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Victimology is the study of victimization, including the relationships between victims and offenders, the interactions between victims and the criminal justice system — that is, the police and courts, and corrections officials — and the connections between victims and other social groups and institutions, such as the media, businesses, and social movements.[1] Victimology is however not restricted to the study of victims of crime alone but may include other forms of human rights violations.[citation needed]

Victim of a crime[edit]

In criminology and criminal law, a victim of a crime is an identifiable person who has been harmed individually and directly by the perpetrator, rather than by society as a whole. However, this may not always be the case, as with victims of white collar crime, who may not be clearly identifiable or directly linked to crime against a particular individual. Victims of white collar crime are often denied their status as victims by the social construction of the concept (Croall, 2001). The concept also remains a controversial topic within women's studies.[citation needed]

The Supreme Court of the United States first recognized the rights of crime victims to make a victim impact statement during the sentencing phase of a criminal trial in the case of Payne v. Tennessee 501 U.S. 808 (1991).

A victim impact panel is a form of community-based or restorative justice in which the crime victims (or relatives and friends of deceased crime victims) meet with the defendant after conviction to tell the convict about how the criminal activity affected them, in the hope of rehabilitation or deterrence.

Consequences of crimes[edit]

Emotional distress as the result of crime is a recurring theme for all victims of crime. The most common problem, affecting three quarters of victims, were psychological problems, including: fear, anxiety, nervousness, self-blame, anger, shame, and difficulty sleeping.[2] These problems often result in the development of chronic post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Post crime distress is also linked to pre-existing emotional problems and sociodemographic variables. This has been known to become a leading case of the elderly to be more adversely affected.(Ferraro, 1995)

Victims may experience the following psychological reactions:

  • Increase in the realization of personal vulnerability.
  • The perception of the world as meaningless and incomprehensible.
  • The view of themselves in a negative light.[2]

The experience of victimization may result in an increasing fear of the victim of the crime, and the spread of fear in the community.

Victim proneness[edit]

Environmental theory[edit]

The environmental theory posits that the location and context of the crime bring the victim of the crime and its perpetrator together.[3]

Studies in the early 2010s showed that crimes are negatively correlated to trees in urban environments; more trees in an area are congruent with lower victimization rates or violent crime rates.[4][5][6][7][8] This relationship was established by studies in 2010 in Portland, Oregon and in 2012 in Baltimore, Maryland.[4][5][7][8] Geoffrey Donovan of the United States Forest Service (USFS), one of the researchers, said, "trees, which provide a range of other benefits, could improve quality of life in Portland by reducing crime..."[5] because "We believe that large street trees can reduce crime by signaling to a potential criminal that a neighborhood is better cared for and, therefore, a criminal is more likely to be caught."[4][7] Note that the presence of large street trees especially indicated a reduction in crime, as opposed to newer, smaller trees.[4][7] In the 2012 Baltimore study, led by scientists from the University of Vermont and the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA), a "conservative spatially adjusted model indicated that a 10% increase in tree canopy was associated with a roughly 12% decrease in crime.... [and] we found that the inverse relationship continued in both contexts, but the magnitude was 40% greater for public than for private lands."[8]

Quantification of victim-proneness[edit]

There have been some studies recently to quantify the real existence of victim-proneness.[9] Contrary to the popular belief that more women are repeat victims, and thus more victim-prone than men, actually men in their prime (24- to 34-year-old males) are more likely to be victims of repeated crimes.[10] While each study used different methodology, their results must be taken seriously and further studies are warranted.[11]

In the case of juvenile offenders, the study results also show that people are more likely to be victimized as a result of a serious offense by someone they know; the most frequent crimes committed by adolescents towards someone they know were sexual assault, common assault, and homicide. Adolescents victimizing people they did not know generally committed common assault, forcible confinement, armed robbery, and robbery.[12]

Sex workers are, anecdotally, thought to have an abnormally high incidence of violent crime committed against them, and such crimes go frequently unresolved, but there are few victimological studies of the matter.[citation needed]

Fundamental attribution error[edit]

In social psychology, the fundamental attribution error (also known as correspondence bias or attribution effect) describes the tendency to over-value dispositional or personality-based explanations for the observed behaviors of others while under-valuing situational explanations for those behaviors. The term was coined by Lee Ross[13] some years after a now-classic experiment by Edward E. Jones and Victor Harris (1967).[14]

The fundamental attribution error is most visible when people explain the behavior of others. It does not explain interpretations of one's own behavior—where situational factors are often taken into consideration. This discrepancy is called the actor–observer bias. As a simple example, if Alice saw Bob trip over a rock and fall, Alice might consider Bob to be clumsy or careless (dispositional). If Alice later tripped over the same rock herself, she would be more likely to blame the placement of the rock (situational). Victim proneness or victim blaming can be a form of fundamental attribution error, and more specifically, the just-world phenomenon.[citation needed]

The Just-world phenomenon is the belief that people get what they deserve and deserve what they get, which was first theorized by Melvin Lerner (1977).[15] Attributing failures to dispositional causes rather than situational causes, which are unchangeable and uncontrollable, satisfies our need to believe that the world is fair and we have control over our life. We are motivated to see a just world because this reduces our perceived threats,[16][17] gives us a sense of security, helps us find meaning in difficult and unsettling circumstances, and benefits us psychologically.[18] Unfortunately, the just-world hypothesis also results in a tendency for people to blame and disparage victims of a tragedy or an accident, such as victims of rape[19][20] and domestic abuse[21] to reassure themselves of their insusceptibility to such events. People may even blame the victim's faults in "past lives" to pursue justification for their bad outcome.[22][page needed]

Victim facilitation[edit]

Victim facilitation, another controversial sub-topic, but a more accepted theory than victim proneness, finds its roots in the writings of criminologists such as Marvin Wolfgang. The choice to use victim facilitation as opposed to "victim proneness" or some other term is that victim facilitation is not blaming the victim, but rather the interactions of the victim that make him/her vulnerable to a crime.

The theory of victim facilitation calls for study of the external elements that make a victim more accessible or vulnerable to an attack.[23] In an article that summarizes the major movements in victimology internationally, Schneider expresses victim facilitation as a model that ultimately describes only the misinterpretation by the offender of victim behavior.[24] It is based upon the theory of a symbolic interaction and does not alleviate the offender of his/her exclusive responsibility.[24]

In Eric Hickey’s Serial Murderers and their Victims, a major analysis of 329 serial killers in America is conducted. As part of Hickey’s analysis, he categorized victims as high, low, or mixed regarding the victim’s facilitation of the murder. Categorization was based upon lifestyle risk (example, amount of time spent interacting with strangers), type of employment, and their location at the time of the killing (example, bar, home or place of business). Hickey found that 13–15% of victims had high facilitation, 60–64% of victims had low facilitation and 23–25% of victims had a combination of high and low facilitation.[25] Hickey also noted that among serial killer victims after 1975, one in five victims were at greater risk from hitchhiking, working as a prostitute, or involving themselves in situations in which they often came into contact with strangers.[25]

There is importance in studying and understanding victim facilitation as well as continuing to research it as a sub-topic of victimization. For instance, a study of victim facilitation increases public awareness, leads to more research on victim-offender relationship, and advances theoretical etiologies of violent crime.[26] One of the ultimate purposes of this type of knowledge is to inform the public and increase awareness so fewer people become victims. Another goal of studying victim facilitation, as stated by Maurice Godwin, is to aid in investigations. Godwin discusses the theory of victim social networks as a concept in which one looks at the areas of highest risk for victimization from a serial killer.[27] This can be connected to victim facilitation because the victim social networks are the locations in which the victim is most vulnerable to the serial killer. Using this process, investigators can create a profile of places where the serial killer and victim both frequent.

Victimization rate in United States[edit]

The National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) is a tool to measure the existence of actual, rather than reported, crimes—the victimization rate.[28] The National Crime Victimization Survey is the United States' "primary source of information on crime victimization. Each year, data are obtained from a nationally representative sample of 77,200 households comprising nearly 134,000 persons on the frequency, characteristics and consequences of criminal victimization in the United States. This survey enables the (government) to estimate the likelihood of victimization by rape, sexual assault, robbery, assault, theft, household burglary, and motor vehicle theft for the population as a whole as well as for segments of the population such as women, the elderly, members of various racial groups, city dwellers, or other groups."[28] According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), the NCVS reveals that, from 1994 to 2005, violent crime rates declined, reaching the lowest levels ever recorded.[28] Property crimes continue to decline.[28]

Victimization in Canada[edit]

In Canada the Office of the Federal Ombudsman for Victims of Crime (OFOVC) is an independent resource for victims of crime. It was created in 2007 to ensure the federal government meets its responsibilities to victims of crime. The ombudsman provides information to victims about their rights under Canadian federal law, the services available to them, or to make a complaint about any federal agency or federal legislation dealing with victims of crime. The ombudsman also works to ensure that policy makers and other criminal justice personnel are aware of victims' needs and concerns and to identify important issues and trends that may negatively impact victims. Where appropriate, the Ombudsman may also make recommendations to the federal government.[29][30]

International Crime Victims Survey[edit]

Many countries have such victimization surveys. They give a much better account for the volume crimes but are less accurate for crimes that occur with a (relative) low frequency such as homicide, or victimless 'crimes' such as drug (ab)use. Attempts to use the data from these national surveys for international comparison have failed. Differences in definitions of crime and other methodological differences are too big for proper comparison.

A dedicated survey for international comparison: A group of European criminologists started an international victimization study with the sole purpose to generate international comparative crime and victimization data. The project is now known as the International Crime Victims Survey (ICVS). After the first round in 1989, the surveys were repeated in 1992, 1996, and 2000 and 2004/2005.

Society as crime victim[edit]

One train of thought supposes society itself is the victim of many crimes, especially felonies as murder, homicide and manslaughter. Many lawyers, judges, and academics have espoused this sentiment. Some district attorneys feel they represent all of society, while others feel they represent the victims of the crime.[citation needed]

Penal couple[edit]

The penal couple is defined as the relationship between perpetrator and victim of a crime. That is, both are involved in the event.[31] A sociologist invented the term in 1963.[32] The term is now accepted by many sociologists.[32][33][34] The concept is, essentially, that "when a crime takes place, it has two partners, one the offender and second the victim, who is providing opportunity to the criminal in committing the crime."[33] The victim, in this view, is "a participant in the penal couple and should bear some 'functional responsibility' for the crime."[35] The very idea is rejected by some other victimologists as blaming the victim.[34]

Rights of victims[edit]

Anna Baldry (left) senior researcher at the International Victimology Institute Tilburg (INTERVICT), watches as participants conduct role-play scenarios during domestic and gender-based violence training at the Central Training Center. Afghan National Police (ANP)

In 1985, the UN General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power.[36] Also, the International Victimology Institute Tilburg (INTERVICT)[37] and the World Society of Victimology developed a UN Convention for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power.[38]

The term victimology, in fact, denotes to the subject, which studies about the harms caused to victim in commission of crime and the relative scope for compensation to the victim as a means of redressal. In criminal jurisprudence, mere punishing of offender is not sufficient to redress the grievance of victim; there is need to compensate the loss or harms suffered by the victim. In Criminal Procedure Code, though provisions have been made in Section 357 to provide compensation to victims, who have suffered loss or harms in consequence to commission of offence. But, what has been provided in Indian Law, as a compensatory measure to victims of crimes, is not enough and this aspect needs to be reviewed by the legislature to frame or enact necessary law, so as to sufficiently compensate to victims of crimes and to provide safeguards to victims of crimes, besides compensating him in monetary terms. [S.P. Sharma, Advocate, Rajasthan High Court, Jodhpur, December, 2010].

European Union[edit]

European Union Victims of gender-based violence and terrorism The Stockholm programme explicitly mentions gender-based violence victims in Sect. 2.3.4, stating that victims of this kind are particularly vulnerable, and therefore in need of special support and legal protection by the state. Victims of gender-based or domestic violence are entitled to the same protections as those who become victims of crime in an EU member state to which they are not nationals, as these kinds of victims are deemed to be more vulnerable and/or exposed to further harm. Victims of terrorism are also deemed to be in need.[39]

The main achievements resulting from the adoptive of the Directive 2012/29/EU[edit]

The goal specifically for the Directive 2012/29/EU, as stated by the European Union (EU), was to "improve the real, day to-day situation of millions of victims of crime across Europe to the greatest extent possible".[40] The EU’s efforts to increase freedom of movement between states has resulted in a growing concern for maintaining the rights of citizens of the EU when visiting a different member state. The EU deemed that the most important way to solve this was to clearly outline the rights of victims, to strengthen and increase victims’ rights as well as increase participation of victims in criminal proceedings.


The rights of victims of crimes in Croatia have been improving steadily since Croatia became a candidate for the European Union in 2004. As a result of their wish to become a part of the EU certain prerequisites had to be fulfilled in regards to their criminal justice system and human rights. Croatia, in order to fulfil said prerequisites, initiated change in their criminal justice system in relation to the rights of victims. The change instigated by the government was in the form of the Department for Support to Witnesses and Other Participants in War Crimes Trials (2005).[41]

At a legislative level, the Criminal Procedure Act (2008) increased the rights of victims both within and of out criminal proceedings and recognised victims as a separate entity in court in addition to their role as a witness and injured party. These rights include the "right to efficient psychological and other expert help and support from the authority, organisation or institution for aiding victims of criminal offences" and the "right to compensation for material and immaterial damages from the state fund".[42]

2008 also saw the enactment of the Crime Victims Compensation Act. This act resulted in the ability for Croatian citizens to receive compensation if they have endured serious personal injury.[43]

Croatia’s progressive stance can be exemplified through the recent case of the introduction of laws regarding the compensation to the victims of rape committed during the 1991-95 Independence War. This move to compensate said victims was a display of the acceptance of the United Nations Security Council’s 2008 resolution which stated rape could be considered a war crime. In line with the Crime Victim Compensation Act, Croatia’s parliament, in 2015, adopted laws awarding victims of rape, committed in the Independence War, compensation. This compensation was in the form of a one off payment, coupled with a monthly allowance and access to free therapy, medical and legal services.[44][45]


Under the Compensation of Victims of Violent Crimes Law of 1997, Cyprus outlines that a victim is a person who has suffered serious bodily harm or impairment to one’s health, which is attributed directly to a violent crime, or to an individual who has died as a result of such crime.[46] As a result of this interpretation, crimes against the person which are not considered to be violent, will not result in the labelling of anyone as a ‘victim’. This fact can be seen as being particularly relevant to crimes often perpetrated against tourists, such as petty theft.

This is crucial in relation to compensation claims, whereby foreign citizens are not afforded the same access to compensation. Nationals of states party to the European Convention on the Compensation of Victim of Violent Crimes are granted access to compensations, as are nationals of all Member States of the Council of Europe who are permanent residents in Cyprus.[47] All other foreigners are not granted eligibility in regards to claiming compensation as a victim of any classification of crime committed against them.[47]

The prosecution of traffickers within Cyprus has been identified as a point of issue by the US Department of State.[48] According to statistics gathered, there has been a 55 percent decrease in the conviction of traffickers within Cyprus. Furthermore, perpetrators are often being convicted under statutes which prescribe a much less serious penalty than other anti-trafficking laws. This decrease in convictions reflects a negative impact on victims of trafficking, who may lack faith in a system of criminal justice which does not adequately identify and punish offenders.[48]


The Estonian citizenship report a high trust in the incorruptibility of their judicial system (74%), legislators (67%) and police (83%).[49] By contrast, however, only 43% of victims of serious crimes said they reported it to the police, and only 17% said they were satisfied with the treatment of their complaint to police.[50]

The NGO 'Estonian Crime Victim Support Society' has been in operation for over 20 years, and released a Victim Support Handbook in 2002 that led a debate about legislation dealing with victim support issues that ultimately cumulated in the Victim Support Act in 2003.[51] This Act was the beginning of a paradigmatic shift in Estonian criminal justice from a strongly retributive mindset to one of restorative justice, and showed a need and interest in caring for victims, as well as much more attention and real practical and material help for victims of crime.[51]

However, the NGO lacks state support and funding, and so is unable to offer high quality victim support throughout Estonia. State victim support only deals with certain types of offences with a fixed agenda and is far more regulated, making the process much more official, and leading to victims uncomfortable participating.[51]

Victims of crime of violence committed within the Republic of Estonia are entitled to state compensation pursuant to the Victim Support Act.[52][53] Serious damage to one’s health, a health disorder lasting at least 6 months or death as a result of a crime of violence may entitle a victim and/or their dependents compensation.[52][53] A single victim and all his dependents are entitled to compensation equaling 80% of material damage as a result of the crime, but no more than a total 9590 euros, on the basis of: damage arising from work incapacity; medical treatment expenses; damage due to victim death; damage caused to appliances substituting for bodily functions (e.g. spectacles, dentures, contact lenses) and to clothes; funeral expenses of victim.[52][53]


Bulgaria’s attempts to protect and support the rights of victims of crime are generally considered superficial. Victims are entitled to participate in criminal trials as witnesses, private accusers or complainants, with assistance from legal counsel. Additionally, legislation provides for protection of vulnerable witnesses (e.g. children, victims of sexual offences) during witness examination way police handled their matters.[54] A recent International Crime Victims Survey (ICVS), shows that only 40% of victims are satisfied with the way police handled their matters.[55]

Issues for Rape Victims[edit]

Bulgaria’s rape laws have been controversial, with a number of applications made to the European Court of Justice for breaches of the Convention on Human Rights. In M.C. v Bulgaria, the ECJ held that the decision not to prosecute the rape of a 14-year-old rape victim breached her rights provided under Articles 3 and 8.[56] The legislation enshrined a practice where rapes would only be prosecuted where there was evidence of physical force and active resistance. The court held that rape laws must apply to all forms of non-consensual sexual acts. More recently, a number of breaches of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) were highlighted in a Committee report.[57] The report was critical of Bulgaria’s failure to provide for adequate compensation for victims of sexual offences as well as the reliance on gender stereotypes when drafting legislation.

Issues with Human Trafficking Laws[edit]

A recent Council of Europe on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings found that no adult victims of human trafficking received any form of assistance from the Bulgarian Government.[58] A key reason for this seems to stem from peculiarities and uncertainty surrounding the legislative framework on human trafficking. First, it has two separate definitions: one for criminalisation of conduct and one for identification of victims.[58] The latter is more restrictive, so a person may be considered a victim for the purposes of a criminal trial yet fall outside the definition of ‘victim’ where support services and compensation are concerned. Secondly, Bulgaria’s legislation operates solely from the perspective of Bulgaria being a country of ‘origin’ – i.e. that trafficking involves the relocation of Bulgarian nationals to other countries.[58] As a consequence, victims who are within Bulgaria but are non-EU nationals may fall through cracks in the legislation.


In Hungary there is a general lack of understanding in how to combat and prevent domestic violence. This often stems from cultural ideas about women in Hungarian society and the idea that some amount of violence is inevitable. Until new legislation was introduced in 2013, Domestic Violence was not categorized as a separate offence from other assaults. This means that victims of domestic violence in Hungary were accosted the same rights as victims from a range of circumstances.[59] According to Human Rights Watch, "authorities [often] told victims that extreme physical violence…should be considered light, and not sufficiently serious to trigger an investigation’’.[60] However, in other cases when women reported the abuse to the police, the alleged offenders were taken into custody but, quite often released instantaneously without being taken to court. This highlights a lack of support from the police and the courts in combating domestic violence.[59] In many instances, it is the responsibility of the victim, not the prosecution or the police to start a course of legal action which hinders effective remedies of domestic violence. In the ECtHR case Kalucza vs. Hungary 2012, the applicant complained that the Hungarian authorities had failed to protect her abuse from her husband in her home. The ECtHR concluded that Article 8 (right to respect for private life and family life) had been abused by Hungarian authorities.[61] After the changes in 2013 however, harsher penalties were introduced for perpetrators of domestic violence. At this time as well, the onus was placed upon the prosecution and not the victim to pursue legal action.[59] This increased the rights of the victims within Hungary in relation to domestic abuse. In spite of these changes however, an instance of domestic violence will only be considered if there have been two separate instances of abuse.[59] Furthermore, the amendments only protected partners who were living together and neglected to protect those who were not living in the same residence. The new legislation is also lacking in a plan of a National level that could effectively combat domestic violence as an issue.[59] Procedures have been put in place to help police respond to instances of domestic violence however, no such guidelines exist for judges, prosecutors, social workers and healthcare workers. Ultimately the provisions are not strong enough to deal with the issue sufficiently they are also not accepted and applied. Hungary also did not sign up to the Istanbul Convention, a practical convention aimed at combating domestic violence. It concluded that countries should "establish hotlines, shelters, medical and foreign services, counselling and legal aid" in order to protect abused women.[60]


Victims rights are outlined by the Code of Penal Procedure which details that during the prosecution and sentencing stages, victims have the right to be informed of judicial proceeding developments and can produce evidence at any stage of the trial. Victims also have the right to oppose the Judge for the Preliminary Investigation’s request for dismissal of the case and to protect their rights by having a defending counsel if necessary.[62]

Article 90 of the Code of Penal Procedure states that victims are allowed to present written memories and statements at any stage of the judicial process that indicate evidence. Furthermore, section 3 of Article 90 states that if a victim has died as a result of the crime then the power of rights as states by law are able to be exercised by close relatives of the victim.[63]

Victims are able to access assistance agencies, which have the primary objective of providing adequate compensation. The amount and source of compensation is determined by the nature and severity of the crime. For instance, victims of organized crime and terrorism are entitled to up to 100,000 US dollars from the State while victims that have experienced property or medical damage will be compensated by their offenders. Additionally, a victim with special needs may be granted of free legal aid and will be compensated by both private donations and a proportion of the pay received by convicted working prisoners from the Department of Prisons. The victims’ assistance agencies also provide the option to accompany the victim at trial with their consent.[62]

Child Victims[edit]

One of the most vulnerable victim groups in Italy is children under the age of 16. Some of the most prevalent challenges faced by children in Italy include child labor, forced participation in organized crime and also becoming refugees after fleeing their own nation.[64] Although young victims have rights explicitly stated in the Italian Penal Code, the Italian criminal justice system lacks ongoing supportive resources to protect the rights of children.

The European Commission has outlined the rights of the victims and states that all victims will be individually assessed to identify vulnerability. Young victims are always presumed vulnerable and particular attention is paid to categories such as victims of terrorism, organized crime, human trafficking, gender-based violence, victims with disabilities, sexual violence and exploitation.[65] Furthermore, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and article 609 decies of the Italian Penal Code, a child victim of sexual exploitation is to be assisted throughout the entire proceedings.[66]

Article 498 of the Italian Code of Penal Procedure states that the investigatory examination of a child in a court of law must be undertaken by the President of questions and is also assisted by a family member or child psychologist.[67]


Following a report commissioned by former justice minister Chris Said lamenting the poor state in which victims were treated, Malta introduced the Victims of Crime Act (2015) on the 2nd of April of that year.[68] The report emphasised the need to increase the amount of resources for the legal aid office and said that victims should be able to receive benefits from the service.[68] The new Act provides free legal aid to victims of crime, where this was only open to the accused prior to its assent.[68][69]

According to Dr Roberta Lepre, director of Victim Support Malta, there are three primary focuses in the legislation: information, support, and protection.[68] In terms of information, victims now have the right to easily access to clear information about the relevant procedures, what support services are available, how to access legal aid services, how to access compensation, and whether they are entitled to translation services.[69] Victims also now have the right to receive acknowledgement of a complaint, outlining the basic elements of the crime concerned as well as ongoing information about his or her case.[69] Further, if police do not arraign suspect, the victim has right to be informed of the decision in writing.[69]

When it comes to support, victims now have the right to free use of support services following a needs and risk assessment.[69] Support services also include information on how to receive information on prevention of further risk of victimisation, and access to counselling for emotional or psychological damage.[69] Competent authorities are also obliged to inform victims of ways in which they can be protected, such as seeking a protection order.[69]

The legislation is primarily aimed at allowing victims a greater voice, and potentially working towards reconciliation between victim and offender by decreasing the hardship of the former.[70] For the purposes of the Act, a victim is one who has suffered "physical, mental or emotional harm or economic loss which was directly caused by a criminal offence".[69] This also applies to family members of those who have died as a direct result of a crime.[69] Such broad provisions allow for the benefits to be accessed by many people. It is too early to say, however, whether the new legislation has been implemented effectively.


Lithuania has several national mechanisms relating to the rights and support for victims of crime. The Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Police Department of the Ministry of the Interior each provide legal aid and set up measures of protection for victims of crime.[71]

As of 1996, the Parliament of Lithuania has adopted a law providing for the protection of parties in relation to criminal offences, which can be extended towards victims of crime and their families against further victimization. As per methods of victim compensation, additional provisions such as Article 107 allows for voluntary compensation for victims of crime. If this has not occurred, Article 110 stipulates that the victim can charge the offender with a civil suit, be it of a direct or indirect consequence. Further, if the offender is not able to provide compensation for the victim, Article 118 contends that the state will provide compensation in advance.[72]

In addition to these rights provided to victims of crime, there are many NGO's operating within Lithuania to provide facilities and support for victims. These include the 'Crime Victim Care Association of Lithuania'.[72] Cartias Lithuania, Missing Person’s Support Centre, Klaipeda Social and Psychological Support Centre, Child House and the International Organization for Migration – Vilinius Office.[71]

Studies have been conducted into the physical and psychological state and needs of victims post criminalization, especially that of victims of trafficking. These studies greatly assist NGO’s understanding and assisting victims of crime providing greater relief during the criminal trial process, incarceration system and return to everyday life.[73]


Latvia does not have a comprehensive victim support system, nor is there a single policy that suggests that the development of such a system would be seen as a priority in the near future.[74] Despite this, the criminal procedure law of Latvia includes a specific chapter dedicated to victims.[74] This chapter outlines the procedural rights and obligations of victims.

In Latvia, in order to be recognized as a victim under the criminal procedure law four steps must be undertaken. Firstly, a criminal procedure must be initiated.[74] Secondly, there must be information that suggests as the result of the offence the person was harmed.[74] Thirdly, the person who experienced the harm must agree to become a victim within the criminal proceedings.[74] Fourthly and finally, the person in charge of the criminal proceedings must recognise that the person is a victim. Once these four steps take place, and the person is established as a victim, the victim gains victim rights.[74]

Victims of crime in Latvia have access to legal aid. Legal aid is often unaffordable to victims however, as although expenses for legal assistance be reimbursed from the offender, the victim has to pay the costs upfront at the time.

State compensation, for moral injury, physical suffering or financial loss, is available to victims of certain types of crimes. This includes in cases of intentional criminal offences, if the offence resulted in death, if the offence resulted in severe bodily injuries or if the perpetrator of the offence was not identified and thus has not been held criminally liable. The maximum amount of compensation is give minimal monthly wages and the amount awarded depends on the severity of the crime. In the case of the crime causing the victim’s death, 100% of compensation shall be awarded.

Human Trafficking[edit]

Latvia is a Tier 2 source and destination country persons trafficked for sexual exploitation and forced labour.[75] To safeguard the rights of victims of trafficking, the government of Latvia has increased the accessibility of government funded protections, such as offering victims of trafficking temporary residency in exchange for participating in the judicial process against human traffickers.[75][76] During this period of investigation, qualifying victims are offered government aid, which is 70% of the maximum amount of state compensation.[77] Victims who do not meet the qualifying criteria are referred to non-governmental organisations for aid.[75] Furthermore, victims who may have directly or indirectly participated in unlawful activity as a result of their trafficking can avoid prosecution.[75][77] Intersecting with social services and assistance laws, the Latvian government also ensures the social rehabilitation of the victims of human trafficking.[78] The Government of Latvia has also established an "anti-trafficking action plan" for 2014-2020 to strengthen the rights of victims of trafficking, and to increase awareness of the crime.[79]


Criminal Justice in Netherlands has seen an era of reform with a greater focus placed on the rights of victims of crime. In 1987, a new victim-orientated reform was put in place in which victim’s interested were to be taken into account during all processes of the criminal justice system.[80] The reform of criminal law in the eyes of victims brought forth regulations in favor of victims’ rights. Various procedural elements allow for victim compensation and institutional obligation to protect victim rights through policing, criminal proceedings and victim rehabilitation.[81]

In practice, all official institutions are subject to monitoring by the National Ombudsman. If victims of crime feel they have been unjustly treated and victim-related rules were not correctly protected, they are able to raise a complaint with the Ombudsman. In light of this, Netherlands enforces levels of state compensation, which offers a ‘one-off’ payment, and has been institutionalized since 1974.

For further victim support, various NGO’s operate within Netherlands on a local level and care for victims of crimes through providing emotional support, practical advice and judicial advice. An example of this support is seen within the nationwide agency Slachtofferhulp is partly funded by the government and gives aid to victims in specific groups and to victims of crime in general.[82]


Domestic violence rates are very high in Poland, due to a number of factors including the traditional role of women as the subordinate gender in Polish society[83] After surveying Polish women, it was found that as many as one in six women, from a variety of backgrounds and age groups, were victims of domestic violence.[83] The Polish criminal justice system fails to effectively assist these victims and does not take their cases seriously. Unfortunately many perpetrators only receive suspended sentences and their female partners are often financially dependent on them and must continue to live with them.[83] Furthermore, the authorities mistrust women who report domestic violence.[83] Poland fails to meet its obligations under international human rights law, in relation to the rights of domestic violence victims.[83]

In order to improve the rights of domestic violence victims in Poland, the Blue Card program was introduced as a way of standardising police interaction with those that involved in cases of domestic violence, including the family of the victim.[84] This program enables persons who have alleged to be victims of domestic violence (DV) to gain access to services in counseling, support and reparations.[84] Anonymous or suspicion of DV is enough for issuance of a "Blue Card – B". A Blue Card – B consists of a brochure detailing further actions against violence, help and support centre’s near by, and is applicable to the whole of Poland.[84] The efficiency of support centres indicates a positive increase in individuals attending victim support centre’s, it however does not indicate a decrease in DV occurrence. In 2000 the Ministry of Justice in Poland sparked the notion of "Victim Support Week", connected to the International day of Victims of Crime [84] These proactive measures are not legally regulated however do show promise in moving the Polish Nation forward to support those effected by domestic violence.

General victim support centres have extended ranges since 2012 following the implementation of tasks in article 11 of the Ministry of justice Directive.[85] Such implementation includes covering costs of heath services, medical products, secondary or vocational education, temporary accommodation and other facilities.[85] Weak aspects still include; uneven support on a national basis in provinces that are further reaching, non-uniform project development and insufficient numbers for providing assistance, both legally and psychologically.[85] Strong aspects however must be acknowledged, including the establishment of networks with communicative and mutual support, as well as assistance fund establishments and legal compensation.[85] Social attitudes need to be changed in Poland, towards victims of domestic violence and the criminal justice system needs to recognise the prevalence of domestic violence, in order to hinder its occurrence and assist victims.


In Portugal, victims of crime (both tourists and national citizens) have 6 immediate rights; The Right to Information, The Right to Receive a Statement of the Complaint, The Right to Translation, The Right to Compensation for Participation in the Process and to the Reimbursement of Expenses, The Right to Compensation from the Perpetrator of the Crime, and The Right to Compensation from the Portuguese State.[86]

A 'victim of crime' is defined as; having "suffered damage, as a result of an incident which constitutes a crime according to national law".[87] During legal proceedings, a victim in Portugal has a limited role, where they act only to provide evidence to support the claim for damages [88]

The Portuguese Government offers several avenues of help and support for victims of crime such as; the National Commission for Protection of Children and Young People at Risk, Directorate General of Social Affairs, The Portuguese Association for Victim Support, the Commission for Equality and Against Racial Discrimination, and Open Window - Support to Victims of Domestic Violence.[89]


Slovakia is a nation where various targeted groups, particularly young women, as well as men, the disabled, the uneducated and the unemployed are commonly susceptible to the likes of fabricated international job prospects; and in turn increase their likelihood of becoming a victim of the human trafficking trade.[90] Many Slovakian's end up being deported to highly active trafficking countries; such as, 'Germany, Austria, the UK, Ireland, Switzerland and Poland'.[90] Slovakia is a prominent country which specifically has victims from Bulgaria, Romania, Vietnam, Ukraine and Moldova. People from these countries are then transported against their own will, compelled into sexual activity and prostitution.[90]

The Government of the Slovak Republic undertook numerous steps to tackle the fight against human trafficking. In 2005 an Action Plan was initiated to undertake steps to 'control and coordinate' the activity of the slave trade.[91] This Action was further improved with the implementation of the 2011 'National Program to Combat Trafficking in Human Beings for the years 2011-2014'.[91] Improvements regarded achieving an effective solution to combat human trafficking.[91] Additionally, emphasis surrounded ensuring adequate support and care for subjected victims.[91] This includes victims receiving 'comprehensive care' and prepare them for their return to their home country.[91]


Slovenia currently has a very low crime rate (30.75 and 7.32 rapes per million people, as of 2010).[92]

Slovenia has regulated the rights of victims of crime during legal proceedings in the Criminal Procedure Act. Before this act was introduced, victims of crime were still entitled to compensation under civil law. In 2005, the Witness Protection Act, the Crime Victims Compensation Act, and the Resolution for Preventing and Combating Crime came into effect. The Resolution focuses particularly on protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms, in terms of victims of crime. Slovenia’s definition of victims includes immediate families of the injured party.

Victims are entitled to: Be heard during proceedings, to give evidence, to pose questions to witnesses and experts involved, to be acquainted with all rights and for the injured party, a right to inspect material evidence supplied. They are also entitled to a translator to avoid language difficulties. Slovene is the national language, but Italian and Hungarian are also spoken in certain regions of Slovenia. To claim compensation either through the criminal proceedings, or through civil suit if necessary to avoid delays.

In certain criminal offences, such as sexual abuse or mistreatment and neglect of minors or trafficking in human beings, the minor-injured party is required to have a specific authority to look after their rights, and certain stipulations apply to the investigation procedures, such as preventing the offender from being in the courtroom at the same time as the minor-offender during the proceedings.[93]

Witness protection: If during criminal proceedings, the physical safety of the victim and/or their immediate families is in danger, they are entitled to the greatest amount of protection possible in pre-trial, during and after the procedure is completed. Within the Slovenian Police, the Endangered Persons Protection Unit specifically oversees the protection of witnesses under the Witness Protection Act. The Unit is also encouraged to engage with non-governmental organizations if necessary in order to provide appropriate psychological and legal assistance to the protected persons, separate from other forms of compensation they may receive. The Unit also allows for alternate measures during proceedings, for example providing evidence via video conference. These are set out in the Official Gazette of the Republic of Slovenia, as is the Code of Obligation which specifically concerns the rights of victims of terrorist violence in Slovenia.[93]

Code of Obligation regarding victims of terrorist violence: If terrorist violence occurs, the Code of Obligation states that the state, or the person who should have prevented the harm (depending on whether there was a statewide or individual failure), is responsible for redressing the harms to the victims, and liable for damages. Liability will still apply regardless of whether the person or state who should have prevented the violence, did everything they could to prevent it. These rules also apply to acts of violence that occur during public demonstrations or gatherings.[93]

For victims of crime in Slovenia, there are several websites dedicated to assisting victims understand the process for receiving compensation such as the European Judicial Network (soon to updated to the European e-Justice Portal). Here the process is clearly outlined including conditions for applying for compensation, legal assistance available and the form and amount of evidence required.[94] Of particular concern to Slovenia’s government is the protection of women’s rights.[95] In place to protect women’s right under Slovenian Law are Article 14 of the Constitution of Slovenia which, "guarantees everyone equal human rights and fundamental freedoms" and "equality before the law" as well as article 53 which states, "marriage is based on the equality of both spouses" and "the state shall protect the family",[96] article 141 of the Criminal Code "Violation of Right to Equality" ,[97] as well as the 2002 Act on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men which imposes punishments on all people, especially an official who can be imprisoned for up to three years for discrimination. The Slovenian government has also established an Office for Equal Opportunities to manage Acts related to equal opportunities and engage in activities which focus on areas such as the inclusion of women political and violence against women.[98]


Various laws addressing victim’s crimes were enacted from the mid-1980s onward in Sweden.[99] In 1988 alone, Sweden ratified the European Convention on the compensation of victims of violent crimes and passing the Act on Visiting Bans Act on Counsel for Injured Party in 1988.[99] Crime victims may be represented y a legal advisor throughout the legal process under the provisions of the latter Act. Under the 1994 Government Bill "Crime Victims in Focus" various provisions were designed to improve for crime victims.[99] For example, The Crime Victim Fund established together with the Crime Victim Compensation and Support Authority allows the assessment of state compensation and provide economic support for research, education and information on crime victims, financed through a few imposed in everyone convicted of a crime punishable by imprisonment.[99]

Crime victims became a separate area of responsibility for Swedish social services in 2001 through the Social Service Act.[100] Despite not actually strengthening crime victims’ rights not increase costs at the time, it served as a normative reorientation of the Social Services Act towards a holistic view and right to assistance according to need.[100]

Victim-Offender Mediation

Swedish multiplicities are obliged to offer mediation, based on restorative justice principles, to offenders under 21 years old.[101] Simultaneously, offenders are offered the chance to deeply apologise for their actions and redeem themselves. The expectation is that mediation has the potential to substantially reduce cases of recidivism.[101]

The mediation system in Sweden evolved independently from any political decision-making procedure in the second half of the 1980s.[101] In 1998, the role of mediation in the justice system for young offenders was analysed by the Commission on Mediation which then founded their policy recommendations for legislative reforms on these evaluation studies in 2000.[101] Mediation was formally acknowledged in 2002 by the Mediation Act (Swedish Code of Statutes, 2002:445), where the aim of mediation is explained in Section 3 as:

Mediation happens for the interests of both sides. The goal is to reduce the negative effects of the crime committed. Mediation aims to help to increase insight for the offender of the consequences of the offence. At the same time, opportunities are given to the victims to process and finally in a comprehensive way integrate the painful experience. The act offers the chance for victims to express their emotional needs and have them addressed in an attempt to prevent recurrent symptoms of anxiety, self-image distortions and loss of self-esteem and self-confidence as the result of being victimised. [101]

Mediation is one of several procedural operations available to a prosecutor, and sentencing an offender to mediation may be seen as a lenient sentence where the offender benefits.[101] Another criticism is that mediation will further violate the victim's integrity and well-being.[101]


Human Trafficking[edit]

Human trafficking in Romania is a prominent issue. The country is used as a ‘source, transit and destination country for men, women and children subject to labor trafficking and women and children subject to sex trafficking’,[102] meaning that various victims in different stages of trafficking are either poached from, exploited or transferred to Romanian soil. Promisingly, the numbers have been to decreasing in recent years ( in 2005 there were 2551 recorded victims of human trafficking, in 2009 there were 780) [103] perhaps due to mechanisms such as the National Agency for Preventing Trafficking in Persons and for monitoring the Assistance Granted to Victims of Trafficking in Persons Agency, legal implementations such as Law 678/2001 (combating trafficking in persons); G.D 299/2003 (standard rules for application of Law 678); law 211/2004 (protection of victims) and G.D 1654/2006 to approve the National Strategy against Trafficking to approve the National Strategy against Trafficking in Persons in persons 2006-2010).[103] Romania also prescribed to international legal mechanisms such as the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and Council of Europe Convention on Action against trafficking Human Beings, showing that is making a conscious effort to eradicate human trafficking within the state. These mechanisms show that Romania is taking active steps towards ensuring that all individuals can live a life free from exploitation.

Violent Crimes[edit]

Between the years of 2004-2011, 800 people were killed as a result of crimes involving domestic violence [104]

Psychological counselling is provided to victims of attempted homicide, murder, hitting and other violent criminal offences. Councelling is provided free of charge for up to 3 months, and 6 months for victims under the age of 18. Other forms of assistance by not governmental organisations, independent or in partnership, can also be provided by way of referral.[105]

Upon application, free legal aid is provided to several categories of victims. Factors taken into account include the seriousness of the offence committed and material status of the victim. Direct victims of serious violent or sexual offences (e.g. Homicide, serious bodily harm, rape, sexual perversion committed upon a minor) are provided with free legal aid. Additionally, indirect victims of such offences, such as close family members, may also be granted free legal aid. For any of the above offences, free legal aid is granted if the offence was committed within Romanian territory, or if the victim is a Romanian citizen or foreign citizen living legally in Romania and the criminal prosecution is taking place within Romania.[105]

Prior to the commencement of Law 211/2004, when a perpetrator of a crime remained unknown, insolvent, or was missing, the "costs" of the offence were incurred by the victim alone. Currently, upon application, a victim may be granted financial compensation for serious violent and sexual crimes.[106]

The birth of the National Agency for Family Protection has increased support for victims of domestic violence. The agency has assisted in the setting up of shelters for victims of domestic violence, recuperation centers for victims of violence and assistance centers for aggressors.[107]

United Kingdom[edit]

In 1974, the United Kingdom introduced the Victim Support agency, aimed at providing help and support to victims on a local and national level.[108] Trained volunteers and employees offer free, confidential, practical, emotional and financial support to victims of crime. The charity offers support to around 1 million victims of crime per year. People may seek practical or emotional help, for example, making their home secure after a burglary, applying for compensation from the Criminal Injuries Compensation Authority, getting re-housed, or asking for counselling through a GP.[109]

Victim Support also provides specialist services, such as: a national "homicide service", helping families who have been bereaved by murder or manslaughter, local services helping victims of domestic or sexual violence, exploitation, anti-social behaviour, or hate crime, local services for young victims of crime, including specialist support for children who have to testify in court and for recent victims of grooming, and using restorative justice to help victims.

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Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]