User:Reydeyo/Douglas J. Feith

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Douglas Feith

Douglas J. Feith (born July 16, 1953) served as the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy for United States President George W. Bush from July 2001 until he resigned from his position effective August 8, 2005. His official responsibilities included the formulation of defense planning guidance and forces policy, United States Department of Defense (DoD) relations with foreign countries, and DoD's role in U.S. Government interagency policymaking. A member of the neoconservative[1][2][3] movement, his tenure in that position was marked by controversy.

Upon his resignation, Feith joined the faculty of the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University, as a Professor and Distinguished Practitioner in National Security Policy, for a two year stint despite strong objections from the student body and faculty. His contract was not renewed due to strong opposition from members of the faculty, despite "really good" teaching reviews.[4] Currently, Feith is the Director of the Center for National Security Strategies and a Senior Fellow at the Hudson Institute, a conservative think-tank.[5]

Early life[edit]

Feith was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He was one of three siblings born to Rose and Dalck Feith. His father, Dalck, was a member of the Betar, a Revisionist Zionist youth organization, in Poland, and a Holocaust survivor who lost his parents and seven siblings in the Nazi concentration camps. He came to the United States during World War II, and became a successful businessman, a philanthropist, and a donor to the Republican party, and imbued his son with strong and lifelong opinions about government and international relations. Years later, Feith noted: "[Neville] Chamberlain wasn’t popular in my house".[6]

Feith grew up in Elkins Park, part of Cheltenham Township, a Philadelphia suburb. Feith came of age during the tumultuous Civil Rights and Vietnam War era. He attended Philadelphia's Central High School. Of that, Feith wrote "It's a good school. The class that I was in at Central was the most talented group of kids that I ever went to school with, including college and law school."[7]

Feith attended Harvard University for his undergraduate degree and graduated magna cum laude in 1975. While at Harvard, Feith says he "benefited especially from the lectures and books of Professor Richard Pipes",[8] the head of Harvard's Russian Research Center. Feith later said of his tutelage under Pipes: "We were part of a rather small minority in Cambridge who thought that working to bring about the collapse of the Soviet Union was not only a noble pursuit, but a realistic project."[8] Feith also cites the works of philosophers John Stuart Mill and Edmund Burke as two major intellectual influences. He continued on to the Georgetown University Law Center, receiving his J.D. magna cum laude in 1978.

Pipes ultimately provided Feith with his initial entry into government. Pipes had joined the Reagan administration's National Security Council in 1981 to help carry out the "project" Pipes and his students had conceived.[9] Feith joined the NSC that same year, working under Pipes. Before that, he worked for three years as an attorney with the law firm Fried, Frank, Harris, Shriver & Jacobson LLP.

Feith has expressed ambivalence about the overall intellectual pedigree Harvard gives its students. In an address on March 3, 2005 to Harvard's Kennedy School of Government he said, "I want to reassure the students in the audience: a Harvard degree does not have to be a liability. In conservative political circles, I've found, it may require some explaining."[10]

Married with four children, Feith makes his home in the Washington suburb of Bethesda, Maryland.


Feith began his career as an attorney in private practice, and first entered government as a Middle East specialist on the National Security Council under Ronald Reagan in 1981. He transferred from the NSC Staff to Pentagon in 1982 to work as Special Counsel for Richard Perle, who was then serving as Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security. Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger promoted Feith in 1984 to Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Negotiations Policy and, when Feith left the Pentagon in 1986, Weinberger gave him the highest Defense Department civilian award, the Distinguished Public Service medal.

During his time in the Pentagon in the Reagan administration, Feith was instrumental in getting the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Weinberger and Shultz all to recommend (successfully) to the President not to ratify changes to the Geneva Conventions. The changes, known as Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions, would have allowed non-state militants to be treated as combatants and prisoners of war even if they had engaged in practices that endangered non-combatants or otherwise violated the laws of war. Reagan informed the United States Senate in 1987 that he would not ratify Protocol I. At the time, both the Washington Post and the New York Times editorialized in favor of Reagan's decision to reject Protocol I as a revision of humanitarian law that protected terrorists.[citation needed]

Upon leaving the Pentagon, Feith co-founded, with Marc Zell, the Washington, DC law firm of Feith & Zell. Three years later, Feith was retained as a lobbyist by the Turkish government. Among other clients, his firm represented defense corporations Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman. Feith left the firm in 2001, following his nomination as Undersecretary of Defense for Policy.

As Under Secretary, Feith continued to champion US respect for the Geneva Conventions, e.g. his Op-Ed article "Conventional Warfare" in the Wall Street Journal on May 24, 2004. When the logic of Reagan's decision on Protocol I was applied by Bush in 2001 in designating Al Qaeda fighters as "enemy combatants" or "unlawful combatants" rather than as "prisoners of war" a passionate debate ensued (and continues) as to whether one is undermining or supporting the Geneva Conventions by designating combatants as "terrorists" and denying detainees POW status.

Following his government service, Feith was employed by the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University, where he taught a course on the Bush administration's anti-terrorism policy. He came to Georgetown's School of Foreign Service after leaving Stanford's Hoover Institution and was appointed by School of Foreign Service Dean, Ambassador Robert Gallucci.[11] However, his hiring "caused an uproar among the faculty" and two years later, his contract was not renewed.[4]

Feith has also set up a personal website ( to counter what he sees as spurious and unfounded claims about his tenure in government. It primarily deals with Inspector-General's Thomas Gimble's 2005 report that called Feith's actions in critiquing CIA intelligence "inappropriate", although not illegal.

Views and publications[edit]

Like his father, Feith is a Republican, and has contributed money to various party candidates over the years.[12] Sympathetic to the neoconservative wing of the party, he has over the last 30 years published many works on U.S. national security policy. His work on US–Soviet détente, arms control and Arab–Israeli issues generated considerable debate.

Feith's writings on international law and on foreign and defense policy have appeared in The Wall Street Journal, Commentary, The New Republic and elsewhere. He has contributed chapters to a number of books, including James W. Muller's Churchill as Peacemaker, Raphael Israeli's The Dangers of a Palestinian State and Uri Ra'anan's Hydra of Carnage: International Linkages of Terrorism, as well as serving as co-editor for Israel's Legitimacy in Law and History.

Feith has long advocated a policy of "peace through strength". He was an outspoken skeptic of U.S.-Soviet détente and of the Oslo, Hebron and Wye Processes on Palestinian-Israeli peace. In particular, he criticized the Oslo Accords and the Camp David peace agreement mediated by former President Carter between Egypt and Israel. In 1997, he published a lengthy article in Commentary, titled "A Strategy for Israel". In it, Feith argued that the Oslo Accords were being undermined by Yasser Arafat's failure to fulfill peace pledges and Israel's failure to uphold the integrity of the accords it had concluded with Arafat. Furthermore, he was an opponent of the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, the International Criminal Court and the Chemical Weapons Convention which he criticized as ineffective and dangerous to U.S. interests.

In 1998, Feith was one of a number of U.S. officials who signed an open letter to President Bill Clinton calling for the United States to oust Saddam Hussein. Feith was part of a group of former national security officials in the 1990s who supported Ahmad Chalabi and the Iraqi National Congress and encouraged the U.S. Congress to pass the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998. Congress approved the Act, and Clinton signed it into law.

Feith generally favors US support for Israel and has promoted US-Israeli cooperation. He was a member of the study group which authored a controversial report entitled A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm,[13] a set of policy recommendations for the newly elected Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The report was published by the Institute for Advanced Strategic and Political Studies without an individual author being named. According to the report, Feith was one of the people who participated in roundtable discussions that produced ideas that the report reflects. Feith pointed out in a September 16, 2004 letter to the editor of the Washington Post that he was not the co-author and did not clear the report's final text. He wrote, "There is no warrant for attributing any particular idea [in the report], let alone all of them, to any one participant."

Feith also served on the board of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), a think tank that promotes a military and strategic alliance between the United States and Israel.[14]

Feith was one of 18 founding members of the organization One Jerusalem to oppose the Oslo peace agreement. Its purpose is "saving a united Jerusalem as the undivided capital of Israel." He is also Director of Foundation for Jewish Studies, which "offers in-depth study programs for the adult Washington Jewish community that cross denominational lines."

Feith told The New Yorker in 2005, "When history looks back, I want to be in the class of people who did the right thing, the sensible thing, and not necessarily the fashionable thing, the thing that met the aesthetic of the moment".[15]

Feith was interviewed by the CBS news magazine 60 Minutes in a segment that was aired on April 6, 2008.[16] During this interview he promoted his newly released memoir, War and Decision and defended the decision making that led to the US invasion of Iraq in 2003.

In a response to the question on why the United States invaded Iraq, Feith responded, "The President decided that the threats from the Saddam Hussein regime were so great that if we had left him in power, we would be fighting him down the road, at a time and place of his choosing."

Feith explained that attacking Iraq was necessary even though the U.S. government realized that Hussein had nothing to do with the 9/11 attacks, because of the need for the U.S. to exercise its right to "anticipatory self-defense."

"What we did after 9/11 was look broadly at the international terrorist network from which the next attack on the United States might come. And we did not focus narrowly only on the people who were specifically responsible for 9/11. Our main goal was preventing the next attack."

Regarding the false claims of the Bush Administration that Iraq was producing weapons of mass destruction, Feith concedes, "It is true that there was a serious error that the CIA made in saying that we would find WMD stockpiles. And it was a terrible mistake for the administration to have made those stockpiles in any way a part of the case for war. I don't think we needed to."

Feith also concedes that he and his colleagues didn’t realize that sending a smaller, mobile force to topple Saddam would make it difficult to establish order after he fell. "The looting that arose in the immediate aftermath of the overthrow of Saddam ... was a problem that the coalition forces had to deal with. I think we paid a very large price for the fact that, you know, our forces did not get that problem under control."

Regarding whether he's happy about the current situation in Iraq, Feith states, "I don't think anybody can be happy. "We've, we've, we've had terrible losses. We have the Americans who have lost their lives, and Iraqis who have lost their lives. Our coalition partners. It's been a costly war."

But Feith still feels that invading Iraq was the right thing to do. "I think the president made the right decision given what he knew. And given what we all knew. And to tell you the truth, even given what we've learned since."

War and Decision[edit]

On April 8, 2008, Feith's memoir, War and Decision: Inside the Pentagon at the Dawn of the War on Terrorism, was published by HarperCollins.

Accusations and rebuttals[edit]

1982 NSC alleged firing and security clearance controversy[edit]

It has been alleged by former National Security Council Intelligence Director Vincent Cannistraro and author Stephen Green that Douglas Feith involuntarily left the NSC in March 1982 and lost his security clearance after he fell under Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) suspicion for passing classified material to Israeli embassy officials who were not entitled to receive it.[17][18][19] This would have required the Bush administration to reissue Feith his clearance before bringing him into the Pentagon.[18] This version of events is disputed by the NSC head at the time, Judge William Clark. When a Montana newspaper reported this accusation, Clark, who was Reagan's National Security Adviser at the relevant time, wrote a September 22, 2005 letter to the editor[20] to correct the record:

Your article cites a Mr. Cannistraro to the effect that Mr. Feith was fired for wrongdoing from President Reagan's National Security Council in 1982. I was President Reagan's National Security Advisor at the time and I tell you that is untrue. Mr. Feith served honorably on my staff and went on to serve well at the Pentagon under Secretary Cap Weinberger. Because of his fine record, President George W. Bush hired him as his Under Secretary of Defense for Policy.

Counter Terrorism Evaluation Unit[edit]

Feith oversaw the Counter Terrorism Evaluation Unit, established to find links between terrorist organizations and their state sponsors. The group issued a report about connections between Iraq and al-Qaida that Secretary of State Donald Rumsfeld requested Feith deliver to CIA Director George Tenet in August 2002. The report has been widely discredited. Tenet told a congressional committee in March 2004 that the report was not reliable. Daniel Benjamin, former director of counterterrorism at the National Security Council, wrote that, far from proving Saddam-Osama ties, "the document lends substance to the frequently voiced criticism that some in the Bush administration have misused intelligence to advance their policy goals."[2]

Office of Special Plans[edit]

Feith led the controversial Office of Special Plans (OSP) at the Pentagon from September 2002 to June 2003.[21] This now defunct intelligence gathering unit has been accused of manipulating intelligence to bolster support for the 2003 US invasion of Iraq.[22] According to The Guardian, "This rightwing intelligence network [was] set up in Washington to second-guess the CIA and deliver a justification for toppling Saddam Hussein by force."[23] According to Kwiatkowski, the Office of Special Plans was "a propaganda shop" and she personally "witnessed neoconservative agenda bearers within OSP usurp measured and carefully considered assessments, and through suppression and distortion of intelligence analysis promulgate what were in fact falsehoods to both Congress and the executive office of the president."[24][25] Senator Carl Levin, in an official report on the Office of Special Plans, singles Feith out as providing to the White House a large amount of Iraq-Al Qaeda allegations which, post-invasion, turned out to be false.[26] Disarmament expert George Perkovich of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace told National Public Radio in 2004, "By all accounts, things in Iraq have gone very, very badly. Doug Feith should have been fired a long time ago for incompetence."[27]

According to The Guardian, the Office of Special Plans kept an extremely low profile, but was able to do the work of a much larger, high-profile organization:

There was a mountain of documentation to look through and not much time. The administration wanted to use the momentum gained in Afghanistan to deal with Iraq once and for all. The OSP itself had less than 10 full-time staff, so to help deal with the load, the office hired scores of temporary "consultants". They included lawyers, congressional staffers, and policy wonks from the numerous rightwing thinktanks in Washington. Few had experience in intelligence.

"Most of the people they had in that office were off the books, on personal services contracts. At one time, there were over 100 of them," said an intelligence source. The contracts allow a department to hire individuals, without specifying a job description.

As John Pike, a defence analyst at the thinktank, put it, the contracts "are basically a way they could pack the room with their little friends".

"They surveyed data and picked out what they liked," said Gregory Thielmann, a senior official in the state department's intelligence bureau until his retirement in September. "The whole thing was bizarre. The secretary of defence had this huge defence intelligence agency, and he went around it."

In fact, the OSP's activities were a complete mystery to the DIA and the Pentagon.

"The iceberg analogy is a good one," said a senior officer who left the Pentagon during the planning of the Iraq war. "No one from the military staff heard, saw or discussed anything with them."[23]

Actions Feith authorized at the Office of Special Plans concerning Iraq[edit]

A source of Iraqi WMD intelligence was overseas "back-channel" meetings with foreign citizens, which Feith authorized.[28] According to Newsday and The Boston Globe, these foreigners included former Iran-Contra figures[29] and agents of Iraqi politician Ahmad Chalabi[30] who were shopping[31] WMD[32] intelligence to the Office of Special Plans.[33].

As Kwiatkowski described, this unvetted WMD information was then "stovepiped" to the White House outside of established intelligence review safeguards for use in building support for the war.[34] Post invasion, the Iraq Survey Group found Iraq had no stocks of WMD, and had not produced WMD since 1991.[35]

These accounts conflict with the official findings of U.S. House and Senate inquiries into these matters. As noted a March 14, 2004 Washington Post article entitled "Feith's Analysts Given a Clean Bill": "Neither the House nor Senate intelligence committees...which have been investigating prewar intelligence for eight months, have found support for allegations that Pentagon analysts went out and collected their own intelligence.... Nor have investigators found that the Pentagon analysis about Iraq significantly shaped the case the administration made for going to war." The subjects of these investigations would be investigated again in 2006 by the Pentagon Inspector General (see below).

Actions Feith authorized at the Office of Special Plans concerning Iran[edit]

The "back-channel" meetings Feith authorized dealt not only with Iraq, but also with Iran. When Powell learned that Feith was authorizing secret meetings with former Iran-Contra figures such as arms dealer Manucher Ghorbanifar to investigate options for regime change in Iran, he angrily complained on August 9, 2003 directly to Rumsfeld and then Rice about Feith conducting unauthorized missions that were contrary to official U.S. policy. A senior administration official said the US Government had learned about the unauthorised talks "accidentally", and that it was unsettling "the government hadn't learnt the lessons of last time around", referring to the secret contacts and rogue operations that led to Iran-Contra.[36]

Feith's authorization of contact with Manuchar Ghorbanifar was also controversial. The CIA said that Ghorbanifar "should be regarded as an intelligence fabricator", and put him under a Burn Notice, warning other intelligence agencies not to use him.[37]

Investigations of the Office of Special Plans and of Feith[edit]

Officially, Feith is currently under investigation by the Pentagon's Inspector General and the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI).[31] Republican Intelligence Committee Chairman Pat Roberts began the investigation when he wrote to the Pentagon Inspector General asking him to start the review:

"The Committee is concerned about persistent and, to date, unsubstantiated allegations that there was something unlawful or improper about the activities of the Office of Special Plans within the office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy ... I have not discovered any credible evidence of unlawful or improper activity, yet the allegations persist." In an attempt to lay these allegations to rest once and for all, he requested the Inspector General to "initiate an investigation into the activities of the Office of Special Plans during the period prior to the initiation of Operation Iraqi Freedom to determine whether any of [its] activities were unlawful or improper; ... [that is,] whether the personnel assigned to the Office of Special Plans, at any time, conducted unauthorized, unlawful, or inappropriate intelligence activities." Senator Levin has asked the Inspector General to look at the activities of the OUSDP generally, and not just the OSP. The SSCI is awaiting the outcome of the DOD Inspector General's review."[38] Sources within the SSCI report Feith and the Defense Department have been less than helpful to their investigation.[18]

As of March 2006 the news organisation Rawstory reports Pat Roberts, head of the Senate Intelligence Committee, was not allowing a complete investigation of Feith and his role at his Office of Special Plans. "One former intelligence official suggested that part of the reason for deferring the Feith inquiry was its sensitivity. A Feith investigation might unravel a bigger can of worms, the source said"[39]

The Chairman of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, Jay Rockefeller twice alleged that the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy or Feith may have engaged in unlawful activities,[40] Phase II of the Senate Report of Pre-war Intelligence on Iraq "found nothing to substantiate that claim; nothing unlawful about the "alleged" rogue intelligence operation in the PCTEG, nothing unlawful about the Office of Special Plans, and nothing unlawful about the so-called failure to inform Congress of alleged intelligence activities."[40] The previous year, the chairman released a press statement claiming that it appeared that the offices were "not in compliance with the law."[40]

Defense Department Inspector General Report Issued[edit]

Tasked to examine a briefing that members of Feith's Policy office delivered in summer-fall 2002 to Secretary Rumsfeld, CIA Director Tenet and White House officials including Steve Hadley and Scooter Libby, the Defense Department Inspector General Thomas Gimble found on February 9, 2007 that Feith's office did nothing unlawful, unauthorized or that attempted to mislead Congress[41] But, the Policy briefing's criticisms of the CIA's intelligence work were found by Gimble to be "inappropriate" because they were "inconsistent with the consensus of the intelligence community."[42]

The Policy briefing in question "did not provide the most accurate analysis of intelligence to senior decision makers", Gimble argued, at a time when the White House was moving toward war with Iraq.[43]

According to the Washington Post, Feith's "office had asserted in a briefing given to Cheney's chief of staff in September 2002 that the relationship between Iraq and al-Qaeda was 'mature' and 'symbiotic,' marked by shared interests and evidenced by cooperation across 10 categories, including training, financing and logistics. Instead, the CIA had concluded in June 2002 that there were few substantiated contacts between al-Qaeda operatives. The contrary conclusions reached by Feith's office – and leaked to the conservative Weekly Standard magazine before the war were publicly praised by Dick Cheney as the best source of information on the topic, a circumstance the Pentagon report cites in documenting the impact of what it described as 'inappropriate' work."[44]

In February 2007, Feith launched an Internet website,, following the Defense Department's Inspector General report on pre-war activities of the Pentagon's policy organization. The report, "spawned a lot of inaccurate commentary by politicians and misreporting by journalists," and Feith said he launched the website, "to provide accurate information and sound commentary on the IG report controversy. I will use it also to provide reliable news items and other material about the work of the policy organization during my tenure as Under Secretary."

Feith's undergraduate work at Harvard and National Security Council position under Professor Richard Pipes in the 1970s and 80's presages present-day controversy over intelligence critiques. At University, Feith was involved with "Team B" analysis: or critiques of existing intelligence.[9] In the late 1970s, many American conservatives believed the Soviet Union was a qualitatively graver threat than US intelligence agencies believed. These fears later proved unfounded. Feith applied a similar ideological lens to existing intelligence regarding Iraq.[45][46]

The response to the Inspector General's report has been determined along partisan lines.[47][48]

Subordinate's involvement in the Lawrence Franklin espionage scandal[edit]

A subordinate of Feith's, Larry Franklin, was convicted, and sentenced to 12 years in Federal prison in 2005 for charges in an espionage scandal. Franklin was accused and convicted of passing classified information to an Israeli diplomat and Steven Rosen, an employee of the Israeli AIPAC lobby. A reporter for the Asia Times wrote in September 2004 that the ongoing FBI counter-espionage probe into improper transmission of classified information to AIPAC from 1999 to shortly before the 2003 Iraq Invasion could involve Feith.[19] Feith has not publicly commented on the investigation.[30] Franklin was one of 1,500[49] employees at Feith's Pentagon office, and officially worked six layers of bureaucracy beneath Feith. However, while leading the Office of Special Plans (OSP), Feith used Larry Franklin repeatedly for sensitive meetings involving foreign citizens, overseas.[28]

According to The Guardian, Feith's office had an unconventional relationship with Israel's intelligence services:

The OSP was an open and largely unfiltered conduit to the White House not only for the Iraqi opposition. It also forged close ties to a parallel, ad hoc intelligence operation inside Ariel Sharon's office in Israel specifically to bypass Mossad and provide the Bush administration with more alarmist reports on Saddam's Iraq than Mossad was prepared to authorise.
"None of the Israelis who came were cleared into the Pentagon through normal channels", said one source familiar with the visits. Instead, they were waved in on Feith's authority without having to fill in the usual forms.
The exchange of information continued a long-standing relationship Feith and other Washington neo-conservatives had with Israel's Likud party.[23]

Also in September 2004, writing in an op-ed for the Gulf News, Adel Safty, the UNESCO Chair of Leadership and President of the School of Government and Leadership, Bahcesehir University in Istanbul, writes, "the FBI may be pursuing the wrong guy. Franklin is working for a more fanatical supporter of Israel with a higher security clearance: Under Secretary of Defence for Policy Douglas Feith, in his support for the extremist elements of the Israel's Likud party, played a crucial role in getting the USA to wage war against Iraq, and is trying to get it to intervene against Iran. Feith's services and loyalty to the Israeli extremists make the FBI investigation of Franklin's spy activities pale in insignificance."[50]

Feith has been defended by Frank Gaffney, the head of the Center for Security Policy and a Feith friend since they served together in the Reagan administration. Gaffney told the Philadelphia Inquirer, "To construe Doug as this sort of running dog of the Jewish state, a Zionist proxy in the Pentagon, is totally false and deeply offensive."[27]

See also[edit]

Lobbying in the United States


  1. ^ "Feith, Douglas J.", Current Biography, H.W. Wilson, 2008
  2. ^ a b "Douglas Feith: What has the Pentagon's third man done wrong? Everything.", Slate, May 20, 2004
  3. ^ "Insider: Iraq Attack Was Preemptive", CBS News, April 6, 2008
  4. ^ a b Kamen, Al (2008-04-23). "Feith and Hope". In the Loop. Washington Post. pp. A19. Retrieved 2008-08-29. 
  5. ^ Official Bio, Hudson Institute website.
  6. ^ Goldberg, Jeffery (May 9, 2005). "A Little Learning: What Douglas Feith knew, and when he knew it.". The New Yorker. Retrieved 2007-02-12. 
  7. ^ Feldman, William (April 14, 2005). "In Defense of America, he's third in line". Northeast Times. Retrieved 2007-02-12. 
  8. ^ a b Feith, Douglas (April 23, 2004). "Defense, democracy and the war on terrorism". US Department of Defense. Retrieved 2007-02-12. 
  9. ^ a b Defense, democracy and the war on terrorism - Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Douglas J. Feith - Transcript | US Department of Defense Speeches | Find Articles at
  10. ^ Douglas J. Feith, Civil Liberties, Civil Society and Civility
  11. ^ Faculty's Chilly Welcome for Ex-Pentagon Official - New York Times
  12. ^ NEWSMEAT ▷ Douglas Feith's Federal Campaign Contribution Report
  13. ^ A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm
  14. ^ The Men From JINSA and CSP, by Jason Vest, 9/2/02
  15. ^ Letter from Washington: A Little Learning: The New Yorker
  16. ^ Insider: Iraq Attack Was Preemptive
  17. ^ [1][dead link]
  18. ^ a b c The Raw Story | Pentagon investigation of Iraq war hawk stalling Senate inquiry into pre-war Iraq intelligence
  19. ^ a b Asia Times - Asia's most trusted news source for the Middle East
  20. ^
  21. ^ Office of Special Plans: Information and Much More from
  22. ^ Annals of National Security: Selective Intelligence: The New Yorker
  23. ^ a b c Special investigation: The spies who pushed for war on Iraq | World news | The Guardian
  24. ^ [2][dead link]
  25. ^ The Lie Factory
  26. ^ Preface
  27. ^ a b Steve Goldstein, "As Iraq struggles, critics zero in on Pentagon aide", Philadelphia Inquirer (28 September 2004) A1.
  28. ^ a b The Raw Story | Senate Intelligence Committee stalling pre-war intelligence report
  29. ^ Pentagon Officials Hold Secret Talks With Iranian Arms Dealer
  30. ^ a b Wider FBI Probe Of Pentagon Leaks Includes Chalabi (
  31. ^ a b 2d probe at the Pentagon examines actions on Iraq - The Boston Globe
  32. ^ Cite error: The named reference autogenerated6 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  33. ^ "Iran-Contra II?" by Joshua Micah Marshall, Laura Rozen, and Paul Glastris
  34. ^ Annals of National Security: The Stovepipe: The New Yorker
  35. ^ - Report: No Iraq WMDs Made After '91 - Politics | Republican Party | Democratic Party | Political Spectrum
  36. ^ Knut Royce and Timothy M. Phelps, "Secret Talks With Iranian Arms Dealer", Newsday (Long Island, NY), August 8, 2003
  37. ^ Asia Times -Veteran neo-con adviser moves on Iran
  38. ^
  39. ^ The Raw Story | Prewar intelligence probe grinds towards end as parties accuse each other of delay
  40. ^ a b c ""Senate Report on Intelligence Activities Relating To Iraq Conducted By The Policy of Counterterrorism Evaluation Group and the Office of Special Plans Within The Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy" (PDF). 
  41. ^,,-6403435,00.html
  42. ^ David S. Cloud and Mark Mazzetti, "Pentagon Group Criticized for Prewar Intelligence Analysis", New York Times, February 9, 2007. Retrieved on March 21, 2008.
  43. ^ Ex-Pentagon official calls prewar intelligence review 'good government' -
  44. ^ Hussein's Prewar Ties To Al-Qaeda Discounted -
  45. ^ Rumsfeld's plan to connect Saddam and al-Qaida - By Fred Kaplan - Slate Magazine
  46. ^ It's Time to Bench "Team B"
  47. ^ "Review of Pre-Iraqi War Activities by the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy" (PDF). United States Department of Defense Office of Inspector General. February 10, 2007. Retrieved 2007-02-12. 
  48. ^ Cloud, David (February 10, 2007). "Inquiry on Intelligence Gaps May Reach to White House". New York Times. Retrieved 2007-02-12. 
  49. ^ The New York Times > Washington > Campaign 2004 > F.B.I. Is Said to Brief Pentagon Bosses on Spy Case; Charges Are Possible
  50. ^ Adel Safty, "Spying for Israel: Got the Wrong Guy", Gulf News (13 September 2004).

Further reading[edit]

Boston, MA October 23, 2008] a video of a talk by Douglas Feith 1hr and 42min.

External links[edit]



Editorials and opinion columnists, in reverse chronological order:

Press releases and news articles[edit]

Government offices
Preceded by
Walter B. Slocombe
United States Department of Defense
Under Secretary of Defense for Policy

Succeeded by
Eric S. Edelman