county-"he sheriff-to repro? all lawless? ness, and to preserve and promote the peace and good order of the community.. The grand Jury would earnestly recommend all persons, white and b ack, to returu to their homes, unless they have business In court. Let every good citizen lend his efforts for peace and order, and we may hope to quiet down after a most ex? citing and extraO "dlnery election, and the persist? ent efforts of some, for their own selflHh purposes, to embroil the two ra?es occupying this county as citizens. No civilize 1 eommuolty can exist, much less prosper, without law and order. This we respectfully preaeaL (Signed) SAMUEL AUSTIN, Foreman. A

Oct 23, 1870 – Page 5 · The New York Times (New York, New York, New York, United States of America) ·</a>
rawn-Tka lawte- tax at Cahmbia. B. C-virew ?rk COUTMSIA. Oct. IraaA iiuniul. a Tunnssaiifian who reaia ted- rtatols were tbaa drawn and a itot sasaed. daring wbieb Bve white faea and tbeas aegreas are reported to have beea killed. Tbe Barnes of tbe whites are TTLRB, (T) LowBT, Fbost, LbaBIT and Baahobd. A taaa named PowBlX wss wounded la tbe melee, and Crows, b member of tbe Legislature, was pursued and wounded. Tbe United States troops recently sent from Laurens County are bere. and Gov. Scott Is trying to have tbem sent back there. He will not send negro troops, as tbe case of Holdeb M before bis eyes. The exeltement la intense, and tbe negro militia are being called out in companies under arms. Il is said there was do politics in the riot.

a,iuircns County Kiot--EiBht Stale Coa- tnblc9 Killed--Tlio Elaction--targo Democratic Gaius. COLCVCIA, Oct. 23, 1870. There is no further intelligence received here of not in Laurens on Thursday last- The special whs brought the news of it to Governor reports the lisht had no political bearing; that was the result of resistance to the State Constabu- and thai several of the eight persons who ir not all of tbem, were constables. The Jovernor telegraphed to thft Secretary ol War and Terry, tccjuejling Item to order tlic United troops bacK lo Laurcns, but if his request is comnlied ·with he will send ihe while militia, are under anus her--. Uiiofiicial election reports i-'tate that the radicals ·epeated votes ana easi hundreds ol Iruudulent votes nearly every county in th : State, bill, notwith- tln«, the radical majorities are largely dc- Fiuccn counnes ii ard fiom in the State' a reform maiorlty ol lu.ono. McKls'lck, the rc- ciindidato for'f-s^, I 1 * cunsidered elected In the Fourth distinct. The nidical candidates Ore cl-ctcd in the rcmai'ilu!; three districts by uiajoriiic-:. The reloniu-rs cUilm torty-fivc Uep- tlves and eicveu Senators elected--an increase or thirty In the House and live In the Senate the hibt Ceiieral Assembly. Tlild Rives a, minority which overpowers a two-third:! radical vote ihe House. Official

The New York Times (New York, New York) 24 Oct 1870, Mon Page 1

" Oct 24, 1870 – Page 1 · The New York Times (New York, New York, New York, United States of America) ·</a>

OUTBREAK. Cf SOUTH C A ROUS A f j -(t Gov.SooTT.ofxBoulh Oiina. tolog phe tn the Secretary of Tar that outbreak had occurred at Laurens Court-Uoaee -mm Thursday laat. A band of ex-rebel whites, tn the lnl of the ao-eelied (tefona Party, attacked and atroved tbe ballot-boxe of t the of . the day previous . and shot three cere of the State Police, Gov, Scott aaka for support freq ths United Btatea, and Gen. Trrrt being ppnaed of ithe facta, j re-pliea that he will support the Executive ef thn 8 tate with any military aid be may require to restore order. . Tba. result of the: recent election will be made known en Tuesday, j t ? -,r - ' 'j r . v i

the New York Herald (New York, New York) 24 Oct 1870, Mon Page 3

Oct 24, 1870 – Page 3 · The New York Herald (New York, New York, New York) ·</a>

3 tae SOCTII CAKOUXA PISTITRBAXCES.-- Further advices from South Carolina indicate that the riot i. Laurens county was the. result political differences, although ths telegraph ·rcould iiK}ress a different belief.' It appears that the State constables were endeavoring to the laws, when they were resisted by mob and eight officars killed. Governor Scott has asketi that United Si ates troops be to the scene of the disturbances; but in case his request cauooi be granted he send the white militia, who are under arms in Columbia. The Governor, evidently, is determined to give the malcontents no cause another outbreak, and to avoid further collision he sends only white troop« to assist the in restoring order. power

" Oct 27, 1870 – 2 · Camden Journal (Camden, South Carolina, United States of America) ·</a>

AFFAIRS IN LAURENS. Freaks of Joe Crews?lie stirs up Strife and Beats a Retreat?Rumors and Reports?Six Men Killed. Correspondence of the Charleston Courier. Columbia, October 22,1870. Two companies of United States Troops went up to Laurens and New berry to-day. The lust intelligence from the eccnct>f action is that seven men were killed. Two of the consiab alary and four negroes were killed in the streets of Laurens. The difficulty, has been brewing for some time, fannaA tlrh fanatfAal breath of Joe "J ? Crews. It came very near bursting' forth on the day of election. Crews called on his militia to get their arras, they got .them, but by the time they had done so, there. were as many Winchesters in the hands of the whites.? At this juncture, when ^ collision j seemed inevitable, Col Smith, alone, came into the Public Square^ ordeied the negroes to put away their arms, to voto and go homo. They obeyed him, when the Whites did likewise at the request of tho Sheri-ff. Col. Smith's command left next day, when the constabulary started to arrest a mun named Johnson, a Tennesseean, cursed and abused him, and thus the smoldering embers were fanned into a blaze. Ttie gallant Crews, after bringing on the difficulty on tho day of election, cowardly sought the protection of the United States troops. Having set the miselnef afloat, he intended to take precious care of his cowardly carca33. lie started the row to make innocent and ignorant men suffer. They went for him, however, scoured tho whole country; so far he is scill missing.? There arc various reports coneerniog him; some say he and and his son were lad in the woods, anotner mat ne was pursued to the Saluda River?fired upou and wounded whilst swimming the river. We don't believe that either of the reports is true. "A man boru to bo hung need nut fear bullet or water." There has been immense excitement in the Ring here. Rumors of assassinations were rife. Guards were placed out, the colored militia sentineled their armory. Apropos, two White men ran off the sentinels and captured the militia armory oi l 50 rifles at Clinton. Yesterday, and the day before, the telegraphic wires have been kept in incessant vibration to carry the news to Washington and to General Terry, in Georgia,, so as to get more troops. The big rob. ain't dead yet; he is kicking again, and there must be more troop< to finish him. If Governor Scott will arm the negroes and will not arm the whites; if he will uphold such Bcoundrels as Crews in their incendiary and inflaming speeches to the negroes; if he will appoint such men to position and place, he will hear of lynch law so far as those men are concerned, for the law of the land won't reach them, and they will be reuched; and the sooner Governor Scott learns this, and learns, too, that South Carolinians are not to bo treated as barbarians and tyranizedovcr by such outlaws as Joe Crews and his bunds of ruffiians, the better -it will be for the prosperity and adva'nfcetneHit of the State. The house of Mr. Edmund Dsfvis was entirely consumed Just' night by fire, at about two o'clock. The fire was first seen issuing from the back piazza, and was, undoubtedly, the work of incendiaries. Nothing was saved. He was insured for-?2,500?loss $4,000. The militia are still guarding their 'armory here. It is ireediess to say that our citizens have no design up >n them. We understand there "will be Over two hundred cases of illegal voting sent up from this county. 'Persons from Newberry, 'Kershaw and North Carolina, voted in our county. There are five hundred cases from Edgefield, and any quantity occurred at Laurens " " Eugene. ... . Vater. .. 1 * ? The 'heVs received here. Friday evening (says 'the'Coluttibia Phoenix,)' of '.troubles 'it Laurens Court 'Hohse, procTtfctfd deep feeling'in'tht community. The report 'that Gov. Scott designed up the two negro companies produced much excitement which was increased by the unusual display of colored uniforms and guns on i the streets. About 9 o'clock P. M.f a gentleman from Governor Scott's office brought the assurance that no colore'! companies would be seDt from Columbia. This led to public quiet.? We-learn that Messrs. Hoge and Hub bard went up to Newberry Friday night and remained an hour or two.? We have heard of several inflauimato ; ry remarks which should be brought to .notice. . One cage we intend to bring forward. A gentleman informed us that he heard Mr. J. B. Dennis, otherwise known as "Jencral," say to a crowd of colored men, in reference to the affair at Laurens, that they ought to take their Winchester rifles, and go and kill these people off, &c , &c. Mr. Dennis, vre believe, has some official conocction with the Adjutant General's office here. As he is so belligerent, wc hope General Scott will send him, at least, lo the front. The I'Jioenixud&a-: We learn that the excitement has subsided at Lauren's, -and that all is quret. it is n ported that five white and three colore! wefe killed io the difficulty that occurred ; and that the firing, 'Which resulted in the death of those mon, commenced between a citi zen and a member of the State constat)-' ulary. "Our iuformant statos fhat-the' Uniced States troopfc 'sent to Laurens will be received with satisfaction, as the community desire law aid order The whole difficulty, it is claimed, resulted from the arming of colored people.?. This led the whites, in self-defdnce, to artn themselves. Hence, the firing and the result. * Present and Future of Provisions.

Springville Journal (Springville, New York) 29 Oct 1870, Sat Page 4

Your member photo danielbeisenberg SUBSCRIBER The Charleston Daily News (Charleston, South Carolina) 31 Oct 1870, Mon Page 2

Nov 3, 1870 – Page 2 · The Daily Phoenix (Columbia, Richland, South Carolina, United States of America) ·</a>

Answer. Tho Charleston Republican says: "The Colombia PHOENIX says it is timo to let the negro 'severely alono* and put forth all energies to secure white emigration. "How docs that journal think that tho barbarous murder of the white immi? grant, Powell, at '-Laurene!, will affect such of bis forhior neighbors HR might be inclined to roovo to onr State? The very first step in our efforts for white immigrants is to guarantee them full freedom of political opinion-full free? dom of speech and fall freedom of the baiiot-and oomplete proteotion in i he exercise, of that freedom. Will tho PIKE KXX help Laurena to take thal slop?" We shall answer the Republican. We have no concealment to moko of our views. They ore tho same in the closot 83 in the field. As usual, the Republi? can, as the supporter of radicalism in South Carolina and the ready apologist for all its outrages and extravagances, does the white people of Laurens and of South Carolina foul injustice in its re? marks given above. In the first place, we know nothing of Powell, who was killed in the outbreak nt Laurens. But we do uot nnderstand that ho was an "immigrant." Wo have understood that he was brought from Ohio to be ouo of the constabulary in South Carolina. But whethor au immigrant or one of thc State police, ho fell in an affray, that occurred nt Laurens Court House. Thc livos lost are a matter of regret. But where does tho responsibility rest? Wo charge it upon those who brought about that state of feeling, which accident caused to break forth in riot and blood. We charge it upon the Executive, who armed one race and denied arms to thc other race. We charge it, further, upon the local aiders and abettors of tho Exe? cutive. So far as the whites were con? cerned, they went into the Reform move? ment, which was based upon the idea of conciliating the blacks. And had the colored people not been arrayed with arms in hands against the whites, and had it not been for radical incendiary harangues, we believo that no outbreak would have occurred at Laurens, and no lives would have been lost. This is our deliberate judgment. As for white immigrants, Laurens as well as all South Carolina do cordi? ally welcome them, and in spite of tho systematic effort of such journals as the Charleston Republican to cast odium upon the whites of South Carolina, there is guaranteed to white immigrants "full freedom of political opinion-full free? dom of speeoh-full freedom of the bal? lot, and complete protection in the ex? ercise of thnt freedom." The only offset to this is the case of the anti-radical negro voter. Experience shows, that in many places in South Carolina, a negro voter votes against radicalism at thc peril of his life. We have this to say to the Republican: Laurens needs no help from the PIICKNIX to take tho step the Republican speaks of. The immigrant will receive in Laurens the same reception accorded to him else? where in the State. Humau life is ns Baf e in South Carolina as in nny other S tate of the Union. It is only herc as else? where. Tho honest settler is welcome. But there is no love for the schein i u g demagogue, the political trickster, the vile incendiary and the mid-night plo? ter. Turning now to general principles, we have this to say: lu the solution of the serious questions and the vexed problems pending in South Carolina, our course has boen consistent. We prefer and wo advocate moral agencies, and wo desire to see these problems worked out by peaceful means. We dare not advocate other than God-approved methods of action. But, subjected as our people have been, to the most outrageous treat? ment to which civilized communities havo ever been exposed, it is not to be expeoted that the oommnnity will be en? tirely free from thoso outbreaks that spring from the heated passions of par? ties arrayed against each other, nov is it to bc deemed au unreasonable thing that a public opiuiou should exist which, whilst ifc deplores violence, holds thal so/nothing should bo pardoned to thc spirit of outraged feelings and violate" rights. When South Carolina (shall have just and impartial government-whey the era cf public thieves and pluudoreri shall have x>assed away-when "seurv; politicians" shall coasc to array tho Wael man against tho white, wo shah proba bly haye complete peace in this State. This is "tho step" that the Jic?>uUtca> may well help its party to take. .The order subscribe which next. TELE Wise, Point told them."

Dec 6, 1870 – Page 2 The Daily Phoenix (Columbia, Richland, South Carolina,

EDITOR: I havo beou traveling extensively iu Laurens within a week. Went there the day aftor the Govern? ment troops arrived, and returned to Abboville several days after they left. I was at Laurens Court House on two successive days, and h wing heard that "Tin Pot" was literally riddled by the "rebels," by firing upon tho Jo CJIEWITES contained in it, I examined that fortress closely, aud could not find whore a soli? tary ball hod entered that ic ill-be. relic of Toryism. I understand, Mr. Editor, by quite a number of reliable citizens, that tne officer in command of tho troops referred to had learned, and really ex? pected to find at lea3t 2,000 armed rebels ready to meet him at his coining; but on his arrival, finding nothing but ponce, quiet and good order, ho was perfectly indignant at the slanderous lies that had been perpetrated by Jo Crews and his myrmidons, upon a peaceful, law-abi? ding community. That officer, with his troops, left, and I have no doubt but his visit to Laurens will prove eminently useful to the cause of good order and pure Democracy. ABBEVILLE C. H. LBGIBIiATIVB

John Brown's constitution[edit]

thousands in harpers ferry

John Brown, with flag believed to be that of his Subterranean Passage Way

John Brown intended to create a new country to which slaves could escape and live safely. His raid on Harpers Ferry was to have been the first step.

Brown never used the name Nova Africa; so far as is known, he had no name for the new country. The name is taken from a novel about Brown, Fire on the Mountain, by Terry Bisson.

Spanish article[edit]

Daniel Eisenberg (Long Island City, New York, 1946–) is an American Hispanist and Cervantist.

(Nueva York, 1946) es un hispanista y cervantista[1] estadounidense.



Eisenberg was born in Queens, New York, Oct. 4, 1946, but moved to Canisteo, New York as an infant, and completed elementary and high school there. He received a B.A. in Romance Languages from Johns Hopkins University in 1967, after spending his junior year in the es:Curso para extranjeros at the University of Madrid. He received an M.A. (1968) and Ph.D. (1971) in Hispanic Studies from Brown University, with a dissrttation on the Mirror of Knighty Deeds (es:Espejo de príncipes y cavalleros), a Spanish romance of chivalry (es:libro de caballerías)

Caballero del Febo de Diego Ortúñez de Calahorra, editada posteriormente en la colección de «Clásicos Castellanos» (Espasa-Calpe).

In 1976, Eisenberg founded the Journal of Hispanic Philology,sfn|Sánchez|1994|pp=97-98 which he published and edited until 1992.

He studied with, at Johns Hopkins, es:Elias L. Rivers y Francisco Rico (visiting profesor), and at Brown with es:A. David Kossoff, es:Alan S. Trueblood, es:Juan López-Morillas, José Amor y Vásquez, es:Sergio Beser, and es:Frank Pierce. To some extent Martín de Riquer was his sponsor (maecenas), since he had his dissertation, an edition of the es:Espejo de príncipes y caballeros, published in the "Clásicos Castellanos" series, wrote the prologue to a book of his, and nominated him as Corresponding Member of the Royal Spanish Academy of Letters (es:Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona), after his book on the alleged fragment of the Weeks in the Garden (es:Las semanas del jardín) of Cervantes.

He was a professor at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, City College of New York, Florida State University, where he was named Distinguished Research Professor, and Northern Arizona University. From 2000 a 2008, Eisenberg was the editor of Cervantes, journal of the Cervantes Society of America. At the time of his retirement in 2003, he was Assistant Dean at Excelsior College (Albany, New York, Nueva York).[citation needed] He has published on romances of chivalry and Cervantes, and also on Federico García Lorca, especially Poet in New York.


  • «Introducción» a Espejo de príncipes y cavalleros [El Cavallero del Febo] de Diego Ortúñez de Calahorra, Clásicos Castellanos, Madrid, Espasa-Calpe, 1975.
  • Poeta en Nueva York: Historia y problemas de un texto de Lorca, Barcelona: Ariel, 1976.[2][nota 1]
  • Romances of Chivalry in the Spanish Golden Age, Newark, Delaware: Juan de la Cuesta-Hispanic Monographs, 1982.[4][5]
  • Thomas Percy and John Bowle: Cervantine Correspondence, Exeter Hispanic Texts, XL. University of Exeter, 1987.
  • A Study of 'Don Quixote', Newark, Delaware: Juan de la Cuesta-Hispanic Monographs, 1987.[6][7][nota 2]
  • Las semanas del jardín de Miguel de Cervantes: Estudio, edición, y facsímil del manuscrito. Diputación de Salamanca, 1988.
  • Estudios cervantinos, Barcelona: Sirmio, 1991.
  • Cervantes y Don Quijote, Barcelona: Montesinos, 1993.[1][8]
  • Con M.ª Carmen Marín Pina, Bibliografía de los libros de caballerías castellanos, Zaragoza: Prensas Universitarias de Zaragoza, 2000.[9]
  • La biblioteca de Cervantes: Una reconstrucción [versión preliminar de 2002].
  • «Introducción» a la edición facsimilar del Quijote de John Bowle. Newark, Delaware: Juan de la Cuesta, 2006.



  1. ^ a b Sánchez 1994, pp. 97-98.
  2. ^ Adams 1978, pp. 106-108.
  3. ^ Adams 1978, p. 106.
  4. ^ Cravens 1982, pp. 191-192.
  5. ^ Cozad 1983, pp. 127-131.
  6. ^ Urbina 1989, pp. 110-112.
  7. ^ Larson 1991, pp. 103-105.
  8. ^ Jones 1995.
  9. ^ Lucía Megías 2002, pp. 407-419.


Enlaces externos[edit]

Template:Cervantes Virtual author

Eisenberg, Daniel Eisenberg, Daniel Eisenberg, Daniel Eisenberg, Daniel Categoría:Filólogos del siglo XX Categoría:Profesores de la Universidad Estatal de Florida Categoría:Alumnado de la Universidad Brown Categoría:Alumnado de la Universidad Johns Hopkins Categoría:Profesores de la Universidad de Carolina del Norte en Chapel Hill Categoría:Alumnado de la Universidad de Madrid Categoría:Profesores de la Universidad de la Ciudad de Nueva York

Randolph Abbott Shotwell[edit] Obituary via pbcpl

The Klan in the Southern Mountains: The Lusk-Shotwell Controversy GORDON McKINNEY Appalachian Journal Appalachian Journal Vol. 8, No. 2 (WINTER 1981), pp. 89-104

JOURNAL ARTICLE THE PRISON EXPERIENCES OF RANDOLPH SHOTWELL: 1. Point Lookout J. G. De Roulhac Hamilton The North Carolina Historical Review The North Carolina Historical Review

The Ku Klux Klan: A Study of the American Mind John Mecklin Read Books Ltd, Apr 16, 2013 - History - 256 pages Originally published in new York 1924.

David Schenck and the Contours of Confederate Identity Rodney Steward Univ. of Tennessee Press, May 15, 2012 - History - 184 pages

Western North Carolina: Its Mountains and Its People to 1880 Ora Blackmun. 1977


The Winston-Salem Race Riot, an inaccurate name,[1] took place on Sunday, November 17, 1918. The preceeding evening a black man, or a white man wearing blackface, shot Jim Childess and raped his wife, Cora. During unsuccessful efforts tht evening to locate te perpetrator, Sheriff Flynt was shot in the face and hand.[2]

The following day, news of the attack was in local newspapers.


  1. ^ Forsyth County Public Library (2013). "The great 1918 "race riot"…part one…". Retrieved November 1, 2018.
  2. ^ Gutierrez, Bertrand M. (Nov 17, 2013). "Riot is unforgettable part of city's early history. An infamous anniversary". Winston-Salem Journal.

Texas Confederate Museum[edit]

The '''Texas Confederate Museum''' is a former museum in [[Austin, Texas]], run by the [[United Daughters of the Confederacy]] and the [[Daughters of the Republic of Texas]], each of which had a separate collection in the museum.<ref name=SPB>{{cite web |title=History of the Capitol Visitors Center |author=State Preservation Board of Texas |url= |accessdate=August 4, 2018}}</ref> Its first location, from 1903, was in the northwest room on the first floor of the [[Texas Legislature]].<ref name=Daffan /> In 1920 it moved to a permanent home in the [[Old Land Office Building]] on the Capitol grounds, where it would remain until 1988,<ref name=MuseumsUSA>{{cite web |title=Texas Confederate Museum. Fort Worth, Texas |url= |publisher=MuseumsUSA |date=February 2, 2012 |accessdate=August 3, 2018}}</ref><ref name=Daffan>{{cite news |title=Texas Confederate Museum Is Valuable and Interesting |first=Katie |last=Daffan |newspaper=[[Bryan Weekly Eagle]] |date=August 6, 1925 |url= |page=7}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Historic General Land Office Photographs |publisher=Texas State Preservation Board |url= |accessdate=August 4, 2018}}</ref> when the state told the United Daughters of the Confederacy and the Dsughters of the Republic of Texas to vacate.<ref name=MuseumsUSA /> After repair and renovation, the building was given a new function as the Capitol Visitors Center.<ref name=SPB /> (The Visitors Center does not publicize that the building was for 71 years a Confederate museum, longer than it housed the [[Texas General Land Office|Land Office]]. It receives one sentence in the history of the building, and the only appearance of the word "Confederate" is in the name "United Daughters of the Confederacy" who, with the Daughters of the Republic of Texas, "housed their two museum collections in the former Land Office".<ref name=SPB/> An accompanying page of historical photographs shows only a "GLO [General Land Office] exhibit room 1961", although the General Land Office had left the building for good in 1920. Nowhere does it refer to the Texas Confederate Museum.<ref>{{cite web |title=Historic General Land Office Photographs |accessdate=August 4, 2018 |url= |publisher=Texas State Preservation Board}}</ref>) The Museum never reopened as it never found a new permanent home; its collections were passed from one institution to another like a hot potato that nobody wanted. From 1988 to 1990, its materials were stored in a warehouse of the [[Texas State Library and Archives]] Center. From 1990 to 1992 the collection was held by the [[Helen Marie Taylor Museum]] in [[Waco, Texas|Waco]],<ref>{{cite news |title=The Texas Confederate Museum is moving to Waco in July |first=Cynthia L. |last=Harriman |newspaper=[[Waco Citizen]] |date=March 2, 1990 |url= |page=9}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=Local Members Travel for Museum Opening |newspaper=[[Lockhart Post-Register]] |date=August 2, 1990 |page=8 |url=}}</ref> but returned to temporary storage for two years. In 1994, an agreement with [[Hill College]] in [[Hillsboro, Texas|Hillsboro]] placed the collection on display at the [[Texas Heritage Museum]] (formerly the Confederate Research Center) until 2000, when the agreement terminated.<ref>{{cite news |title=UDC [United Daughters of the Confederacy] |page=23 |newspaper=[[New Braunfels Herald Zeitung]] |date=November 6, 1994 |url=}}</ref> The collection returned to temporary storage at [[Baylor University]] in Waco, where it was inventoried and catalogued. It then was stored in [[Fort Worth, Texas|Fort Worth]]. During this time, items from the collection were loaned to a number of museums.<ref name=Handbook>{{cite encyclopedia |encyclopedia=Handbook of Texas Online |first1=Retta |last1=Preston |first2=Hilda Kelly |last2=Bell |first3=Cynthia Loveless |last3=Harriman |title=Texas Confederate Museum |accessdate=August 2, 2018 |url=}}</ref> In 2002, the [[Haley Memorial Library and History Center]] in [[Midland, Texas|Midland]] agreed to house and make available to researchers the Museum's paper collection.<ref>{{cite Web |title=The Texas Confederate Museum Collection Index |author=Nita Steward Haley Memorial Library & J. Evetts Haley Research Center |accessdate=August 4, 2018 |url=}}</ref> The rest of the collection is housed at the [[Texas Civil War Museum]] in [[White Settlement, Texas]], which opened in 2006.<ref>{{cite web |title=Visit the Museum |author=Texas Civil War Museum |date=2006 |url= |accessdate=August 3, 2018}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=About Us |author=Texas Civil War Museum |date=2006 |url= |accessdate=August 3, 2018}}</ref> The United Daughters of the Confederacy holds permanently one of the three seats on the Museum's [[Board of Directors]].


    • Category:American Civil War Museums in Texas]]
    • Category:United Daughters of the Confederacy]]
    • Category:Defunct museums in Texas]]
    • Category:Museums in Austin, Texas]]
    • Category:Lost Cause of the Confederacy]]


    • Template:American frontier}}

db-copyvio|url= }}

    • NPOV|date=October 2018}}

==Make It Right Project== {{distinguish|Make It Right Foundation}} The '''Make It Right Project''' was formed in 2018 to encourage and advance the removal of Confederate monuments. It is a project of the [[Independent Media Institute]]; director is [[Kali Holloway]]. According to the group's statement, they are "dedicated to working with multiple groups—activists, artists, historians and media outlets—to remove Confederate monuments and develop post-removal protocols to properly historicize and contextualize these markers.... The point of the initiative is to do more than just 'raise awareness' or 'start a national conversation,' and instead aims to genuinely move the needle, creating measurable, visible change."<ref name=Announce>{{cite web |title=Announcing the Launch of the Make It Right Project |first=Kali |last=Holloway |date=June 3, 2018 |accessdate=September 10, 2018 |url= |publisher=[[Independent Media Institute]]}}</ref> In a later statement, "contextualize these markers" has become "to tell the truth about history".<ref name=Neo/> The group has compiled a list of 10 monuments it is targetting: # [[Confederate War Memorial (Dallas)|Confederate War Memorial]], Dallas, Texas. "Includes a statue of General [[Robert E. Lee]], who waged war to preserve slavery and was so violent toward those he personally enslaved that they described him as 'the worst man I ever see'. Also represented is Confederate President [[Jefferson Davis]], who sought to expand slavery to new territories and described blacks as 'inferior [and] fitted expressly for servitude'.<ref name=Announce/> # [[Silent Sam]], [[Chapel Hill, North Carolina]]. The group's first activity was the erection in July, 2018, of two billboards in [[Raleigh, North Carolina]], depicting Silent Sam covered by a red X and the words "North Carolina needs a monumental change". The stated audience the billboards were intended to reach — thus the Raleigh locations — were the members of the [[North Carolina Historical Commission]], under the impression, which others as well had until August 2018, that a controvedsial 2015 North Carolina law allowed it to approve the removal of Confederate monuments.<ref>{{cite news |title=National group joins fight over Silent Sam, buying Raleigh billboards |first=Joel |last=Brown |newspaper=[[WTVD]] |date=July 3, 2017 |url=}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=Keep Confederate monuments in Raleigh, state commission recommends |first=Lynn |last=Bonner |newspaper=[[News & Observer]] |date=August 22, 2018 |url=}}</ref> The Project responded: "The only way to truly contextualize racist monuments and white supremacist statues is to take them down from their lofty positions of public reverence.... The Commission and study committee had an opportunity today to correct the historical record and help bring an end to the era of [[white supremacist]] [[Lost Cause of the Confederacy|Lost Cause]] mythmaking. Instead, they chose moral ambivalence and hostility to historical truth. The vote was yet another example of the frustrating institutional decisions that have led community outrage to boil over."<ref>{{cite web |title=Make It Right Project Responds to the North Carolina Historical Commission Vote to Keep Confederate Monuments Standing |first=Kali |last=Holloway |date=August 22, 2018 |publisher=Independent Media Institute |accessdate=October 3, 2018 |url=}}</ref> At about the same time, the Project printed posters with a picure of Silent Sam, an X over him, and the words ”We need REAL heroes", and students put them up on the campus.<ref>{{cite web |title=Activists Boosted by Make It Right Project Posters to Remove ‘Silent Sam’ Confederate Monument |first=Kali |last=Holloway |date=August 8, 2018 |publisher=[[Independent Media Institute]] |url=}}</ref> # [[Robert Edward Lee (sculpture)|Robert E. Lee]] and [[Thomas Jonathan Jackson (sculpture)|Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson]] Statues, Charlottesville, VA. In September of 2018 the group erected a billboard depicting the two monuments, and between them the words "Monumental Change Needed". They also prepared [[lawn sign]]s saying "Monumental Lies", with pictures of the two monuments; these have been seen in a number of [[yard]]s in the city. "Neo-Confederates made a grotesque parody of the Make It Right billboard in response. And then put it on a truck and drove around town with it."<ref name=Neo>{{cite web |title=Neo-Confederates Parade an Offensive Parody of a Make It Right Billboard in Charlottesville — and Lawn Signs Against Racist Monuments Sprout Up in the City |first=Kali |last=Holloway |date=October 2, 2018 |publisher=[[Independent Media Institute]] |url=}}</ref> # [[Spirit of the Confederacy]], [[Houston, Texas]]. This monument is located in one of Houston’s major city parks. The winged, muscular, 12-foot-tall avenging angel clad in palm fronds leaning on a sword suggests the “spirit of the Confederacy” remains fiercely unrepentant in its dedication to the cause of black enslavement. # [[John C. Calhoun]] Monument, [[Charleston, South Carolina]] Though Calhoun died in 1850, he contributed greatly to the Southern position by advancing the theory that black enslavement was “a positive good.” According to Calhoun, white people profited off black labor, and the enslaved were civilized by the brutality of bondage. Charleston’s History Commission has spent several months quibbling over the language for a plaque to acknowledge Calhoun’s racist positions, but protesters continue to fight for complete removal. # [[Oak Woods Cemetery]] Confederate Mound Statue, [[Chicago, Illinois]]. There is a bronze Confederate soldier at the top of a 30-foot granite column overlooking a mass grave. The Cemetary also has the graves of several notable African Americans, including journalist and anti-lynching activist Ida B. Wells. # [[Shepherd Heyward]] Memorial, [[Harpers Ferry, West Virginia]] # [[Denton Confederate Soldier Monument]], [[Denton, Texas]]. Every Sunday afternoon since 1998, Willie Hudspeth—a Vietnam War veteran and president of the Denton NAACP—has staged a one-man protest at the site of this monument to the Confederacy. In February 2018, a town committee decided not to remove the structure, but instead to provide “context” with the addition of a video kiosk and plaques detailing the history of slavery. Hudspeth has vowed to continue protesting until the monument comes down. The town committee has yet to commit to a date for the proposed additions.<ref>{{cite news |url= |title=Group Targets North Texas Confederate Monuments for Removal. One Denton resident has tried to persuade the city to remove a statue for nearly 20 years |first=Seth |last=Voorhees |date=September 10, 2018 |newspaper=[[KXAS]]}}</ref> # [[United Confederate Veterans Memorial]], [[Seattle, Washington]]. The protesters of this monument include Heidi Christensen, former president of the Seattle chapter of the United Daughters of the Confederacy. Though it sits on private land in Lake View Cemetery, those pushing for the memorial’s relocation argue that it is located in a “publicly visible location and therefore should fall under current ordinances to remove offensive markings visible to the public.” # [[Florida's Tribute to the Women of the Confederacy]], [[Jacksonville, Florida]]. An ode to the many white Southern women who, according to the inscription, “sacrificed their all” for the Confederate cause. ===References=== {{reflist}}

THe politics of Silent Sam alamance[edit] According to the New York Times, "Few state governments in America have been as divided in recent years as the one in North Carolina.... Partisan rancor...has come to define the state’s politics."[1]

Old Colored Cemetery[edit]

The Old Colored Cemetery, a 3 acres (1.2 ha) Once forgotten, 'Old Colored Cemetery' turns into a place of honor

by ANNE GEGGIS, sun-sentinel.comJune 23, 2018 05:30 AM They were buried in a patch of land that was left unmarked and largely forgotten for decades.

But now the “Old Colored Cemetery” is on its way to becoming a Branhilda Richardson Knowles Memorial Park. It’s now under construction.

Its centerpiece will be a statue of Knowles, a midwife to many blacks in Deerfield and beyond who were born at home before Jim Crow laws ended. A committee chose Knowles for the honor because of her impact on the community — the only area midwife for much of her career that spanned more than 40 years, when the nearest hospital accepting black people was in Fort Lauderdale.

The pose of her holding a baby aloft resonates with Commissioner Gloria Battle, whom Knowles delivered, as well as her mother and four other siblings.Created by the same artist who makes the deer statues around city, it is now ready for installation.

“It’s breathtaking,” Battle said.

Her great-great grandfather likely lies in the park.

The 3-acre parcel at Southeast Second Avenue and Fourth Street had once been a privately owned churchyard. Records show burials took place there from 1897 to 1937, with some possibly as late as the 1940s.

Among the approximately 300 who are buried there: veterans of both world wars, a Union soldier and a freed slave.

The property was sold and, in 1974, the new owner bulldozed the headstones. Whether it was really a cemetery was cast into doubt when two archaeological studies, one in 1986 and another in 2005, failed to find human remains. Outcry over proposed development from the city’s African-American community derailed those development proposals.

But the cemetery seemed destined to be bulldozed into further obscurity when a developer in 2015 won approval to build 69 townhouses there and a majority of the City Commission agreed.

As a condition of approval, a third archaeological study was ordered.

That’s when gold-capped teeth and skull fragments turned up. The townhouse development was scaled back and the city applied for state grants.

The state appropriated nearly $1 million in 2016 to buy the former cemetery parcel from the developer.

Further grants paid for the design and construction of the park, named for Knowles but which will also honor Deerfield’s veterans.

“There were no models to go by,” Miller said, explaining that his research didn’t turn up any other forgotten cemeteries that were turned into parks.

The first phase of construction scheduled to be finished in a few weeks.

“It’s going to be a place of reverence, reflection and honor,” Miller said

Journla of Hispanic Philology[edit]

El Journal of Hispanic Philology apareció en 1976, intento de fomentar entre los anglohablantes los estudios filológicos españoles, en imitación de la Revista de Filología Española y la Nueva Revista de Filología Española. Su fundador fue Daniel Eisenberg, que lo dirigió hasta el tomo 16, 1992, cuando fue tomado por un colega suyo, Jorge Román-Lagunas, sin su bendición, llevándolo a temas hispanoamericanos. La última fecha conocida de su publicación es 1996–1997.

Colaboraron en el consejo editorial hispanistas de relieve, como Alan Deyermond, Juan Bautista Avalle-Arce, Edward Riley, y Keith Whinnom

Long Reviews -America8is hard to see[edit]

7 reviews: Includes trailer on Vimeo 6:18. Includes clothing designer. Attendee: “There is something compelling by this work that attempts to demonstrate the humanity of sexual abusers sentenced to a life of being outsiders, often unable to get jobs or unable to travel or live where they may like, by focusing on an actual community in Florida designed for former sex offenders. They may be unredeemable in society's eyes, but the play shows how their needs, dreams, and wishes resemble everyone else's. The actors convey the characters' own self-loathing and frustration as well as their yearning to connect and not be alone, and a few cases in which people do open their minds and hearts to them, sometimes with great difficulty.“

interviews (texts)[edit]

interviews (recordings)[edit]

Interview with Travis Russ on podcast Podcast dec 20, 2017 “Your program is your ticket” Hour start at 8:00. In-depth interview with scores of people, thousands of pages, Priscilla talking. Real verbatim text. It’s so rich.” “It’s the obstacles (in reintegration. Religion plays a huge roll. The limits of forgiveness “fate” Audience before : surprised how complicated the issue is. We’re conditioned to see it - he himwelf felt enotuonal confusion. Surprised became friends with some 14:30 Pris people moved by the experience. T anger to ... people who stumbled upon the place, including new pastor. Drama therapist, other therapist, analytical voice for audience. Many truths out there. Sometimes talk to audience. Play with music, not a musical Made a hymn someone took for Methodist... mentioned spirituals 33.00 Vomep Official music video 1:21

Dont use >*YouTube: 3:51 i was definitely nervous

Official trailer 1:00 this is a map of our village


From Here theater: Includes video

From Life Jacket: Includes Vimeo

Press Kit:

Not much new:

Twitter WATCH: @lifejacketnyc - 07/04/2018 03:18pm "Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming s� https://

civil commitment[edit]

on sex offenders[edit]

on miracle village[edit] Was in Florida Magazine Same:

The centrality of slavery[edit]

In the first years of the 19th century there was intense interest in absorbing in some way Florida into the United States. The term "manifest destiny" did not appear until the 1840s, but the American colonies were expansionist from the beginning; the Revolutionary War had just put it on a back burner for a few years. The War over — even more so after the War of 1812 was over — the expansionism could be put back into practice. Somewhat to the Americans' surprise, Canadians were not very interested in becoming part of the U.S. But Florida was ripe for the taking. Most residents of Florida — maroons and their descendents, the number of whites was small — did not want to be part of the U.S. either. The negros would have been enslaved, or reenslaved, so by 1821 every one that could got out of Florida, to Cuba or an English colony.

Slaves are in fact central to Florida's change in nationality.

Nevertheless, the decision was to be made by the Spanish crown

Puerto Rico[edit]

There are two big elephants in the room, which discussions off Puerto Rico’s status usually ignore.

  • The first is that Spanish is Puerto Rico's official language, and its status has been getting stronger as a result of legal changes. English is no longer a second official language, or even a second language. Spanish is Puerto Rico’s language, full stop. All of its legal documents (Constitution, laws) and legal proceedings are in Spanish. Not everyone knows English.
For Puerto Rico to become a state, Congress must approve it. That Congress would officially accept a state with a different language is unlikely, and a substantial block of citizens — just how many is unknown — would not want it.
  • Under their present status, Puerto Ricans do not pay federal income tax, which they would have to pay if Puerto Rico becomes a state. (They do pay Medicare, Social Security, and some other taxes.) Whether this would be readily accepted by Puerto Ricans remains to be studied.
  • Puerto Rico would be heavily Democratic. Republicans can be counted on to oppose another two Democratic senators.

David Letterman[edit]

Rebellious us. Never had politicians or really big wtars as guests. Instead, he’d have little people like th nut lady Sided with Writers Guild during their now-forgotten 1985 strike

Insecure Stopped in at hairpiece mkker Attacked GE for buying Uin BC. Had president in audience once From Indiana, from a university which was not Indiana's most prestigious Scholarshil for C students

Very privatebabout his private lite. Lost his license had to be chaufered Lived in Ct. (show never visited) shafer an apt in Manhattan

Sent mom to Norway Helped young people get stTted, Jay Leno 4 yrs younger Musicall

Disambiguation page[edit]

− − District of Columbia may refer to

− − X==District of Columbia==

District of Columbia (until 1871)[edit]

The District of Columbia, or sometimes the Original District of Columbia, was until 1871 something other than the City of Washington. They were separate political entities. The district came into existence, with judges and marshals, in the District of Columbia Organic Act of 1801; previously it was the Territory of Columbia. The small cities of Alexandria, VA and Georgetown, MD already existed; the remainder was farmland. Two new counties were created in the 1801 Act: Washington County, D.C. and Alexandria County, D.C. (today Arlington County, Virginia's smallest county, and the independent City of Alexandria). Although Pierre L'Enfant's plan for the city of Washington was created in 1791, and both the White House and the United States Capitol were completed and in use by 1800, the City of Washington was not legally created (chartered) until 1802.

Choice of location[edit]

Congress determined, in the Residence Act of 1790, that the nation's capitol be on the Potomac, between the Anacostia River and today's Williamsport, Maryland, and in a federal district up to 10 miles square. The exact location was to be determined by President Washington, who knew the area better than any other of the major politicians of the period, because his residence was in nearby Mt. Vernon, Virginia. Its trans-state location reflected a compromise between the Southern states and the Northern ones, neither of which blocs would agree to the nation's capitol being in the other.

Virginia fancied itself the most modelic of the states, the largest state (including West Virginia), the state of Washington, of Jefferson, primary author of the Declaration of Independence, and of rising political figures and future presidents Madison and Monroe. (Four of America's first five presidents were from Virginia.) Virginia's House of Burgesses was the clearest predecessor of Congress. Virginia was where the national capital, in their opinion, should be. Virginia was supported by all the states to the south of it.

The capitol of the U.S. in Virginia? The New England states would have none of that. Neither would New York nor Pennsylvania, both of which had previously housed the nation's capital. So Maryland, whose State House was older than that of Virginia, and like Virginia was a slave state, was settled on as a compromise. At Washington's request the City of Alexandria was included in the District, though with the provision that no federal buildings could be built there. The new capitol district was at about the center of the country, actually closer to New Hampshire than to Georgia. (What we now think of as the middle of the country at that time, the Mason-Dixon line, was an obscure boundary dispute, that only came into the national discourse, and was given its name, with the Missouri Compromise of 1850.) About 2/3 of the original District was in Maryland and 1/3 in Virginia, and the wide Potomac in the middle. The future district was surveyed in 1791–92; 24 of its surviving stone markers are in Maryland, 12 in Virginia. (See Boundary Markers of the Original District of Columbia.) Washington decided that the capitol's location would be between Georgetown and the Anacostia River, which was as high as the river could be navigated by ships.

Retrocession of 1847[edit]

Residents of Alexandria were soon unhappy about being in the District, which meant they had no representation in Congress. Also Alexandria was a center of the profitable slave trade – the largest slave-trading company in the country, Franklin and Armfield, was located there – and Alexandria residents were afraid that if the District banned the slave trade, as seemed likely, this industry would leave the city.

To prevent this, Arlington held a referendum, through which voters petitioned Congress and the state of Virginia to return the portion of the District of Columbia south of the Potomac River (Alexandria County) to Virginia. On July 9, 1846, Congress retroceded Alexandria County to Virginia, after which the District's slave traders relocated to Alexandria.[2] The District's slave trade was outlawed in the Compromise of 1850,[3] although ownership of slaves in the District would remain permitted until passage of the Thirteenth Amendment in 1865. Until secession in 1861, Southern states refused to permit setting a precedent, through the Compromise of 1850 or any other legislation, by banning slavery in the District altogether.

Organic Act of 1871[edit]

The District of Columbia Organic Act of 1871 merged the District of Columbia and the City of Washington into a single entity, Washington, D.C..


  1. ^ Blinder, Alan (SepBold texttember 29, 2018). "Florence Silenced North Carolina's Political Rancor. But for How Long?". New York Times. Check date values in: |date= (help)
  2. ^ Historical Society of Washington, D.C. (2004). "Get to know D.C. – Frequently Asked Questions About Washington, D.C." Archived from the original on January 2, 2019.
  3. ^ Compromise of 1850 Heritage Society. "Banning Slave Trade in Washington DC".

Slavery in the District of Columbia[edit]

Patriots War[edit]

On it see p. 4 of Stowells book on Kingsley

The Patriots War, sometimes Patriots' War, was an unsuccessful attempt to have the United States annex part of East Florida, at the time Spanish territory, before the Adams–Onís Treaty of 1819 transferred Florida from Spain to the United States. It included the (self-)creation of the Republic of Florida, planned to last one day. It was informed by the short-lived 1810 Republic of West Florida on Florida's western border, which became part of Louisiana, about to become a state in 1812.

The underlying issue was the availability of vast amounts of land suitable for farming in northern Florida, some of which, in the northeast and western Florida, already had a number of American farmers. Spain was not interested in developing farms or plantations. Furthermore, the Spanish force in the peninsula was small, effectively governing only the small areas around Spain's four forts, St. Augustine, St. Marks, and Pensacola, and Fuerte Carlota (Mobile). These settlements provided naval support to Spanish ships. Florida's northern border with the United States they cared little about, and certainly did not have the forces to defend it. It is the same situation that would emerge later on Florida's western border, producing the short-lived Republic of West Florida (1810), all of which was in today's Louisiana (the Florida Parishes), the longer-lived Republic of Texas, and finally the Mexican-American War. The predecessor of these was the East Florida venture.

The war began with an invasion, called the Patriot Invasion, of East Florida. An informal gathering of armed Americans succeeded in conquering Fernandina and Amelia islands.[1]:35

(Central Florida was at the time inhabited by Native Americans.)


Ny post jan 2017 is on Pocket Through pbcpl: Gossip Never Dies; Learning of Paris Hilton's latest woes-a $10 million slander suit, harassment charges, and a stash of private videotapes reportedly sold at auction-the author had some advice when he saw the heiress's mother Dominick Dunne Vanity Fair. 48.4 (Apr. 2006): p140. Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2006 Conde Nast Publications, Inc.. All rights reserved. Reproduced by permission of The Conde Nast Publications Inc. Review On Shaw jones 11/18/2017 Lee Israel on Israel On Shaw’s book refused to discuss findings

Gossip Never Dies; Learning of Paris Hilton's latest woes-a $10 million slander suit, harassment charges, and a stash of private videotapes reportedly sold at auction-the author had some advice when he saw the heiress's mother


Douma, Michael J. "Slave maroon communities in the Atlantic world." Journal of American Ethnic History, vol. 35, no. 4, 2016, p. 93+. General OneFile, Accessed 13 Apr. 2018.


George Woodbine was a merchant from Jamaica3}} Documents Relating to Colonel Edward Nicholls and Captain George Woodbine in Pensacola, 1814

Stuff on him in the Nicoll’s outpost book Read online free: The Florida Historical Society Quarterly Vol. 10, No. 1 (Jul., 1931), pp. 51-54 Published by: Florida Historical Society Stable URL: Page Count: 4 Topics: Slavery

Neamathla and, probably, his family were at Nicolls' Outpost.[2]:67

Neamathla had always been active in those depredations on the frontiers of Georgia which had brought vengeance and ruin on the Seminoles.

"Perryman was involved in the plot to flog Neamathla during a council at Fort Scott in August 1817. He believed that the Fowltown chief was endangering all of the towns of the area by confronting the army. Neamathla failed to appear for the conference and Maj. David E. Twiggs, who then commanded the fort, did not learn of the plan until after the fact."

Christopher Rage[edit]

Link to Sandbox version on Christopher Rage User:Deisenbe/sandbox/Philip_H._Cummings. / honeysuckle divine United Faculty of Florida. Paddles Sutro Baths. Lorca assasination &#x0308;


The usual translation of the title, In Praise of Folly, is misleading. Folly is an unwise action, that accomplishes nothing at best. There are suggestions of mental illness, as that was understood centuries ago, causing the subjecy to do unreasonable skills

A closer translation is stupidity; the English cognate of "moriae" is moron. So what is being praised is stupidity, which is the topic of the book. The moronic woman explains her role in society: if your parents hadn’t been stupid, you wouldn’t be here.

There is also a pun in the title, which can also be read as “In Praise of [Sir Thomas] More, England’s Catholic hero Sir Thomas More


  1. ^ Millett, Nathaniel (2013). The Maroons of Prospect Bluff and Their Quest for Freedom in the Atlantic World. University Press of Florida. ISBN 9780813044545.
  2. ^ Cite error: The named reference Fowltown was invoked but never defined (see the help page).

Subject of a raiding party by "Captain Miller" who took a bunch pf negroes and held them at Fort Mitchell, Creek agency. Cox, fort wcott, 220

Video Many blacks escaped from the Suwannee settlement to the Tampa Bay region and joined the small maroon community that existed on the Manatee River. Throughout the recent chapters, Tampa Bay has constantly been alluded to as a safe-haven for black fugitives. Some of the refugees had arrived there after the Revolutionary War. Others retreated after the Patriots had decimated the Alachua communities. In January 1813, shortly before the Patriots made the final assault on the Alachua settlements, Benjamin Hawkins reported that the Seminoles and blacks were fleeing to South Florida in anticipation of the attack:

“I received from an Indian of note…the following information…Paine is dead of his wounds…the warring Indians have quit this settlement, and gone down to Tellaugue Chapcopopeau, a creek which enters the ocean south of Moscheto river, at a place called the Fishery. Such of their stock as they could command have been driven in that direction, and the negroes were going the same way. The lands beyond the creek towards Florida point, were, for a considerable distance, open savannas, with ponds; and, still beyond the land, stony, to the point." 20

Hawkins was definitely describing Southwest Florida, particularly the area between Tampa Bay and present-day Ft. Myers. The “Fishery” he alluded to was the Spanish fishery located on Charlotte Harbor. Hawkins later reported: “The negroes now separated and at a distance from the Indians on the Hammocks or the Hammoc not far from Tampa bay,” after they fled the Patriots invasion. In 1815, after Nichols left the “Negro Fort,” some of the blacks no longer felt secure without the British presence. Woodbine left the “Negro Fort” with about two hundred blacks to establish a plantation south of Tampa Bay. Still more had fled after the U.S. military had destroyed their settlements around the “Negro Fort.” According to historians William S. Coker and Thomas D. Watson, “other slaves joined the blacks on the Suwannee and some fled as far south as Tampa,” after the fort’s obliteration. 21 There they built an autonomous community and cultivated the fields along the Manatee River, present day Bradenton. This community would be termed “Angola,” the last remaining stronghold for the free blacks in Florida. The term “Angola” was ascribed because many of the blacks were West African slaves who had escaped from the Carolinas. They applied an assortment of African agricultural techniques to cultivate vast acres of plantation land. A large number of Seminoles were also in the vicinity. In 1821, a South Florida Expeditionary mapped out the region. The map chart was entitled: “A draft of Sarrazota, or Runaway Negro Plantations.” 22 Various black, Seminole, Red Stick Creek, and Spanish settlements were spread out from Tampa Bay all the way down to present-day Ft. Myers. The Angola community, approximately located at present-day Sarasota, was a refuge for blacks escaping the onslaught of white slave raiders. Its population varied between 750 and 900 residents. Considering the accounts of the Creek raid on Angola, it appears that the combined number of refugees, black and Seminole, with those taken in the raid, amount to six or seven hundred at the time of its destruction. A settlement of Red Stick Creeks resided forty miles away on the Peace River. Woodbine chose to relocate the blacks from the “Negro Fort” to Tampa Bay because of its extremely fertile lands and optimal trading location. According to one report: “This is an extensive bay, and capable of admitting ships of any size, contiguous to which are the finest lands in East Florida, which Woodbine pretends belong to him by virtue of a grant from the Indians.” 23 In 1817, there were reports that Woodbine was amassing a large band of Seminole and black allies in Tampa Bay for the purpose of invading and seizing St. Augustine. This was essentially to prevent the United States from taking acquisition of the territory rather than any outright hostility against Spanish rule. The rumors never materialized though. 24 Arbuthnot and Ambrister, the two British officials executed under Jackson’s orders, supported the blacks at Angola with weapons and trade. Robert Ambrister was commissioned to ensure that the blacks that Woodbine left at Angola were secure. A witness at his trial reported: “I frequently heard him say he came to attend to Mr. Woodbine’s business at the bay of Tamper.” The same with Arbuthnot: “The prisoner was sent by Woodbine to Tampa, to see about those negroes he had left there.” 25 In 1837, John Lee Williams made observations of ruins left behind from the Angola community as he extensively explored the Manatee River: “The point between these two rivers is called Negro Point. The famous Arbuthnot and Ambrister had at one time a plantation here cultivated by two hundred negroes. The ruins of their cabins, and domestic utensils are still seen on the old fields.” 26 The Manatee River was not only an extremely fertile, easily defensible location but an optimal site for communication with the British Empire and Spanish Empire in Cuba. After the battle of Suwannee, blacks from Seminole territory found a refuge there and prepared for U.S. reprisal. Captain James Gadsden, aide to Jackson in his Florida campaign, reported back to Jackson about the importance of establishing Tampa Bay as a maritime depot: “It is the last rallying spot of the disaffected negroes and Indians and the only favorable point from whence a communication can be had with Spanish and European emissaries. Nichols it is reported has an establishment in that neighborhood and the negroes and Indians driven from Micosukey and Suwaney towns have directed their march to that quarter.” 27 In some retrospect, Angola could have been a potential last stand for the Seminoles and blacks. They began arming themselves through their Spanish and British trading partners. With reports of Spanish provision of armaments, General Gaines offered to “do what can be done with the limited means under my control, and strike at any force that may present itself.” 28 According to Gaines, the Spanish “furnished hostile Indians, at the bay of Tampa, with ten horseloads of ammunition, recommending to them united and vigorous operations against us.” 29 Jackson focused on establishing and increasing the military force in Tampa with five hundred regulars. This would be to “insure tranquility in the south.” The detachment was intended to destroy “Woodbine’s negro establishment.” 30 Col. Robert Butler reported that the blacks were fortifying themselves at Tampa Bay in anticipation of a U.S. attack. 31 Jackson had remained consistent in his goal to obliterate independent black settlements throughout the peninsula. Secretary of War Calhoun failed to authorize Jackson the use of direct military force. He knew that any further incursions into Florida would possibly put a damper on negotiations with Spain for its acquisition. Angola had secured itself for the time-being. This was until Jackson was granted governorship of the Florida territory early in 1821. On April 2, 1821, Andrew Jackson requested instruction from Secretary of State John Quincy Adams on the removal of the Red Stick and black settlements in the Tampa Bay region. 32 Before he received an answer, Jackson would take action into his own hands. Geopolitical intrigue in Florida intended to kill two birds with one stone: defeating insubordinate natives and preventing fugitive slaves from finding safe-haven. In late April 1821, William McIntosh, Jackson-appointed brigadier general, ordered a war party of Coweta Creeks into Florida to eliminate the Red Stick Creek settlements and enslave the blacks at Angola. A force of two hundred Coweta Creeks was commissioned under the command of William Weatherford and Charles Miller, pro-white Creek chiefs who were closely associated with McIntosh. An “eye-witness,” possibly a participant in the incursion, described the purpose of the raid in the columns of the Charleston Gazette:

“Towards the end of the month of April last, some men of influence and fortune, residing somewhere in the western country, thought of making a speculation in order to obtain Slaves for a trifle. They hired Charles Miller, William Weatherford [and others], and under these chiefs, were engaged about two hundred Cowetas Indians. They were ordered to proceed along the western coast of East Florida, southerly, and there take, in the name of the United States, and make prisoners of all the men of colour, including women and children, they would be able to find, and bring them all, well secured, to a certain place, which has been kept a secret.” 33

Indian Agent John Crowell wrote about the raid in a letter to Secretary of War John Calhoun:

“Some short time previous to my coming into this agency, the chiefs, had organized a Regt. of Indian Warriors, and sent them into Florida in pursuit of negroes that had escaped from their owners, in the Creek nation as well as such as had run off from their owners in the States; this detachment has recently returned, bringing with them, to this place fifty nine negroes, besides about twenty delivered to their respective owners on their march up.” 34

The raiders wrecked havoc throughout Florida until they launched a surprise attack on Angola and devastated the settlement. The Creek raiders captured over three hundred inhabitants, plundered their plantations, and set fire to all of their homes. Afterwards, the war party made its way south and plundered the Spanish fisheries on the Caloosahatchee River. Most of the three hundred prisoners taken in the raid disappeared as the Creek party made their way back to the United States. The “eye-witness” in the Charleston Gazette detailed the raid of Angola:

“They arrived at Sazazota, surprised and captured about 300 of them, plundered their plantations, set on fire all their houses, and then proceeding southerly captured several others; and on the 17th day of June, arrived at the Spanish Ranches, in Pointerrass Key, in Carlos Bay, where not finding as many Negroes as they expected, they plundered the Spanish fishermen of more than 2000 dollars worth of property, besides committing the greatest excess. With their plunder and prisoners, they returned to the place appointed for the deposit of both.” 35

The aftermath of the Coweta Creek raid was chaotic for the free blacks and Red Stick Creeks in the Florida territory. Settlements were scattered, refugees fled into different areas, and others, having grown tired of the constant terror, escaped the country. While some remained behind under the protection of Spanish gunboats, about three hundred refugees left on canoes to the Florida Keys and escaped to the Bahamas through British wrecking vessels. The “eye-witness” detailed the aftermath of the assault:

“The terror thus spread along the Western Coast of East Florida, broke all the establishments of both blacks and Indians, who fled in great consternation. The blacks principally, thought they could not save their lives but by abandoning the country; therefore, they, by small parties and in their Indian canoes, doubled Cape Sable and arrived at Key Taviniere, which is the general place of rendezvous for all the English wreckers [those who profited from recovery of shipwreck property], from Nassau, Providence; an agreement was soon entered into between them, and about 250 of these negroes were by the wreckers carried to Nassau and clandestinely landed.” 36

A Florida observer wrote that some the blacks from the “Negro Fort”, along with runaway slaves from Florida and other Southern states, “formed considerable settlements on the waters of Tampa Bay. When the Indians went in pursuit of these negroes, such as escaped made their way down to cape Florida and the reef, about which they collected within a year and a half upwards of three hundred; vast numbers of them have been at different times since carried off by the Bahama wreckers to Nassau.” 37 After the assault, some blacks armed themselves and remained isolated in the southwest region of the state under the protection of Spanish traders. Some Florida residents petitioned the President to “retain their property” that escaped to an island or cluster of islands off the Florida west coast and were “protected by an armed banditti.” 38 In July, a small party of destitute Seminoles made their way to St. Augustine, informing Capt. John R. Bell that “very recently a party of Indians (Cawetus) said to be headed by McIntosh came into their neighborhood and had taken off a considerable number of negroes and some Indians, that the commander of party had sent them information that in a short time he should return and drive all the Indians off.” 39 Bell denied that the party was authorized by Jackson or any higher authorities, but failed to note that William McIntosh was Jackson’s close ally. A mass exodus of blacks took place from the Keys to the Bahamas. James Forbes reported that runaway blacks were amassed at Cape Florida: “At this key, which presents a mass of mangroves, there were lately about sixty Indians, and as many runaway negroes, in search of sustenance, and twenty-seven sail of Bahaman wreckers.” 40 Florida officials were not merely satisfied with the blacks taken during the Coweta raid. In 1823, Governor Duval wrote to Calhoun in apprehension of fugitive blacks escaping to the Bahamas: “I have been informed by Gentlemen upon whom I can rely, that there are about ninety negros, fugitives from this Province and the neighboring States, on St. Andrews Island one of the Bahamas, & about thirty more on the Great Bahamas & the neighboring Islands, those Negros went from Tampa Bay, & Charlotte Harbour, in boats to the Florida Keys from whence they were taken to the Bahamas by the Providence Wreckers. The slaves might be obtained, if Com. Porter be ordered to demand them from the authorities at those Islands.” 41 James Forbes also wrote a letter to Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, claiming that the Seminoles “apprehend some disturbance from the Cowetas. These last are said to have been at Tampa about 200 strong and taken from thence about 120 Negroes after destroying four Spanish settlements there.” 42 Calhoun shouldered the blame of the illegal incursion onto “rogue” Creek chiefs, shifting any responsibility from Andrew Jackson. He purposely avoided mentioning Jackson as the possible culprit for organizing it, his avid determination to destroy “Woodbine’s negro establishment,” or his close association with the Creek leaders who led the incursion. Jackson’s involvement was behind the scenes and there was nothing to directly implicate him. Calhoun reprimanded the Creeks in a letter to Indian Agent John Crowell:

“The expedition to Florida was entirely unknown to this Department. I have to express my concern at, and most decided approbation of, the conduct of the chiefs; that they should seize upon the very moment when that country was about to pass from the possession of Spain to that of the United States, and when everything was in confusion, to use the superior force of the Creek nation over the weakness of the Seminoles, to impose on and plunder them.” 43

Calhoun was actually more interested in the fate of the blacks taken in the raid, the most controversial aspect for Southern slaveholders. He cared nothing for the free blacks who had been seized from their lands and sold as slaves. If hundreds of fugitive slaves were indeed captured in this raid, where did they go? Crowell’s letter to Calhoun, attempting to justify the raid, indicated that this is where the Secretary of War’s main concern lied:

“Special orders were given to Col. Miller not to interrupt the person or the property of any Indian or white man & he declares that he did not take from the possession of either red or white person a single negro except one from a vessel belonging to the celebrated Nichols, lying at anchor in Tampy Bay. The negroes he took, were found and acknowledged by the inhabitants of the country to be runaways.” 44

It was presumed that most of the blacks seized in the raid were sold by the Creek mercenaries to Florida planters as they made their way back to the United States. Crowell gave a list of 59 slaves that had made it to the United States, titled a “Description of the Negroes brought into the Creek nation by a detachment of Indian Warriors under the command of Col. Wm. Miller a half breed Indian.” In turn, Calhoun gave the list to Capt. John R. Bell of St. Augustine in hopes that some Florida slaveholders could retrieve their property: “I furnished you with a list of negroes taken from the Seminole Indians by a party of Creeks; by which it would seem that many of them belong to the Inhabitants of Florida.” 45 Slaveholders attempted to retrieve the blacks taken in the raid and the black refugees who escaped to the Bahamas. The “eye-witness” in the Charleston Gazette rhetorically concluded his editorial column on the Creek incursion:

“Now all these Negroes, as well as those captured by the Indians, and those gone to Nassau, are runaway Slaves, from the Planters on St. John’s River, in Florida, Georgia, Carolina, and a few from Alabama. Cannot those Planters who have had their Negroes missing recover them by means of these chiefs I have named, and who are so well known by the parts they have been playing for some time past in the late Indian wars, and discover who are those speculative gentlemen who now hold their Negroes, and if they were lawfully their slaves? Could not all those Negroes unlawfully introduced into Nassau be also recovered by an application to the English governor, backed by a formal demand from the Government of the United States?” 46

When it came to catching the refugee blacks, Governor Duval’s hands were tied. Duval instructed Horatio S. Dexter to bring in the runaway slaves he found in the vicinity of Tampa Bay. Duval could not pursue the black refugees from Angola until he received permission from Bahaman authorities nor call out a militia against the blacks in Florida territory until given Presidential authority. Duval received information that a “considerable number of slaves” had established themselves at Pine Island on the mouth of the Charlotte River after fleeing from Tampa. They were “well armed with Spanish Muskets” and “refuse to permit any American to visit the Island.” They maintained their allegiance to the Spanish traders, cutting timber and fishing for the Havana market. In turn, the Spaniards gave them protection with several small gunboats armed with one to three guns each. Duval could not comply with the wishes of slaveholders until he received Presidential authority to which he would commission sixty mounted militiamen under the command of Col. Humphreys to apprehend the blacks. 47 The blacks and Seminoles of Middle Florida also felt the effects of the Creek incursion. The black and Red Stick Creek settlements in Middle Florida scattered into even more remote locations. In 1822, Dr. William Simmons travelled to a black settlement in the Big Swamp “accompanied by an Indian Negro, as a guide.” In his route, he witnessed “the sites of Indian towns, which had been recently broken up, and the crops left standing on the ground. These were chiefly settlements of Lower Creek Indians, who, after their defeat by General Jackson, in the late war, came down among the Seminoles, and supposing themselves peculiarly obnoxious to the Americans, dispersed themselves in the woods, or retired to remote situations, as soon as the transfer of the Province took place.” 48 Simmons also found that his black Seminole hosts had recently fled from their settlements in apprehension of Coweta slave raiders, impoverished and unable to provide him with any form of hospitality: “These people were in the greatest poverty, and had nothing to offer me; having, not long before, fled from a settlement farther west, and left their crop ungathered, from an apprehension of being seized on by the Cowetas, who had recently carried off a body of Negroes, residing near the Suwaney.” 49 U.S. imperialism in Florida meant the decentralization of black and native settlements. Ironically this would make things very difficult two years later when they attempted to concentrate them within a tight reservation. Native and black people who had once flourished on the Alachua savannah for almost a century were broken up by the Patriots invaders. Native and black people who had once cultivated the fertile banks of the Appalachicola River were broken up by a U.S. incursion that slaughtered hundreds at the “Negro Fort.” Native and black people who cultivated fields along the Suwannee River were broken up by Andrew Jackson’s incursion two years later. Native and black people who lived off of the fertile lands and abundant hunting grounds in the vicinity of Tampa Bay were broken up by a pro-white Creek incursion detached by Jackson. In four separate incursions over the span of a decade, the U.S. made it clear that its Florida policy was to subjugate its free black residents in order to make it safe for slavery to flourish.


20. ASPIA 1: 838; Hayes, Louis F. Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 1797-1815. Atlanta: Georgia Department of Archives and History, 1939. 198-200. 21. Coker, William S. and Watson, Thomas D. Indian Traders of the Southeastern Spanish Borderlands: Panton, Leslie & Company and John Forbes & Company, 1783-1847. Pensacola: University of West Florida Press, 1986. 309. 22. For a complete illustration of the Angola community see Brown, Canter, Jr. “Sarrazota, or runaway Negro plantations”: Tampa Bay’s First Black Community.” Tampa Bay History 12 (Fall-Winter): 5-19. 23. ASPFA 4: 603. 24. Ibid. 25. Ibid. 604; ASPMA 1: 731. 26. Williams, Territory of Florida, 299-300. 27. “The Defenses of the Floridas, Report of Capt. James Gadsden to Gen. Jackson, 1818.” Florida Historical Quarterly. April 1937. 249. 28. ASPMA 1: 753. 29. Ibid. 30. Ibid. 752-753. 31. Carter, Territorial Papers, XXII, 167. 32. ASPFA 4: 755. 33. “Advice to Southern Planters” in Charleston City Gazette, c. November 1821, reprinted in Philadelphia National Gazette and Literary Register, December 3, 1821, cited in Brown, “Sarrazota, or Runaway Negro Plantations.” 34. John Crowell to John C. Calhoun, January 22, 1822, in T. J. Peddy, “Creek Letters 1820-1824.” (typescript in Georgia Department of Archives and History, Atlanta), 22.2.22.C.C. 35. Brown, “Sarrazota, or Runaway Negro Plantations,” 12-15. 36. “Advice to Southern Planters” in Charleston City Gazette, c. November 1821. 37. Vignoles, Charles B. Observations upon the Floridas. New York: E. Bliss & E. White, 1823: 135-136. 38. Carter, Territorial Papers, XXII, 763. 39. Ibid. 126. 40. Forbes, Sketches, historical and topographical, of the Floridas, 105. 41. Carter, Territorial Papers, XXII, 745. 42. Ibid. 119. 43. “J.C. Calhoun to Col. John Crowell, Indian Agent.” Creek Letters 1820-1824. Georgia Dept. of Archives & History, Atla


Patrick Bresnan and Yvette Lucas are a married couple who make films about Palm Beach County. They live in Austin, Texas.[1]

Ivete Lucas (Director/Producer/Editor) was born in Brazil and holds an MFA in Film Production from the University of Texas at Austin. She started her career in Mexico with a grant from the Mexican Film Institute (IMCINE) to direct the short film Asma, which was shortlisted for an Ariel (the Mexican equivalent of the Academy Award.) Her short documentary The Send-Off co-directed with her partner Patrick Bresnan (see below) premiered at Sundance in 2016 and won jury awards at SXSW, AFI Fest and the San Francisco International Film festival. She is the producer and editor of the multiple award-winning short The Rabbit Hunt (2017), directed by Bresnan. The duo were named among Filmmaker Magazine’s 25 New Faces of Independent Film in 2016. Patrick Bresnan (Director/Producer/Cinematographer) is a visual artist and filmmaker who holds a Master’s Degree in Sustainability from the University of Texas at Austin. After a formative period working for prominent Mission School artists Barry McGee (aka Twist) and Clare Rojas, he co-directed the short documentary The Send-Off (2016) with his partner Ivete Lucas (see above). His short The Rabbit Hunt world-premiered at Sundance in 2017 before competing at the Berlinale,and has won nine awards including Best Short Documentary at four Academy-qualifying events.

Films by Bresnan and Lucas[edit]

Look at Miracle village history for a PB Post article Ivanhoe. 2011

  • The Curse and the Jubilee (2011) both ok The Curse and The Jubilee is a collective voice of survival in the postindustrial, cursed mining town of Ivanhoe VA. The film engages the people as they are reconstituted through the Jubilee, a July 4th celebration where the scattered families return to their forsaken lands and stand in solidarity against the scars left by the mines, racism, poverty and abandonment.
  • One Big Misunderstanding (2016) a feature 76 minutes documentary about a Vietnam War reenactor premiere at Toronto Film Festival

When 23-year-old Bubba, who comes from a long lineage of military service, is rejected by the Army for his physical and mental health, he seeks camaraderie in the world of war re-enacting. But when he and a group of enthusiasts stage the first-ever public Vietnam War reenactment in Philadelphia, they unintentionally reignite the past traumas of the veterans they seek to honor and raise greater philosophical questions about their own fascination with guns, the realities of warfare, and mental illness.

Before release was called Vietnam Appreciation Day

  • The Send-Off premiered at the Sundance Film Festival in 2016. won jury awards at SXSW, AFI Fest and the San Francisco International Film festival. Called "a svelte and gripping short documentary about Pahokree prom night, is a work of sophisticated vérité".[1]
  • Chasing Rabbits (2017) also premiered at Sundance 2017.
    • Jury Award Winner at the SXSW (South by Southwest) film festival.
    • Best documentary short at the San Francisco Film Festival
    • ShortvFilm Award at the BFI Lindon Film Festival
    • Grand Jury Award for Best Documentary Short at the Florida Film Festival, 2018
  • Roadside Attraction (2017) After a very famous airplane arrives at Palm Beach International Airport, an otherwise ordinary stretch of Florida highway attracts an avid cluster of excited onlookers and selfie-takers.

  • Meanwhile, The Send-Off will become a section of a 10-part feature about a year of life in Pahokee. Five more shorts are yet to be shot.Cite error: The <ref> tag has too many names (see the help page).

In 2017 it staged the world premiere of Naked Bears: The Musical

Negro fort[edit]

|newspaper=The Farmer and Mechanic (Raleigh, N.C.) |date=October 27, 1881 |title=The Story of Negro Fort |first=George Cary |last=Egglston |url=

Same story The Bossier banner., December 08, 1881.

Seminoles of Florida Americans, Blush I Extracts from the new work of Judge Jay, entitled ' A View of the Action of the Federal Government in behalf of Slavery.' FUGITIVE SLAVES IN- CANADA. The presence of British armed vessels in our southern waters April 20, 1839 Montpelier


  1. ^ a b Rizov, Vadim (July 25, 2016). "Ivete Lucas and Patrick Bresnan". Filmmaker. 25 New Faces of Film 2016. Retrieved February 17, 2018.


A term used to describe an individual, largely but not exclusiively male, whose behavior is colorful and/or well beyond typical in a given circumstance, someoone with multiple traits or practices. Sometimes said with admiration, more often that the behavior is harmless at worst and possibly amusing; rarel, a designation as character can be negative

List of monuments and memorials to African Americans[edit]

Memorials to Martin Luther King are here!

This list does not include plaques or historical markers.

This is a sortable table. Click on the heading you want it sorted by.

Name Image Location Designer/sculptor Statue name
Date Comments/inscriptions
Denmark Vesey
Denmark Vesey Monument - Hampton Park - Charleston SC 06.jpg
Charleston, South Carolina,
Hampton Park
2014 Portrayed as a carpenter, holding a Bible
All Wars Memorial to Colored Soldiers and Sailors - Philadelphia, PA - DSC06524.JPG
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania J. Otto Schweizer All Wars Memorial to Colored Soldiers and Sailors 1934
Colored Soldiers Monument in Frankfort
Colored Soldiers Monument in Frankfort 1.jpg
Frankfort, Kentucky 1924
Harriet Tubman
Harriet Tubman statue morning jeh.jpg
Manhattan, New York City Alison Saar "Swing Low"
Harriet Tubman Memorial (New York City)
Harriet Tubman
Harriet Tubman Memorial, Boston (front).jpg
Boston, Massachusetts, Harriet Tubman Park Fern Cunningham Harriet Tubman Memorial (Boston)
Sojourner Truth
Flickr - USCapitol - Bust of Sojourner Truth.jpg
Washington, D.C., United States Capital Artis Lane 2009
Sojourner Truth [1] Florence, Massachusetts
Sojourner Truth
Sojourner Truth as a young slave girl.jpg
Esopus, New York Trina Greene 2013 Portrays her as a slave child. She was born in Esopus. [2]
33 Georgia legistators Atlanta, Georgia, grounds of the Georgia State Capitol John Thomas Riddle, Jr. Expelled Because of Their Color Commemorates the Original 33.
Three slaves Boston, Massachusetts, Harriet Tubman Park Meta Vaux Warrick Fuller "Emancipation"
Emancipation (Fuller)
1913; cast in bronze 1999
Ray Charles Greenville, Florida, downtown, on U.S. 90 He grew up in Greenville.[3]:16
Integration Statue Tallahassee, Florida, campus of Florida State University Portrays Maxwell Courtney, the first African-American to enroll and graduate; Doby Flowers, the first black Miss Florida State University; and Fred Flowers, first black varsity athlete. [3]:14
Rosa Parks
Rosa Parks Statue in National Statuary Hall (8513594100).jpg
Washington, D.C.
U.S. Capitol Rotunda
Eugene Daub 2013
Harriet Tubman
Statue of Harriet Tubman Ypsilanti Michigan.JPG
Ypsilanti, Michigan Jane DeDecker Statue of Harriet Tubman (DeDecker) 2005
Harriet Tubman Little Rock, Arkansas, 1200 President Clinton Ave Jane DeDecker Statue of Harriet Tubman (DeDecker)
Harriet Tubman Gainesville, Georgia
Campus of Brenau University.
Jane DeDecker Statue of Harriet Tubman (DeDecker) 1997
Duke Ellington Manhattan, New York City, 5th Avenue and 110 St. Robert Graham Duke Ellington Circle 1997
Harriet Tubman Mesa, Arizona
Las Sendas Community
Jane DeDecker Statue of Harriet Tubman (DeDecker)
Harriet Tubman ? Jane DeDecker Statue of Harriet Tubman (DeDecker)
Harriet Tubman ? Jane DeDecker Statue of Harriet Tubman (DeDecker) 2005
Fred Lee Douglas Tallahassee, Florida, Frenchtown, corner of Macomb and Georgia St. 2004 Douglas was the first black policeman in Tallahassee assigned to a regular beat.[3]:13
Reverend C. K. Steele Tallahassee, Florida, City Bus Terminal, C.K. Steele Plaza David Lowe 2005 Tallahassee civil rights leader of the 1950s.

None to Andre Cailloux

booker t. wasington high school. columbia,s.c.

Emancipation day Juneteenth Fred Lee statue Tallahassee. Rosa Parks. Steele

Nashvilke tn capitol: the Memorial to Africans during the Middle Passage at the southwest corner of Capitol grounds.

See Barbara jordan

Fred Douglas Lee Statue at Famu. Go through

research. And an eight-foot-tall sculpture stands, until ­mid-December, in front of the historical home of early Princeton presidents.

The sculpture, by Titus Kaphar and commissioned by the Princeton University Art Museum, layers portraits of the school president from 1761 to 1766 with those of a black man, woman and child. They represent the slaves who worked at the president’s home and those who were sold at auction on that site.

== Monuments to African Americans called for

  • Kalief Browder, whose suicide during inpridonment on Riker’s Island is believed to be due toi prison abuse. Reference sayej on Monum controversies

Civil Rights Memorial

List of Anerican Civil War-related lists.

  • Removal of Confederate monuments and memorials}}

List of lists of African Americans

Sutro baths[edit]

Sutro Baths was at 1015 Folsom (


Fetcon, from Fetish Convention, is a weekend meeting which takes place at the Bayfront Hilton, St. Petersburg, Florida. It is the oldest of the "sex industry" shows which are now held once a year at various cities nationwide and abroad. Toys costumes for sale, much video shooting.

Australian porn star Morgana Muses

Jim Lassiter[edit]

A silent loop with Lassiter is found on the collection Bob Mizer: Military Films 1958-1971.[4] He appears on the documentary Beefcake (1998). The IMDB reports him as having an uncredited appearance on the television show Telephone Time (1957)..[5]
Cite error: There are <ref group=nota> tags on this page, but the references will not show without a {{reflist|group=nota}} template (see the help page).

  1. ^ Retrieved January 5, 2019. Missing or empty |title= (help)
  2. ^ "Town to Unveil Sojourner Truth Statue". Mindful Walker. September 16, 2013. Retrieved January 4, 2019.
  3. ^ a b c Florida Department of State, Division of Historical Resources (between 2004 and 2007). "Florida Black Heritage Trail". Check date values in: |date= (help)
  4. ^, consulted March 29 2017.
  5. ^, retrieved March 29, 2017.