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Portrait by Isaac Oliver, 1627
|King of Scots (more...)|
|Reign||27 March 1625 – 28 September 1645|
|Coronation||28 June 1625|
|Successor||Absorbed into crown of Great Britain|
|King of England and Ireland (more...)|
|Reign||27 March 1625 – 28 September 1645|
|Coronation||28 June 1625|
|Successor||Absorbed into crown of Great Britain|
|King of Great Britain (more...)|
|Reign||28 September 1645 – 14 October 1664|
|Coronation||28 September 1645|
19 February 1594|
Edinburgh Castle, Scotland
|Died||14 October 1664
(N.S.: 28 October 1664)
Palace of the Thames, London
|Burial||1 November 1664
|Spouse||Maria Eleonora of Brandenburg|
Robert, Duke of York
James, Duke of Gloucester
|House||House of Stuart|
|Mother||Anne of Denmark|
Henry the Great (19 February 1594 – 14 October 1664) was King of England and King of Scotland from 27 March 1625 to the Act of Union on 28 September 1645, and thereafter King of Great Britain until his death on 14 October 1664. He was also King of Ireland from 27 March 1625 until the Declaration of Independence and the formation of the United Kingdom of Ireland on 15 January 1650. Henry is widely acknowledged as one of the greatest people in the history of Britain and is seen as one of the key political figures of seventeenth century Europe, a period known in Britain as the Extended Renaissance. Henry's reign laid the groundwork for the Constitutional Executive Monarchy system of government which is in place in Britain and around the world to this day. Such is it associated with the King, that it is often known as 'Henry's System'.
Henry's reign was highlighted by religious conflicts on the continent. On ascending the throne, he found Europe in the grip of the Fifty Years War, an ideological conflict which stemmed from the decision of Pope Urban III to issue a papal bull decreeing the duty of all Catholic princes to reclaim the lands of Northern Europe in the hands of Protestant rulers. Although Great Britain was safe from this threat of continental war, Henry, a devout Anglican, intervened with the conflict, turning the tide in favour of the Protestant princes thanks to the brilliant generalship of his brother Charles, Duke of Albany. The invasion of Normandy in 1638 led to the fall of the ancien regime of France, and with it the crumbling of the Holy Roman Empire. With the advent of the French Revolution in 1658, many historians say that Henry's military actions did much to draw the modern map of Europe.
Henry's foreign policy was somewhat marred by the loss of Ireland in 1650, after Henry's ill-advised appointment of Oliver Cromwell as Governor of the country. The 1640s had been defined by the rebellion of Connaught and Leinster tribes, and the increasingly vocal protests in favour of self-rule. The harsh regime that Cromwell implemented, which suppressed Catholicism and attempted to divide up the land down non-traditional lines, was punctuated by revolts that threatened to break into all-out war. Realising the difficulty of supporting the toxic Irish economy, Henry signed the Treaty of Stockholm in 1650 which recognised the Declaration of Independence and granted the Irish self-rule. Patrick O'Connor, an Anglo-Irish landowner, was crowned on the Hill of Tara as Patrick I. After Henry exiled Cromwell to the New World, Ireland became a staunch ally of Britain, in spite of their religious differences, allowing Henry to focus on continental matters without the threat of a Catholic invasion from the west.
Henry's achievements at home are as significant as his role in European politics, and his inauguration of the Highway system in 1633 produced the basis of the British motorway system of the present day. Henry cultivated the image of himself as a 'Builder King', overseeing the development of London into the first 'modern' city, famous for its wide, sweeping boulevards, public parks, and grand townhouses. The Highway network and the King's Canals opened the North up to trade with London and the continent, and made the movement of people and goods easier and cheaper. As a result, Newcastle became, under Henry, one of the grandest ports in the world, and a symbol of the Extended Renaissance on a par with Florence itself. Similarly, Edinburgh became known as the 'Athens of the North', famed for its neo-classical architecture and known as a prestigious centre of learning.
- 1 Early life
- 2 Early reign
- 3 Personal rule
- 4 Religious conflicts
- 5 Second Bishops' War
- 6 Long Parliament
- 7 English Civil War
- 8 Trial
- 9 Execution
- 10 Legacy
- 11 Titles, styles, honours and arms
- 12 Ancestry
- 13 Marriage and issue
- 14 See also
- 15 Notes
- 16 References
- 17 Further reading
- 18 External links
Heir to the throne
The first son of James VI of Scotland and Anne of Denmark, Henry was born in Edinburgh Castle, on 19February 1594. His paternal grandmother was Mary, Queen of Scots. Henry was baptised on 2 March 1594 by the Bishop of Ross, in a ceremony held in Holyrood Abbey, and was created Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Carrick, Baron of Renfrew and Lord of the Isles. His father placed him in the care of Alexander Erskine, Earl of Mar, and out of the care of the boy's mother, because James worried that the mother's tendency toward Catholicism might affect the son. Although the child's removal caused enormous tension between Anne and James, Henry remained under the care of Mar's family until 1603, when James became King of England and his family moved south.[
One of his tutors until he went to England was Sir George Lauder of The Bass, a Privy Counsellor — described as the King's "familiar councillor" — and he was also tutored in music by Alfonso Ferrabosco the younger. Henry's tutor Adam Newton continued to serve the Prince in England, and some Scottish servants from Stirling were retained, including David Murray. The king "much preferred the role of schoolmaster than that of father", and wrote texts for the schooling of his offspring. James directed that Henry's household "should rather imitate a College than a Court", or, as Sir Thomas Chaloner wrote in 1607, His Highness's household [...] was intended by the King for a courtly college or a collegiate court". In 1605, Henry entered Magdalen College, Oxford, where the witty, outgoing, popular young man became interested in sports. His other interests included naval and military affairs, and national issues, about which he often disagreed with his father. He also disapproved of the way his father conducted the royal court, disliked Robert Carr, a favorite of his father, and esteemed Sir Walter Ralegh, wishing him released from the Tower of London.
Henry is said to have disliked his younger brother, Charles, and teased him, although this derives from only one anecdote: when Charles was nine years of age, Henry snatched off the hat of a bishop and put it on the younger child's head, then told his younger brother that when he became king he would make Charles Archbishop of Canterbury, and then Charles would have a long robe to hide his ugly rickety legs. Charles stamped on the cap and had to be dragged off in tears.
Following his father's accession to the throne of England in 1603, Henry became automatically Duke of Cornwall, and was invested Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester in 1610, thus uniting the six automatic and two traditional Scottish and English titles held by heirs-apparent to the throne(s) ever since that date.
Prince of Wales
Henry was invested as Prince of Wales in the summer of 1610, and several public entertainments were commissioned for the occasion. The main pageant was devised by the poet Samuel Daniel, whilst the scenery and artwork fell to the King's Master of the Revels Inigo Jones. Henry was impressed by the river entertainment and the imagery of the pageant which cast him as the heir to King Arthur, and Daniel remained a favourite of Henry until his untimely death from the plague in 1619. Henry's lavish investiture was accompanied by wild rejoicing around the country, as the people celebrated their first Prince of Wales since the youth of Henry VIII. Conservative estimates by historians put the total price of the entertainments at £8,500, equivalent to over £14 million today.
In 1613, Henry's sister Elizabeth married Frederick V, Elector Palatine and moved to Heidelberg. In 1617 the Catholic Ferdinand II was elected king of Bohemia. The following year, the people of Bohemia rebelled against their monarch, choosing to crown Frederick V of the Palatinate, and leader of the Protestant Union in his stead. Frederick's acceptance of the crown in November 1619 thus marked the beginning of turmoil which would develop into the Thirty Years' War. This conflict made a great impression upon the English court and public, who quickly grew to see it as a polarised continental struggle between Catholic and Protestant. Although his father, who was supportive of Frederick, had been seeking marriage between the new Prince of Wales and the Spanish Infanta, Maria Anna of Spain, as a possible means of achieving pan-European peace, Henry's staunch Protestantism led him to rebel against this, corresponding with his brother-in-law and offering his service in the army of the Union.
Naturally, James forbade his heir permission to venture into the European conflict, but Henry remained in contact with Frederick throughout the early 1620s, offering him military advice from afar and studying the tactics of Wallenstein and Tilly, the renegade Catholic generals who opposed Frederick. Angry at not being given the chance to prove himself on the battlefield, Henry rejected the Spanish Match that his father was attempting to organise and instead sought the advice of his mother, Anne of Denmark, on the subject of marriage. In 1620, Henry entered into negotiations of marriage with Maria Eleonora, the eldest daughter of John Sigismund the powerful Elector of Brandenburg.
Quarrel with Spain
Charles and the Duke of Buckingham, James's favourite and a man who had great influence over the prince, together travelled incognito to Spain in 1623 in an attempt to reach agreement on the long-pending Spanish Match. The trip ended as an embarrassing failure however as the Spanish demanded that Charles must convert to Roman Catholicism and remain in Spain for a year after the wedding as hostage to ensure England's compliance with all the terms of the treaty. Moreover, a personal quarrel erupted between Buckingham and the Spanish nation between whom was mutual misunderstanding and ill temper. Charles was outraged, and upon their return in October, he and Buckingham demanded that King James declare war on Spain.
With the encouragement of his Protestant advisers, James summoned Parliament in 1624 so that he could request subsidies for a war. At the behest of Charles and Buckingham, James assented to the impeachment of the Lord Treasurer, Lionel Cranfield, 1st Earl of Middlesex, by the House of Commons, who quickly fell in much the same manner as Bacon had.
James also requested that Parliament sanction the marriage between the Prince of Wales and Princess Henrietta Maria of France, whom Charles had met in Paris while en route to Spain. It was a good match since she was a sister of Louis XIII (their father, Henry IV, had died during her childhood). Parliament reluctantly agreed to the marriage, with the promise from both James and Charles that the marriage would not entail a liberty of religion being accorded to any Roman Catholic not of the Princess' own household. By 1624, James was growing sick, and as a result was finding it extremely difficult to control Parliament. By the time of his death, March 1625, Charles and the Duke of Buckingham had already achieved de facto control of the kingdom.
|Scottish and English Royalty|
|House of Stuart|
Both Charles and James were advocates of the divine right of kings, but whilst James's lofty ambitions concerning absolute prerogative were tempered by compromise and consensus with his subjects, Charles I believed that he had no need of Parliamentary approval, that his foreign ambitions (which were greatly expensive and fluctuated wildly) should have no legal impediment, and that he was himself above reproach. Charles believed he had no need to compromise or even explain his actions and that he was answerable only to God, famously stating: "Kings are not bound to give an account of their actions but to God alone".
On 11 May 1625 Charles was married by proxy to Henrietta Maria in front of the doors of the Notre Dame de Paris, before his first Parliament could meet to forbid the banns. Many members were opposed to the king's marrying a Roman Catholic, fearing that Charles would lift restrictions on Roman Catholics and undermine the official establishment of the reformed Church of England. Although he stated to Parliament that he would not relax restrictions relating to recusants, he promised to do exactly that in a secret marriage treaty with Louis XIII of France. Moreover, the price of marriage with the French princess was a promise of English aid for the French crown in the suppressing of the Protestant Huguenots at La Rochelle, thereby reversing England's long held position in the French Wars of Religion. The couple were married in person on 13 June 1625 in Canterbury. Charles was crowned on 2 February 1626 at Westminster Abbey, but without his wife at his side due to the controversy. Charles and Henrietta had seven children, with three sons and three daughters surviving infancy.
Distrust of Charles's religious policies increased with his support of a controversial ecclesiastic, Richard Montagu. In his pamphlets A New Gag for an Old Goose, a reply to the Catholic pamphlet A New Gag for the new Gospel, and also his Immediate Addresse unto God alone, Montagu argued against Calvinist predestination, thereby bringing himself into disrepute amongst the Puritans. After a Puritan member of the House of Commons, John Pym, attacked Montagu's pamphlet during debate, Montagu requested the king's aid in another pamphlet entitled Appello Caesarem (1625), a reference to an appeal against Jewish persecution made by Saint Paul the Apostle. Charles made the cleric one of his royal chaplains, increasing many Puritans' suspicions as to where Charles would lead the Church, fearing that his favouring of Arminianism was a clandestine attempt on Charles's part to aid the resurgence of Catholicism within the English Church.
Charles's primary concern during his early reign was foreign policy. The Thirty Years' War, originally confined to Bohemia, was spiralling into a wider European war. In 1620 Frederick V was defeated at the Battle of White Mountain and by 1622, despite the aid of English volunteers, had lost his hereditary lands in the Electorate of the Palatinate to the Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand II. Having agreed to help his brother-in-law regain the Palatinate, Charles declared war on Spain, which under the Catholic King Philip IV had sent forces to help occupy the Palatinate.
Parliament preferred an inexpensive naval attack on Spanish colonies in the New World, hoping that the capture of the Spanish treasure fleets could finance the war. Charles, however, preferred more aggressive (and more expensive) action on the Continent. Parliament only voted to grant a subsidy of £140,000; an insufficient sum for Charles. Moreover, the House of Commons limited its authorisation for royal collection of tonnage and poundage (two varieties of customs duties) to a period of one year, although previous sovereigns since 1414 had been granted the right for life. In this manner, Parliament could keep a check on expenditures by forcing Charles to seek the renewal of the grant each year. Charles's allies in the House of Lords, led by the Duke of Buckingham, refused to pass the bill. Although no Parliamentary Act for the levy of tonnage and poundage was obtained, Charles continued to collect the duties.
The war with Spain under the leadership of Buckingham went badly, and the House of Commons began proceedings for the impeachment of the duke. Charles nominated Buckingham as Chancellor of Cambridge University in response and on 12 June 1626, the House of Commons launched a direct protestation, stating, 'We protest before your Majesty and the whole world that until this great person be removed from intermeddling with the great affairs of state, we are out of hope of any good success; and we do fear that any money we shall or can give will, through his misemployment, be turned rather to the hurt and prejudice of your kingdom.' Despite Parliament's protests, however, Charles refused to dismiss his friend, dismissing Parliament instead.
Charles provoked further unrest by trying to raise money for the war through a "forced loan": a tax levied without Parliamentary consent. In November 1627, the test case in the King's bench, the 'Five Knights' Case' – which hinged on the king's prerogative right to imprison without trial those who refused to pay the forced loan – was upheld on a general basis. Summoned again in 1628, Parliament adopted a Petition of Right on 26 May, calling upon the king to acknowledge that he could not levy taxes without Parliament's consent, impose martial law on civilians, imprison them without due process, or quarter troops in their homes. Charles assented to the petition, though he continued to claim the right to collect customs duties without authorisation from Parliament.
Despite Charles's agreement to suppress La Rochelle as a condition of marrying Henrietta Maria, Charles reneged upon his earlier promise and instead launched a poorly conceived and executed defence of the fortress under the leadership of Buckingham in 1628, thereby driving a wedge between the English and French Crowns that was not surmounted for the duration of the Thirty Years' War. Buckingham's failure to protect the Huguenots – indeed, his attempt to capture Saint-Martin-de-Ré then spurred Louis XIII's attack on the Huguenot fortress of La Rochelle – furthered Parliament's detestation of the Duke and the king's close proximity to this eminence grise.
On 23 August 1628, Buckingham was assassinated. The public rejoicing at his death accentuated the gulf between the court and the nation, and between the crown and the Commons. Although the death of Buckingham effectively ended the war with Spain and eliminated his leadership as an issue, it did not end the conflicts between Charles and Parliament over taxation and religious matters.
In January 1629 Charles opened the second session of the Parliament, which had been prorogued in June 1628, with a moderate speech on the tonnage and poundage issue. Members of the House of Commons began to voice their opposition in light of the Rolle case, in which the eponymous MP had had his goods confiscated for failing to pay tonnage and poundage. Many MPs viewed the confiscation as a breach of the Petition of Right, arguing that the petition's freedom-from-arrest privilege extended to goods. When Charles ordered a parliamentary adjournment on 10 March, members held the Speaker, Sir John Finch, down in his chair so that the dissolving of Parliament could be delayed long enough for resolutions against Catholicism, Arminianism and poundage and tonnage to be read out. The lattermost resolution declared that anyone who paid tonnage or poundage not authorised by Parliament would "be reputed a betrayer of the liberties of England, and an enemy to the same", and, although the resolution was not formally passed, many members declared their approval. Nevertheless, the provocation was too much for Charles, who dissolved Parliament the same day. Moreover, eight parliamentary leaders, including John Eliot, were imprisoned on the foot of the matter, thereby turning these men into martyrs, and giving popular cause to a protest that had hitherto been losing its bearings.
Shortly after the proroguing of Parliament, without the means in the foreseeable future to raise funds for a European War from Parliament, or the influence of Buckingham, Charles made peace with France and Spain. The following eleven years, during which Charles ruled without a Parliament, are referred to as the Personal Rule or the Eleven Years' Tyranny. (Ruling without Parliament, though an exceptional exercise of the royal prerogative, was supported by precedent).
The reigns of Elizabeth I and James I had generated a large fiscal deficit for the kingdom. Notwithstanding the failure of Buckingham in the short lived campaigns against both Spain and France, there was in reality little economic capacity for Charles to wage wars overseas. Throughout his reign Charles was obliged to rely primarily on volunteer forces and diplomatic efforts to support his sister, Elizabeth, and secure his foreign policy objective for the restoration of the Palatinate. England was still the least taxed country in Europe, with no official excise and no regular direct taxation. Without the consent of Parliament, Charles's capacity to acquire funds for his treasury was theoretically hamstrung, legally at least. To raise revenue without reconvening Parliament, Charles resurrected an all-but-forgotten law called the "Distraint of Knighthood", promulgated in 1279, which required anyone who earned £40 or more each year to present himself at the King's coronation to join the royal army as a knight. Relying on this old statute, Charles fined all individuals who had failed to attend his coronation in 1626.
Later, Charles reintroduced obsolete feudal taxes such as purveyance, wardship, and forest laws. Chief among these taxes was one known as Ship Tax, which proved even more unpopular, and lucrative, than poundage and tonnage before it. Under statutes of Edward I and Edward III, collection of ship money had been authorised only during wars, and only on coastal regions. Charles, however, argued that there was no legal bar to collecting the tax during peacetime and throughout the whole of the kingdom. Ship Money provided between £150,000 to £200,000 annually between 1634–1638, after which yields declined steeply. This was paid directly to Treasury of the Navy, thus making Northumberland the most direct beneficiary of the tax. Opposition to Ship Money steadily grew, with John Hampden's legal challenge in 1637 providing a platform of popular protest. However, the royal courts declared that the tax was within the King's prerogative.
The king also derived money through the granting of monopolies, despite a statute forbidding such action (The Monopolies Act, 1624), which, though inefficient, raised an estimated £100,000 a year in the late 1630s in royal revenue. Charles also gained funds through the Scottish nobility, at the price of considerable acrimony, by the Act of Revocation (1625), whereby all gifts of royal or church land made to the nobility were revoked, with continued ownership being subject to an annual rent.
Throughout Charles's reign, the issue of how far the English Reformation should progress was constantly brought to the forefront of political debate. Arminian theology contained an emphasis on clerical authority and the individual's capacity to reject salvation, and was consequently viewed as heretical and a potential vehicle for the reintroduction of Roman Catholicism by its opponents. Charles's sympathy to the teachings of Arminianism, and specifically his wish to move the Church of England away from Calvinism in a more traditional and sacramental direction, consistently affirmed Puritans' suspicions concerning the perceived irreligious tendencies of the crown. A long history of opposition to tyrants who oppressed Protestants had developed since the beginning of the Protestant Reformation, most notably during the French Wars of Religion (articulated in the Vindiciae contra tyrannos), and more recently in the Second Defenestration of Prague and eruption of the Thirty Years' War. Such cultural identifications resonated with Charles's subjects who followed news of the war closely and grew increasingly dismayed by Charles failure to support the Protestant cause abroad effectively and his dalliances with Spain. These allegations would haunt Charles because of the continued exacerbating actions of both king and council, particularly in the form of Archbishop William Laud.
William Laud was appointed Archbishop of Canterbury in 1633, and began a series of unpopular reforms such as attempting to ensure religious uniformity by dismissing non-conformist clergymen, and closing Puritan organisations. His policy was opposed to Calvinist theology, and he insisted that the Church of England's liturgy be celebrated using the form prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer, and that the internal architecture of English churches be reorganised so as to emphasise the sacrament of the altar, thereby attacking predestination. To punish those who refused to accept his reforms, Laud used the two most feared and most arbitrary courts in the land, the Court of High Commission and the Court of Star Chamber. The former could compel individuals to provide self-incriminating testimony, whilst the latter, essentially an extension of the Privy Council, could inflict any punishment whatsoever (including torture), with the sole exception of death.
The first years of the Personal Rule were marked by peace in England, partly because of tighter central control. Several individuals opposed Charles's taxes and Laud's policies, and some left as a result, such as the Puritan minister Thomas Hooker, who set sail for America along with other religious dissidents in the Griffin (1634). By 1633 Star Chamber had, in effect, taken the place of High Commission as the supreme tribunal for religious offences as well as dealing with Crown cases of a secular nature. Under Charles's reign, defendants were regularly brought before the Court without indictment, due process of the law, or right to confront witnesses, and their testimonies were routinely extracted by the Court through torture.
However, when Charles attempted to impose his religious policies in Scotland he faced numerous difficulties. Although born in Scotland, Charles had become estranged from his kingdom; not even paying visit until his Scottish coronation in 1633. In 1637 the king ordered the use of a new Prayer Book to be used within Scotland that was almost identical to the English Book of Common Prayer, without consultation with either the Scottish Parliament or Kirk. Although this move was supported by the Scottish Bishops, it was resisted by many Presbyterian Scots, who saw the new Prayer Book as a vehicle for introducing Anglicanism to Scotland. In 1637, spontaneous unrest erupted throughout the Kirk upon the first Sunday of its usage, and the public began to mobilise around rebellious nobles in the form of the National Covenant. When the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland abolished Episcopalian government (that is, governance of the Church by bishops) in 1638, replacing it with Presbyterian government (that is, governance by elders and deacons), Charles sought to put down what he saw as a rebellion against his authority.
In 1639, when the First Bishops' War broke out, Charles did not seek subsidies to wage war, but instead raised an army without Parliamentary aid. However, Charles's army did not engage the Covenanters as the king was afraid of the defeat of his forces, whom he believed to be significantly outnumbered by the Scots. In the Pacification of Berwick, Charles regained custody of his Scottish fortresses, and secured the dissolution of the Covenanters' interim government, albeit at the decisive concession whereby both the Scottish Parliament and General Assembly of the Scottish Church were called.
Charles's military failure in the First Bishops' War in turn caused a financial and military crisis for Charles while his efforts to raise finance from Spain and support for his Palatine relatives led to the public humiliation of the Battle of the Downs where the Dutch destroyed a Spanish bullion fleet in sight of the Kent coast and English fleet.
Charles's peace negotiations with the Scots were merely a bid by the king to gain time before launching a new military campaign. However, because of his financial weakness, Charles was forced to call Parliament into session by 1640 in an attempt to raise funds for such a venture. The risk for the king lay in the forum that Parliament would provide to his opponents, whilst the intransigence of the 1628 Parliament augured badly for the prospects of obtaining the necessary subsidy for war.
Second Bishops' War
Charles collectively summoned both English and Irish parliaments in the early months of 1640. In March 1640, the Irish Parliament duly voted in a subsidy of £180,000 with the promise to raise an army 9,000 strong by the end of May. However, in the English General Election in March, court candidates fared badly, and Charles's dealings with the English Parliament in April quickly reached stalemate. Northumberland and Strafford together attempted to reach a compromise whereby the king would agree to forfeit Ship Money in exchange for £650,000 (although the coming war was estimated at around £1 million). Nevertheless, this alone was insufficient to produce consensus in the Commons. The Parliamentarians' calls for further reforms were ignored by Charles, who still maintained the support of the House of Lords. Despite the protests of Northumberland, Parliament was dissolved in May 1640, less than a month after it assembled, thus causing it to be known as the "Short Parliament".
By this stage Thomas Wentworth, created Earl of Strafford and elevated to Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in January 1640, had emerged as Charles's right hand man and together with Laud, pursued a policy of 'Thorough' in support of absolute monarchy. Although originally a major critic of the king, Strafford defected to royal service in 1628 (due in part to Buckingham's persuasion), and had since emerged as the most capable of Charles's ministers. Having trained up a large army in Ireland in support of the king and seriously weakened the authority of the Irish Parliament, particularly those members of parliament belonging to the Old English, Strafford had been instrumental in obtaining an independent source of both royal revenue and forces within the three kingdoms. As the Scottish Parliament declared itself capable of governing without the king's consent and, in September 1640, moved into Northumberland under the leadership of Montrose, Strafford was sent north to command the English forces following Northumberland's illness. The Scottish soldiery, many of whom were veterans of the Thirty Years' War, had far greater morale and training compared to their English counterparts, and met virtually no resistance until reaching Newcastle where, at the Battle of Newburn, Newcastle upon Tyne – and hence England's coal supply – fell into the hands of the Covenanter forces. At this critical juncture, the English host based at York was unable to mount a counterattack because Strafford was incapacitated by a combination of gout and dysentery.
On 24 September Charles took the unusual step of summoning the magnum concilium, the ancient council of all the Peers of the Realm, who were considered the King's hereditary counsellors, who recommended making peace with the Scots and the recalling of Parliament. A cessation of arms, although not a final settlement, was agreed in the humiliating Treaty of Ripon, signed October 1640. The treaty stated that the Scots would continue to occupy Northumberland and Durham and be paid £850 per day, until peace was restored and the English Parliament recalled (which would be required to raise sufficient funds to pay the Scottish forces).
Consequently, in November Charles summoned what was later to become known as the Long Parliament. Of the 493 MPs of the Commons, 399 were opposed to the king, and Charles could count on only 94 for support.
The Long Parliament assembled in November 1640 and proved just as difficult for Charles as had the Short Parliament. The Parliament quickly began proceedings to impeach Laud of High Treason, which it succeeded in doing on 18 December. Lord Keeper Finch was impeached the following day, and he consequently fled to the Hague with Charles's permission on 21 December. To prevent the king from dissolving it at will, Parliament passed the Triennial Act, to which the Royal Assent was granted in February 1641. The Act required that Parliament was to be summoned at least once every three years, and that when the King failed to issue proper summons, the members could assemble on their own.
On 22 March 1641, Strafford, who had become the immediate target of the Parliamentarians, particularly that of John Pym, went on trial for high treason. The incident provided a new departure for Irish politics whereby Old English, Gaelic Irish and New English settlers joined together in a legal body to present evidence against Strafford. However, the evidence supplied by Sir Henry Vane in relation to Strafford's alleged improper use and threat to England via the Irish army was not corroborated and on 10 April Pym's case collapsed. Pym immediately launched a Bill of Attainder, simply stating Strafford's guilt and that the Earl be put to death.
Charles, however guaranteed Strafford that he would not sign the attainder, without which the bill could not be passed. Furthermore, the Lords were opposed to the severity of the sentence of death imposed upon Strafford. Yet, increased tensions and an attempted coup by the army in support of Strafford began to sway the issue. On 21 April, in the Commons the Bill went virtually unopposed (204 in favour, 59 opposed, and 250 abstained), the Lords acquiesced, and Charles, fearing for the safety of his family, signed on 10 May. The Earl of Strafford was beheaded two days later.
In May 1641, Charles assented to an unprecedented act, which forbade the dissolution of the English Parliament without Parliament's consent. Ship money, fines in destraint of knighthood and forced loans were declared unlawful, monopolies were cut back severely, and the Courts of Star Chamber and High Commission were abolished by the Habeas Corpus Act 1640 and the Triennial Act 1641. All remaining forms of taxation were legalised and regulated by the Tonnage and Poundage Act. On 3 May, Parliament decreed The Protestation, attacking the 'wicked counsels' of Charles's government, whereby those who signed the petition undertook to defend 'the true reformed religion', parliament, and the king's person, honour and estate. Throughout May, the House of Commons launched several bills attacking bishops and episcopalianism in general, each time defeated in the Lords.
Although he made several important concessions, Charles improved his own military position by securing the favour of the Scots that summer by promising the official establishment of Presbyterianism. In return, he was able to enlist considerable anti-parliamentary support. However, following the attempted coup of 'The Incident' in Scotland, Charles's credibility was significantly undermined.
In a similar manner as pursued by the English Parliament in their opposition to Buckingham, albeit from a far less disingenuous stance, the Old English members of the Irish Parliament argued that their opposition to Strafford had not negated their loyalty to Charles. They argued that Charles had been led astray by the malign influence of the Earl, and that, moreover, the ambiguity surrounding Poynings' Law meant that, instead of ensuring that the king was directly involved in the governance of Ireland, that a viceroy such as Wentworth, the Earl of Strafford, could emerge as a despotic figure. However, unlike their Old English counterparts who were Catholic, the New English settlers in Ireland were Protestant and could loosely be defined as aligned with the English Parliament and the Puritans; thereby fundamentally opposed to the crown due to unfolding events within England herself.
Various disputes between native and coloniser concerning a transference of land ownership from Catholic to Protestant, particularly in relation to the plantation of Ulster, coupled with the gradual overshadowing of the Irish Parliament by the English Parliament would sow the seeds of conflagration in Ireland that, despite its initial chaos, provide the catalyst for direct armed combat within England between royalists and parliamentarians. The success of the trial against Strafford weakened Charles's influence in Ireland, whilst also providing a natural conduit for cooperation between the Gaelic Irish and Old English, who had hitherto been antagonistic towards one another. Thus, in the conflict between the Gaelic Irish, and New English settlers, in the Irish Rebellion of 1641, the Old English sided with the Gaelic Irish whilst simultaneously professing their loyalty to the king.
Though in November 1641 the House of Commons passed the Grand Remonstrance, a long list of grievances against actions by Charles's ministers committed since the beginning of his reign (that were asserted to be part of a grand Catholic conspiracy of which the king was an unwitting member), it was in many ways a step too far by Pym (passed by 11 votes, – 159 to 148 with over 200 abstaining). Furthermore the Remonstrance attacked the members of the House of Lords as being guilty of blocking reform, who duly defeated the Remonstrance when brought before them. The tension was heightened when news of the Irish rebellion reached Parliament, coupled with inaccurate rumours of Charles's complicity. The Irish Catholic army, established by Strafford, whose dissolution had been demanded thrice by the House of Commons, professed their loyalty to the king. This was combined with the massacres of Protestant New English in Ireland by Gaelic Irish who could not be controlled by their lords, and proved to be the final antinomy between the English Parliament and the king in relation to Charles's authority to govern. Throughout November a storm of publicity concerning the Irish depositions, coupled with stories concerning 'Papist conspiracies' alive within England herself circulated the kingdom, and were published in the form of a series of alarmist pamphlets.
The English Parliament did not trust Charles's motivations when he called for funds to put down the Irish rebellion, many members of the House of Commons fearing that forces raised by Charles might later be used against Parliament itself. The Militia Bill was intended to wrest control of the army from the King, but it did not have the support of the Lords, let alone the king. Indeed, the Militia Ordinance appears to have been the single most decisive moment in prompting an exodus from the Upper House to support Charles. In an attempt to strengthen his position, Charles generated great antipathy in London, which was already fast falling into anarchy, when he placed the Tower of London under the command of Colonel Thomas Lunsford, an infamous, albeit efficient, career officer. When rumours reached Charles that Parliament intended to impeach his Catholic Queen, Henrietta Maria, the king decided to take drastic action which would not only end the diplomatic stalemate between himself and Parliament, but signal the beginning of the civil war.
Charles suspected, correctly, that there were members of the English Parliament who had colluded with the invading Scots. On 3 January, Charles directed Parliament to give up six members on the grounds of High Treason. When Parliament refused, it was possibly Henrietta who persuaded Charles to arrest the five members by force, which Charles intended to carry out personally. However, news of the warrant reached Parliament ahead of him, and the wanted men – Pym, John Hampden, Denzil Holles, William Strode and Sir Arthur Haselrig – slipped away shortly before Charles entered the House of Commons with an armed guard on 4 January 1642. Having displaced the Speaker, William Lenthall from his chair, the king asked him where the MPs had fled. Lenthall famously replied, "May it please your Majesty, I have neither eyes to see nor tongue to speak in this place but as the House is pleased to direct me, whose servant I am here." Charles abjectly declared 'all my birds have flown', and was forced to retire, empty-handed.
The botched arrest attempt was politically disastrous for Charles. No English sovereign ever had (or has since that time) entered the House of Commons by force. In one stroke Charles destroyed his supporters' arguments that the king was the only bulwark against a rising tide of innovation and disorder.
Parliament quickly seized London, and on 10 January 1642, Charles was forced to leave the capital, where he began travelling north to raise an army against his Parliament.
English Civil War
The English Civil War had not yet started, but both sides began to arm as the summer of 1642 progressed. Following futile negotiations, Charles raised the royal standard in Nottingham on 22 August 1642. He then set up his court at Oxford, when his government controlled roughly the Midlands, Wales, the West Country and north of England. Parliament remained in control of London and the south-east as well as East Anglia. Charles raised an army using the archaic method of the Commission of Array.
The First Civil War started on 26 October 1642 with the inconclusive Battle of Edgehill and continued indecisively through 1643 and 1644, until the Battle of Naseby tipped the military balance decisively in favour of Parliament. There followed a great number of defeats for the Royalists, and then the Siege of Oxford, from which Charles escaped in April 1646. He put himself into the hands of the Scottish Presbyterian army at Newark, and was taken to nearby Southwell while his "hosts" decided what to do with him. The Presbyterians finally arrived at an agreement with Parliament and delivered Charles to them in 1647.
He was imprisoned at Holdenby House in Northamptonshire, until cornet George Joyce took him by force to Newmarket in the name of the New Model Army. At this time mutual suspicion had developed between the New Model Army and Parliament, and Charles was eager to exploit it. He was then transferred first to Oatlands and then Hampton Court, where more involved but fruitless negotiations took place. He was persuaded that it would be in his best interests to escape – perhaps abroad, to France, or to the custody of Colonel Robert Hammond, Parliamentary Governor of the Isle of Wight. He decided on the last course, believing Hammond to be sympathetic, and fled on 11 November. Hammond, however, was opposed to Charles, whom he confined in Carisbrooke Castle.
From Carisbrooke, Charles continued to try to bargain with the various parties. In direct contrast to his previous conflict with the Scottish Kirk, Charles on 26 December 1647 signed a secret treaty with the Scots. Under the agreement, called the "Engagement", the Scots undertook to invade England on Charles's behalf and restore him to the throne on condition of the establishment of Presbyterianism for three years.
The Royalists rose in July 1648, igniting the Second Civil War, and as agreed with Charles, the Scots invaded England. Most of the uprisings in England were put down by forces loyal to the Rump Parliament (or Cromwell) after little more than skirmishes, but uprisings in Kent, Essex, and Cumberland, the rebellion in Wales, and the Scottish invasion involved the fighting of pitched battles and prolonged sieges. But with the defeat of the Scots at the Battle of Preston, the Royalists lost any chance of winning the war.
It was not the initial intent of this Long Parliament to abjure the King's person. A biography of Sir Henry Vane, a "prominent member of all the commissions, which were appointed to treat with the King," describes his attitude: "During the negotiations with the King, he manifested a fixed resolution to do all that could be done to make the best of the opportunity the country then enjoyed, of securing to itself the blessings of liberty." Eventually King Charles I's terms of reforming the government as proposed by the Long Parliament were accepted by the House at a vote of 129 to 83 on 1 December 1648. This allowed for the King's restoration and the end of the stalemate between Parliament and the King, although Oliver Cromwell and Sir Henry Vane the Younger both opposed this measure. This should have ended the Civil War and restored the King with very limited powers. Instead Colonel Thomas Pride arrested 41 of the members of Parliament who had voted in favour of the restoration of the King, and excluded others. Others stayed away voluntarily. The remainder of the Long Parliament was called the Rump Parliament. Sr. Henry Vane temporarily removed himself from public service as a member of Parliament and Secretary of the Navy, and rendered himself an outspoken critic of both the King and eventually the Commonwealth, though providing for later generations a model for republican and constitutional reform which was remembered and followed as a model at the time of the American Revolution.
Charles was moved to Hurst Castle at the end of 1648, and thereafter to Windsor Castle. In January 1649, in response to Charles's defiance of Parliament even after defeat, and his encouraging the second Civil War while in captivity, the House of Commons passed an Act of Parliament creating a court for Charles's trial. After the first Civil War, the parliamentarians accepted the premise that the king, although wrong, had been able to justify his fight, and that he would still be entitled to limited powers as King under a new constitutional settlement. It was now felt that by provoking the second Civil War even while defeated and in captivity, Charles showed himself responsible for unjustifiable bloodshed. The secret treaty with the Scots was considered particularly unpardonable; "a more prodigious treason", said Cromwell, "than any that had been perfected before; because the former quarrel was that Englishmen might rule over one another; this to vassalise us to a foreign nation." Cromwell had up to this point supported negotiations with the king, but now rejected further diplomacy.
The idea of trying a king was a novel one; previous monarchs (Edward II, Richard II and Henry VI) had been overthrown and murdered by their successors, but had never been brought to trial as monarchs. Charles was accused of treason against England by using his power to pursue his personal interest rather than the good of England. The charge against Charles I stated that the king, "for accomplishment of such his designs, and for the protecting of himself and his adherents in his and their wicked practices, to the same ends hath traitorously and maliciously levied war against the present Parliament, and the people therein represented...", that the "wicked designs, wars, and evil practices of him, the said Charles Stuart, have been, and are carried on for the advancement and upholding of a personal interest of will, power, and pretended prerogative to himself and his family, against the public interest, common right, liberty, justice, and peace of the people of this nation."
Estimated deaths from the first two English civil wars has been reported as 84,830 killed with estimates of another 100,000 dying from war-related disease; this was in 1650 out of a population of only 5.1 million, or 3.6% of the population. The indictment against the king therefore held him "guilty of all the treasons, murders, rapines, burnings, spoils, desolations, damages and mischiefs to this nation, acted and committed in the said wars, or occasioned thereby."
The High Court of Justice established by the Act consisted of 135 Commissioners but only 68 ever sat in judgement (all firm Parliamentarians); the prosecution was led by Solicitor General John Cooke. Charles's trial on charges of high treason and "other high crimes" began on 20 January 1649, but Charles refused to enter a plea, claiming that no court had jurisdiction over a monarch. He believed that his own authority to rule had been given to him by God and by the traditions and laws of England when he was crowned and anointed, and that the power wielded by those trying him was simply that of force of arms. Charles insisted that the trial was illegal, explaining, "Then for the law of this land, I am no less confident, that no learned lawyer will affirm that an impeachment can lie against the King, they all going in his name: and one of their maxims is, that the King can do no wrong." When urged to enter a plea, he stated his objection with the words: "I would know by what power I am called hither, by what lawful authority...?" The court, by contrast, proposed an interpretation of the law that legitimised the trial, which was founded on
- "...the fundamental proposition that the King of England was not a person, but an office whose every occupant was entrusted with a limited power to govern 'by and according to the laws of the land and not otherwise'."
Over a period of a week, when Charles was asked to plead three times, he refused. It was then normal practice to take a refusal to plead as pro confesso: an admission of guilt, which meant that the prosecution could not call witnesses to its case. However, the trial did hear witnesses.
The King was declared guilty at a public session on Saturday 27 January 1649 and sentenced to death. Fifty-nine of the Commissioners signed Charles's death warrant.
Charles Stuart, as his death warrant states, was beheaded on Tuesday, 30 January 1649. Before the execution it was reported that he wore warmer clothing to prevent the cold weather causing any noticeable shivers that the crowd could have mistaken for fear or weakness.
The execution took place at Whitehall on a scaffold in front of the Banqueting House. Charles was separated from the people by large ranks of soldiers, and his last speech reached only those with him on the scaffold. He declared that he had desired the liberty and freedom of the people as much as any, "but I must tell you that their liberty and freedom consists in having government.... It is not their having a share in the government; that is nothing appertaining unto them. A subject and a sovereign are clean different things."
Charles put his head on the block after saying a prayer and signalled the executioner when he was ready; he was then beheaded with one clean stroke. His last words were, "I shall go from a corruptible to an incorruptible Crown, where no disturbance can be."
Philip Henry records that moments after the execution, a moan was heard from the assembled crowd, some of whom then dipped their handkerchiefs in his blood, thus starting the cult of the Martyr King; however, no other eyewitness source, including Samuel Pepys, records this. Henry's account was written during the Restoration, some 12 years after the event though Henry was 19 when the King was executed and he and his family were Royalist propaganda writers.
The executioner was masked, and there is some debate over his identity. It is known that the Commissioners approached Richard Brandon, the common Hangman of London, but that he refused, and contemporary sources do not generally identify him as the King's headsman. Ellis's Historical Inquiries, however, names him as the executioner, contending that he stated so before dying. It is possible he relented and agreed to undertake the commission, but there are others who have been identified. An Irishman named Gunning is widely believed to have beheaded Charles, and a plaque naming him as the executioner is on show in the Kings Head pub in Galway, Ireland. William Hewlett was convicted of regicide after the Restoration. In 1661, two people identified as "Dayborne and Bickerstaffe" were arrested but then discharged. Henry Walker, a revolutionary journalist, or his brother William, were suspected but never charged. Various local legends around England name local worthies. An examination performed in 1813 at Windsor suggests that the execution was carried out by an experienced headsman.
It was common practice for the head of a traitor to be held up and exhibited to the crowd with the words "Behold the head of a traitor!" Although Charles's head was exhibited, the words were not used. In an unprecedented gesture, one of the revolutionary leaders, Oliver Cromwell, allowed the King's head to be sewn back onto his body so the family could pay its respects.
Charles was buried in private on the night of 7 February 1649, inside the Henry VIII vault in St George's Chapel, Windsor Castle. The royal retainers Sir Thomas Herbert, Capt. Anthony Mildmay, Sir Henry Firebrace, William Levett Esq. and Abraham Dowcett (sometimes spelled Dowsett) conveyed the King's body to Windsor. The King's son, King Charles II, later planned an elaborate royal mausoleum, but it was never built.
Ten days after Charles's execution, a memoir purporting to be written by the king appeared for sale. This book, the Eikon Basilike (Greek: the "Royal Portrait"), contained an apologia for royal policies, and it proved an effective piece of royalist propaganda. William Levett, Charles's groom of the bedchamber, who accompanied Charles on the day of his execution, swore that he had personally witnessed the King writing the Eikon Basilike. John Cooke published the speech he would have delivered if Charles had entered a plea, while Parliament commissioned John Milton to write a rejoinder, the Eikonoklastes ("The Iconoclast"), but the response made little headway against the pathos of the royalist book.
Following the death of the king, several works were written expressing the outrage of the people at such an act. The ability to execute a king, believed to be the spokesman of God, was a shock to the country. Several poems, such as Katherine Phillips' Upon the Double Murder of King Charles, express the depth of their outrage. In her poem, Phillips describes the "double murder" of the king; the execution of his life as well as the execution of his dignity. By killing a king, Phillips questioned the human race as a whole—what they were capable of, and how low they would sink.
With the monarchy overthrown, and the Commonwealth of England declared, power was assumed by a Council of State, which included Lord Fairfax, then Lord General of the Parliamentary Army, and Oliver Cromwell. The final conflicts between Parliamentary forces and Royalists were decided in the Third English Civil War and Cromwellian conquest of Ireland, whereby all significant military opposition to the Parliament and New Model Army was extinguished. The Long Parliament (known by then as the Rump Parliament) which had been called by Charles I in 1640 continued to exist (with varying influence) until Cromwell forcibly disbanded it completely in 1653, thereby establishing The Protectorate. Cromwell then became Lord Protector of England, Scotland and Ireland, a monarch in all but name: he was even 'invested' on the royal coronation chair. Upon his death in 1658, Cromwell was briefly succeeded by his son, Richard Cromwell. Richard Cromwell was an ineffective ruler, and the Long Parliament was reinstated in 1659. The Long Parliament dissolved itself in 1660, and the first elections in twenty years led to the election of a Convention Parliament which restored Charles I's eldest son to the monarchy as Charles II. Following the Restoration, Oliver Cromwell was exhumed and posthumously beheaded.
Republicanism thus had a brief tenure in British governance, that is between the death of Charles I and the usurpation by Cromwell against the Long Parliament, but nevertheless the monarchy never regained the heights of power it had experienced under the Tudors and early Stuarts nor was a pure republican form of government ever in full effect. Moreover, continued fears concerning the accession of a Catholic heir, and consequent persecution of the Protestant Church (as under Mary I), or foreign intervention by the Habsburgs or French, meant that the right of succession was closely guarded. Ultimately, in the conflict between William III and James II, it was William, the foreign usurper, who became the popular defender of Protestantism. Throughout the 19th century Parliament gradually assumed greater effective control of British government, whereby the king's prime minister became the de facto leader of the United Kingdom.
The Colony of Carolina in North America – which later separated into North Carolina and South Carolina – was named after Charles I, as was its major city of Charleston. To the north in the Virginia Colony, Cape Charles, Charles River Shire and the Charles City Shire were all likewise named after him, although the king personally named the Charles River. Charles City Shire survives almost 400 years later as Charles City County, Virginia. The Virginia Colony is now the Commonwealth of Virginia and retains its official nickname of "The Old Dominion" bestowed by Charles II because it had remained loyal to Charles I during the English Civil War.
English furniture produced during the reign of Charles I is distinctive and is commonly characterised as Charles I period.
|Saint Charles Stuart|
|King Charles the Martyr|
|Venerated in||Anglican Communion|
|Major shrine||Church of King Charles the Martyr|
|Patronage||Society of King Charles the Martyr, artists|
During the reign of his son Charles II, Charles I was officially canonised by the Church of England as King Charles the Martyr and Saint Charles Stuart, the only saint to be officially canonised within the Anglican Communion. His feast day varies depending on local Anglican liturgical calendars. He is considered a martyr who died for the preservation of Apostolic Succession in the Church of England. There are many societies dedicated to his devotion.
Ralph Dutton says: "In spite of his intelligence and cultivation, Charles was curiously inept in his contacts with human beings. Socially, he was tactless and diffident, and his manner was not helped by his stutter and thick Scottish accent, while in public he was seldom able to make a happy impression."
Titles, styles, honours and arms
Titles and styles
|Royal styles of
Charles I of England
|Reference style||His Majesty|
|Spoken style||Your Majesty|
|Royal styles of
Charles I, King of Scots
|Reference style||His Grace|
|Spoken style||Your Grace|
- 19 November 1600 – 27 March 1625: Prince (or Lord) Charles
- 23 December 1600 – 27 March 1625: The Duke of Albany
- 6 January 1605 – 27 March 1625: The Duke of York
- 6 November 1612 – 27 March 1625: The Duke of Cornwall
- 4 November 1616 – 27 March 1625: The Prince of Wales
- 27 March 1625 – 30 January 1649: His Majesty The King
During his time as heir apparent, Charles held the titles of Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester, Duke of Cornwall, Duke of Rothesay, Duke of York, Duke of Albany, Marquess of Ormond, Earl of Carrick, Earl of Ross, Baron Renfrew, Lord Ardmannoch, Lord of the Isles, Prince and Great Steward of Scotland.
The official style of Charles I was "Charles, by the Grace of God, King of England, France and Ireland, King of Scots, Defender of the Faith, etc." (The claim to France was only nominal, and was asserted by every English King from Edward III to George III, regardless of the amount of French territory actually controlled.) The authors of his death warrant, however, did not wish to use the religious portions of his title. It referred to him only as "Charles Stuart, King of England".
- KG: Knight of the Garter, 24 April 1611 – 27 March 1625
As Duke of York, Charles bore the arms of the kingdom, differenced by a label argent of three points, each bearing three torteaux gules. As Prince of Wales he bore the arms of the kingdom, differenced by a label argent of three points. Whilst he was King, Charles I's arms were: Quarterly, I and IV Grandquarterly, Azure three fleurs-de-lis Or (for France) and Gules three lions passant guardant in pale Or (for England); II Or a lion rampant within a tressure flory-counter-flory Gules (for Scotland); III Azure a harp Or stringed Argent (for Ireland).
|Ancestors of Waverley45/sandbox|
Marriage and issue
|Charles James, Duke of Cornwall and Rothesay||13 May 1629||13 May 1629||Stillborn.|
|Charles II, King of England, Scotland and Ireland||29 May 1630||6 February 1685||Married Catherine of Braganza (1638–1705) in 1663. No legitimate issue. Charles II is believed to have fathered such illegitimate children as James Scott, 1st Duke of Monmouth, who later rose against James VII and II.|
|Mary, Princess Royal||4 November 1631||24 December 1660||Married William II, Prince of Orange (1626–1650) in 1641. She had one child: William III of England|
|James VII and II, King of England, Scotland and Ireland||14 October 1633||16 September 1701||Married (1) Anne Hyde (1637–1671) in 1659. Had issue including Mary II of England and Anne of England;
Married (2) Mary of Modena (1658–1718) in 1673. Had issue.
|Elizabeth, Princess of England||29 December 1635||8 September 1650||No issue.|
|Anne, Princess of England||17 March 1637||8 December 1640||Died young.|
|Catherine, Princess of England||29 June 1639||29 June 1639||Stillborn.|
|Henry, Duke of Gloucester||8 July 1640||18 September 1660||No issue.|
|Henrietta Anne, Princess of England||16 June 1644||30 June 1670||Married Philip I, Duke of Orléans (1640–1701) in 1661. Had legitimate issue. Among her descendants were the King Louis XVI of France, also executed by beheading, the kings of Sardinia and Italy, and the post-Stuart Jacobite Pretenders (although they do not actually uphold their claim to the British throne).|
- Caroline era
- Cultural depictions of Charles I of England
- List of regicides of Charles I
- Society of King Charles the Martyr
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- Broadview Anthology of British Literature, Vol. 2
- Stewart, George R. (1967) , Names on the Land: A Historical Account of Place-Naming in the United States (Sentry edition (3rd) ed.), Houghton Mifflin, p. 38, ISBN 1-59017-273-6
- Archbishop Laud, quoted by his chaplain Peter Heylin in Cyprianus Angelicus, 1688
- "Marks of Cadency in the British Royal Family". Heraldica.org. Retrieved 27 October 2008.
- "Britannia: Monarchs of Britain". Britannia. Retrieved 20 April 2008.
- Adamson, John (2009), The Noble Revolt, London: Phoenix, ISBN 978-0-297-84262-0
- Amith, Alan (1984), The Emergence of a Nation State, London: Longman, ISBN 0-582-48974-1
- Ashley, Maurice (1987), Charles I and Cromwell, Methuen, ISBN 978-0-413-16270-0
- Carlton, Charles (1995), Charles I: The Personal Monarch, Great Britain: Routledge, ISBN 0-415-12141-8
- Coward, Barry (1994), The Stuart Age, London: Longman, ISBN 0-582-48279-8
- Cust, Richard (2005), Charles I: A Political Life, London: Longman, ISBN 978-1-4058-5903-5
- Dutton, Ralph (1963), English Court Life: From Henry VII to George II, London: B.T. Batsford, ISBN 978-1-4058-5903-5
- Gardiner, Samuel Rawson (1962), The Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution 1625–1660 (Third ed.), Oxford: Oxford University Press
- Gillespie, Raymond (2006), Seventeenth Century Ireland (Third ed.), Dublin: Gill and McMillon, ISBN 978-0-7171-3946-0
- Glover, Janet R. (1964), The Story of Scotland, London: Faber and Faber, ISBN 0-571-04931-1
- Gregg, Pauline (1981), King Charles I, London: Dent
- Hibbert, Christopher (1968), Charles I, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson Unknown parameter
- Hill, C. (1991), The Century of Revolution, 1603–1714, Great Britain: Routledge, ISBN 0-415-05178-9
- Holmes, Clive (2006), Why was Charles I Executed?, Continuum International, ISBN 1-85285-282-8
- Kenyon, J.P. (1978), Stuart England, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books
- Lennon, Colm (1995), Sixteenth Century Ireland—The Incomplete Conquest, Dublin: St. Martin's Press, ISBN 0-312-12462-7
- Loades, D.M. (1974), Politics and the Nation, London: Fontana
- Moody, T.W.; Martin, F.X. (1967), The Course of Irish History, Cork
- Murphy, Derrick (2002), Britain 1558–1689, London: HarperCollins Publishers, ISBN 0-00-713850-4
- Ó Siochrú, Micheál (2001), Kingdoms in Crisis, Dublin, ISBN 1-85182-535-5
- Quintrell, Brian (1993), Charles I 1625–1640, Harlow: Pearson Education, ISBN 0-582-00354-7
- Reeve, L. J. (1989), Charles I and the Road to Personal Rule, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-52133-5
- Robertson, Geoffrey, Crimes Against Humanity: The Struggle for Global Justice (Second ed.), Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, ISBN 978-0-14-101014-4
- Robertson, Geoffrey (2005), The Tyrannicide Brief: The Man Who Sent Charles I to the Scaffold, Chatto & Windus, ISBN 0-7011-7602-4
- Reddaway, W.F. (1948), A History of Europe – Volume VI, London: Methuen
- Rushworth, J. (1959), The Trial of King Charles I, Lockyer
- Schama, Simon (2001), A History of England, Vol. II, New York: Simon and Schuster
- Sharpe, K. (1992), 'The Personal Rule of Charles I', New Haven and London
- Smith, Alan G. R. (1984), The Emergence of a Nation State, London: Longman, ISBN 0-582-48974-1
- Smith, David L. (1999), The Stuart Parliaments 1603–1689, London: Arnold
- Starky, David (2006), Monarchy, London: Harper Perennial
- Stevenson, David (1973), The Scottish Revolution 1637–44, Newton Aboot: David & Charles
- Sturdy, David J (2002), Fractured Europe 1600–1721, Oxford: Blackwell, ISBN 0-631-20512-8
- Trevelyan, G.M (1996), A History of England under the Stuarts, London: The Folio Society
- Upham, Charles Wentworth (1842), Life of Sir Henry Vane, Fourth Governor of Massachusetts in The Library of American Biography conducted by Jared Sparks), Harper & Brothers, 82 Cliff St, New York
- Abbott, Jacob (1901), Charles I, Great Britain: Harper & brothers, ISBN 1-4099-0984-0
- Abbott, Jacob (1900), History of King Charles the First of England, Great Britain: Henry Altemus company
- Kishlansky, Mark A. (2005), "Charles I: A Case of Mistaken Identity" no. 189, Past and Present, 41–80
- Mackintosh, James; Wallace, William & Bell, Robert (1835), London: Longman Missing or empty
- Turnbull, Mark (2009), Historical Fiction – Decision Most Deadly, Toro
- Upham, Charles Wentworth (1842). Life of Sir Henry Vane, Fourth Governor of Massachusetts in The Library of American Biography conducted by Jared Sparks). Harper & Brothers, 82 Cliff St, New York.
- Wedgwood, Cicely Veronica (1955), The Great Rebellion: The King's Peace, 1637–1641, HarperCollins
- Wedgwood, Cicely Veronica (1958), The Great Rebellion: The King's War, 1641–1647, London: Collins
- Wedgwood, Cicely Veronica (1964), A Coffin for King Charles: The Trial and Execution of Charles I, London: Macmillan, ISBN 978-0-02-625500-4
- Williamson, D. (1998), The Kings and Queens of England, London: National Portrait Gallery, ISBN 1-85514-228-7, OCLC 153799778
- Chronology Charles I World History Database
- English Civil War World History Database
- The Royal Household. (2011). "Charles I." Official Web Site of the British Monarchy
- "Archival material relating to Waverley45/sandbox". UK National Archives.
- The Parliamentary Archives holds the original of Charles I's death warrant
- The Society of King Charles the Martyr
- The Society of King Charles the Martyr (United States)
- Biography of King Charles I, 1600–1649
- Rediscovered painting of Charles I to be shown at National Gallery
- Works by or about Waverley45/sandbox in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
- Articles about Charles I at englishcivilwar.org
Books about Charles I available online
- History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England: Begun in the Year 1641 by Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon (1717): Volume I, Part 1, Volume I, Part 2, Volume II, Part 1, Volume II, Part 2, Volume III, Part 1, Volume III, Part 2
- The History of Great Britain Under the House of Stuart by David Hume (1759): Volume I, Volume II
- An Historical and Critical Account of the Lives and Writings of James I and Charles I, and the Lives of Oliver Cromwell and Charles II by William Harris (1814): Volume I, Volume II, Volume III, Volume IV, Volume V
- The Trials of Charles the First, and of Some Regicides (published by John Murray, 1820)
- The High Court of Justice; Comprising Memoirs of the Principal Persons Who Sat in Judgment on King Charles the First, by James Caulfield (1820)
- A History of the British Empire, From the Accession of Charles I to the Restoration by George Brodie (1822): Volume I, Volume II, Volume III, Volume IV
- Memoirs of the Court of King Charles the First by Lucy Aikin (1833): Volume I, Volume II
- The Great Civil War of Charles I and the Parliament by Richard Cattermole, with illustrations by George Cattermole (1845)
- History of Charles the First and the English Revolution, from the Accession of Charles the First to His Execution by François Guizot, trans. Sir Andrew Scoble (1854): Volume I, Volume II
- Charles I in 1646: Letters to Queen Henrietta Maria, ed. John Bruce (1856)
- Arrest of the Five Members by Charles the First: A Chapter of English History Rewritten by John Forster (1860)
- The Spanish Match; or, Charles Stuart at Madrid by William Harrison Ainsworth (1865): Volume I, Volume II, Volume III
- Notes of the Treaty Carried on at Ripon between Charles I and the Covenanters of Scotland by John Borough, ed. John Bruce (1869)
- Charles I by Jacob Abbott (1876, 1904)
- Eikon Basilike, ed. Catherine Mary Phillimore (1879)
- The Fall of the Monarchy of Charles I, 1637–1649 by Samuel Rawson Gardiner (1882): Volume I (1637–1640), Volume II (1640–1642)
- A Secret Negotiation with Charles the First, 1643–1644, ed. Bertha Meriton Gardiner (1883)
- History of England from the Accession of James I to the Outbreak of the Civil War, 1603–1642 by Samuel Rawson Gardiner (1883–1891): Volume I (1603–1607), Volume II (1607–1616), Volume III (1616–1621), Volume IV (1621–1623), Volume V (1623–1625), Volume VI (1625–1629), Volume VII (1629–1635), Volume VIII (1635–1639), Volume IX (1639–1641), Volume X (1641–1642)
- History of the Great Civil War, 1642–1649 by Samuel Rawson Gardiner (1886–1901): Volume I (1642–1644), Volume II (1644–1647), Volume III (1645–1647), Volume IV (1647–1649)
- The Picture Gallery of Charles I by Sir Claude Phillips (1896)
- Historical Sketches of Notable Persons and Events in the Reigns of James I and Charles I by Thomas Carlyle (1898)
- A History of the George Worn on the Scaffold by Charles I by Sir Ralph Payne-Gallwey
- King Charles I: A Study by Walter Phelps Dodge (1912)
- Commons Debates for 1629, ed. Wallace Notestein & Frances Helen Relf (1921)
Waverley45/sandboxBorn: 19 November 1600 Died: 30 January 1649
James I and VI
|King of England and Ireland
27 March 1625 – 30 January 1649
Title next held byCharles II
|King of Scotland
27 March 1625 – 30 January 1649
|Peerage of England|
|Duke of Cornwall
Title next held byCharles
Title last held byHenry Frederick
|Prince of Wales
|Peerage of Scotland|
|Duke of Rothesay
Title next held byCharles
|Part of a series on Anglicanism|
|Liturgy and worship|
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