Violence against Muslims in India
|Part of a series on|
Muslims in India
There have been several instances of religious violence against Muslims since the Partition of India in 1947, frequently in the form of violent attacks on Muslims by Hindu nationalist mobs that form a pattern of sporadic sectarian violence between the Hindu and Muslim communities. Over 10,000 people have been killed in Hindu-Muslim communal violence since 1950 in 6,933 instances of communal violence between 1954 and 1982.
The causes of this violence against Muslims are varied. The roots are thought to lie in India's history – resentment toward the Islamic conquest of India during the Middle Ages, policies established by the country's British colonizers, and the violent partition of India into an Islamic state of Pakistan and India with a Muslim minority. Many scholars believe that incidents of anti-Muslim violence are politically motivated and a part of the electoral strategy of mainstream political parties who are associated with Hindu nationalism like the Bharatiya Janata Party (political wing of RSS). Other scholars believe that the violence is not widespread but that it is restricted to certain urban areas because of local socio-political conditions.
The roots of anti-Muslim violence can be traced to India's past– resentment towards the historic Islamic conquest of India during the Middle Ages, the policy of divide et impera ('Divide and Rule') utilised by the British colonizers to regain their political hold after the successful revolt of 1857 (which was enabled in good measure by Muslim traders and rulers of the time), and the violent partition of India into an Islamic state of Pakistan and a largely-Hindu India with the world's second largest Muslim population.
A major factor in the rising tide of violence against Muslims is the proliferation of Hindu-nationalist parties, which work alongside or under the political umbrella of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. The present Bharatiya Janata Party-government is also an affiliate of the RSS and adheres to the Hindutva-ideology of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and MS Golwalkar. Considered the ideologues of the RSS and other Hindu-nationalist organisations, Savarkar and Golwalkar were open-admirers of Hitler and Mussolini and their rules of Nazism and Fascism, respectively. This is evident in Golwalkar's writings. Writing about Hitler's Nazi-Germany, Golwalker observed: "Race pride at its highest has been manifested here. Germany has also shown how well nigh impossible it is for Races and cultures, having differences going to the root, to be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for use in Hindusthan to learn and profit by." Since former-BJP leader LK Advani took the Hindutva-ideology to the mainstream of Indian politics by way of a Ram Rath Yatra, violent attacks on Muslim minorities have increased. Scholars argue that anti-Muslim rhetoric, politics, and policies have proved beneficial for Hindutva-leaders, especially the BJP, and therefore can be said to be politically motivated.
Violence against Muslims is frequently in the form of mob attacks on Muslims by Hindus. These attacks are referred to as communal riots in India and are seen to be part of a pattern of sporadic sectarian violence between the majority Hindu and minority Muslim communities, and have also been connected to a rise in Islamophobia throughout the 20th century. Most incidents have occurred in the northern and western states of India, whereas communalist sentiment in the south is less pronounced. Among the largest incidents were Great Calcutta killings in 1946, Bihar and Garmukhteshwar in 1946 after Noakhali riot in East Bengal, the massacre of Muslims in Jammu in 1947, large-scale killing of Muslims following the Operation Polo in Hyderabad, anti-Muslim riots in Kolkata in the aftermath of 1950 Barisal Riots and 1964 East-Pakistan riots, 1969 Gujarat riots, 1984 Bhiwandi riot, 1985 Gujarat riots, 1989 Bhagalpur riots, Bombay riots, Nellie in 1983 and Gujarat riot in 2002 and 2013 Muzaffarnagar riots.
These patterns of violence have been well-established since partition, with dozens of studies documenting instances of mass violence against minority groups. Over 10,000 people have been killed in Hindu-Muslim communal violence since 1950. According to official figures, there were 6,933 instances of communal violence between 1954 and 1982 and, between 1968 and 1980, there were 530 Hindus and 1,598 Muslims killed in a total of 3,949 instances of mass violence.
In 1989, there were incidents of mass violence throughout the north of India. Praveen Swami believes these periodic acts of violence have "scarred India's post independence history" and have also hindered India's cause in Jammu and Kashmir with regard to the Kashmir conflict.
Causes and effects
The roots of this violence lie in India's history, stemming from lingering resentment toward the Islamic domination of India during the Middle Ages, policies established by the country's British colonizers, the violent partition of India into a Muslim Pakistan, and India with a large but minority Muslim population.[undue weight? ] Some scholars have described incidents of anti-Muslim violence as politically motivated and organized and called them pogroms or acts of genocide, or a form of state terrorism with "organized political massacres" rather than mere "riots". Others argue that, although their community faces discrimination and violence, some Muslims have been highly successful, that the violence is not as widespread as it appears, but is restricted to certain urban areas because of local socio-political conditions, and there are many cities where Muslims and Hindus live peacefully together with almost no incidences of sectarian violence.
Role of political parties
Many social scientists feel that many of the stated acts of violence are institutionally supported, particularly by political parties and organizations connected to the Hindu nationalist volunteer organisation, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). In particular, scholars fault the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Shiv Sena for complicity in these incidents of violence and of using violence against Muslims as a part of a larger electoral strategy. For example, research by Raheel Dhattiwala and Michael Biggs has stated that killings are far higher in areas where the BJP faces stiff electoral opposition than in areas in which it is already strong. In 1989, the north of India saw an increase in orchestrated attacks on Muslims, and the BJP had further success in the local and state elections. The social anthropologist Stanley Jeyaraja Tambiah concludes that the violence in Bhagalpur in 1989, Hashimpura in 1987 and in Moradabad 1980 were organised killings. According to Ram Puniyani, the Shiv Sena were victorious in the elections due to the violence in the 1990s, and the BJP in Gujarat after the 2002 violence. Gyan Prakash, however, cautions that the BJP's actions in Gujarat do not equate to the entirety of India, and it remains to be seen if the Hindutva movement has been successful in the deployment of this strategy nationwide.
Economic and cultural factors
Hindu nationalists use the historical subjugation of India by Muslims as an excuse for violence. They feel that, since the Partition, Indian Muslims are allied to Pakistan and are possibly radicalised and, therefore, the Hindus must take defensive steps to avoid repeat of the past wrongs and reassert their pride.[original research?] The higher fertility rate among Muslims has been a recurring theme in the Hindu Right's rhetoric. They claim that the higher birth rate among Muslims is part of a plan to turn the Hindus into a minority within their own country.[original research?]
Another reason given for these outbreaks of violence is the upward mobility of the lower castes caused by the expansion of the economy. The violence has become a substitute for class tensions. Nationalists, rather than deal with the claims from the lower class, instead view Muslims and Christians as not "fully Indian" due to their religion, and portray those who carry out these attacks as "heroes" that defended the majority from "anti-nationals". Muslims are viewed as suspect and their loyalty to the state is questioned because of the ill-will still prevalent after the violence during partition. According to Omar Khalidi:
Anti-Muslim violence is planned and executed to render Muslims economically and socially crippled and, as a final outcome of that economic and social backwardness, assimilating them into lower rungs of Hindu society.
Cultural nationalism has also been given as a reason for instances of violence carried out by Shiv Sena which initially claimed to speak for the people of Maharashtra, but quickly turned their rhetoric to inciting violence against Muslims. The Shiv Sena were complicit in the violence in 1984 in the town of Bhiwandi, and again in the violence in Bombay in 1992 and 1993. Violence has been incited by Sena in 1971 and 1986. According to Sudipta Kaviraj, the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) are still engaged in the religious conflicts which began in the medieval times.
Anti-Muslim violence creates a security risk for Hindus residing outside of India. Since the 1950s, there have been retaliatory attacks on Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh in response to anti-Muslim violence in India. After the 1992 violence in Bombay, Hindu temples were attacked in Britain, Dubai and Thailand. This recurring violence has become a rigidly conventional pattern which has created a divide between the Muslim and Hindu communities.
Jamaat-e-Islami Hind has spoken out against these communal clashes, as it believes that the violence not only impacts upon Muslims, but India as a whole, and that these riots are damaging to India's progress. In Gujarat, the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA) was used in incidents pertaining to communal violence in 1992 and 1993. The majority of those arrested under the act were Muslim. Conversely, TADA was not used after the violence carried out against Muslims during the Bombay riots.
The BJP politicians, as well as those of other parties, argue that demographics play an essential role in Indian elections. The BJP believe that the higher the number of Muslims within a constituency, the higher are the chances of centrist parties to acquiesce to minority groups' requests, which lowers the chances of Muslims "building bridges" with their Hindu neighbours. As such, according to this argument "Muslim appeasement" is the root cause of communal violence. Susanne and Lloyd Rudolph argue that the economic disparity is a reason for the aggression shown towards Muslims by Hindus. As India's economy expanded due to globalization and investment from overseas companies, the expectations of the Hindu population were not matched by the opportunities. Hindu nationalists then encouraged the perception of Muslims as the source of the Hindus' troubles.
The actions of anti-Hindu and anti-India militant groups in Kashmir and Pakistan have reinforced anti-Muslim feelings in India, which has strengthened the Hindu Right. The Hindutva discourse portrays Muslims as traitors and state enemies, whose patriotism is suspected. Sumit Ganguly argues that the rise in terrorism cannot only be attributed to socioeconomic factors, but also to the violence perpetrated by Hindutva forces.
Approximate total victims due to major incidents
|Year||State||Dead||Injured||Incarcerated||Displaced||Conviction of culprits||Incident|
|1964||West Bengal||100+||438||7000+||?||?||1964 Calcutta riots|
|1983||Assam||1800||?||?||?||?||1983 Nellie massacre|
|1969-1989||Gujarat||3130||?||?||?||?||1969 to 1989 Gujarat riots|
|1987||Uttar Pradesh||42||?||?||?||?||1987 Hashimpura massacre|
|1989||Bihar||1000||?||?||50000||?||1989 Bhagalpur riots|
|1992||Maharashtra||900||2036||?||1000||?||1992 Bombay riots|
|2002||Gujarat||2000||?||?||200000||?||2002 Gujarat violence|
|2013||Uttar Pradesh||42||93||150||50000||?||2013 Muzaffarnagar riots|
|2020||Delhi||53||200||?||?||?||2020 Delhi riots|
1964 Kolkata riots
Riots between Hindus and Muslims had left over a hundred people dead, 438 people were injured. Over 7000 people were arrested. 70,000 Muslims have fled their homes and 55,000 were provided protection by the Indian army. Muslims in Kolkata became more ghettoized than ever before in the aftermath of this riot. Violence was also seen in rural West Bengal.
1983 Nellie massacre
In the state of Assam in 1983 the Nellie massacre occurred. Nearly 1,800 Muslims of Bengali origin were slaughtered by Lalung tribespeople (also known as Tiwa) at a village called Nellie. It has been described as one of the most severe massacres since World War II with the majority of victims being women and children, as a result of the actions of the Assam Movement.
One reason cited for this incident is that it resulted from a build-up of resentment over immigration. The Assam movement insisted on striking the names of illegal immigrants from the electoral register and their deportation from the state. There was widespread support for the movement, which tapered off between 1981 and 1982.
The movement demanded that anyone who had entered the state illegally since 1951 be deported. The central government, however, insisted on a cutoff date of 1971. Towards the end of 1982, the central government called elections and the movement called for people to boycott it, which led to the widespread violence.
The official Tiwari Commission report on the Nellie massacre is still a closely guarded secret (only three copies exist). The 600-page report was submitted to the Assam Government in 1984 and the Congress Government (headed by Hiteswar Saikia) decided not to make it public, and subsequent Governments followed suit. Assam United Democratic Front and others are making legal efforts to make Tiwari Commission report public, so that reasonable justice is delivered to victims, at least after 25 years after the incident.
1969 to 1989 Gujarat riots
During the 1969 Gujarat riots, it is estimated that 630 people lost their lives. The 1970 Bhiwandi Riots was an instance of anti-Muslim violence which occurred between 7 and 8 May in the Indian towns of Bhiwandi, Jalgaon and Mahad. There were large amounts of arson and vandalism of Muslim-owned properties. In 1980 in Moradabad, an estimated 2,500 people were killed. The official estimate is 400 and other observers estimate between 1,500 and 2,000. Local police were directly implicated in planning the violence. In 1989 in Bhagalpur, it is estimated nearly 1,000 people lost their lives in violent attacks, believed to be a result of tensions raised over the Ayodhya dispute and the processions carried out by VHP activists, which were to be a show of strength and to serve as a warning to the minority communities.
1987 Hashimpura massacre
Hashimpura massacre happened on 22 May 1987, during the Hindu-Muslim riots in Meerut city in Uttar Pradesh state, India, when 19 personnel of the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) allegedly rounded up 42 Muslim youth from the Hashimpura mohalla (locality) of the city, took them in truck to the outskirts, near Murad Nagar, in Ghaziabad district, where they were shot and their bodies were dumped in water canals. A few days later dead bodies were found floating in the canals. In May 2000, 16 of the 19 accused surrendered, and were later released on bail, while 3 were already dead. The trial of the case was transferred by the Supreme Court of India in 2002 from Ghaziabad to a Sessions Court at the Tis Hazari complex in Delhi, where it was the oldest pending case. On 21 March 2015, all 16 men accused in the Hashimpura massacre case of 1987 were acquitted by Tis Hazari Court due to insufficient evidence. The Court emphasized that the survivors could not recognize any of the accused PAC personnel. On October 31, 2018, the Delhi High Court convicted the 16 personnel of the PAC and sentenced them to life imprisonment, overturning the trial courts verdict.
1989 Bhagalpur riots
On 24 October 1989 in the Bhagalpur district of Bihar, the violent incidents happened for over 2 months. The violence affected the Bhagalpur city and 250 villages around it. Over 1,000 people were killed, and another 50,000 were displaced as a result of the violence. It was the worst Hindu-Muslim violence in independent India at the time.
1992 Bombay riots
The destruction of the Babri Mosque by Hindu nationalists led directly to the 1992 Bombay riots.According to an article published in The Hindu's Frontline magazine, titled Gory Winter, "officially, 900 people were killed in mob rioting and firing by the police, 2,036 injured and thousands internally displaced." BBC correspondent Toral Varia called the riots "a pre-planned pogrom," that had been in the making since 1990, and stated that the destruction of the mosque was "the final provocation".
Several scholars have likewise concluded that the riots must have been pre-planned, and that Hindu rioters had been given access to information about the locations of Muslim homes and businesses from non-public sources. This violence is widely reported as having been orchestrated by Shiv Sena, a Hindu nationalist group led by Bal Thackeray. A high-ranking member of the special branch, V. Deshmukh, gave evidence to the commission tasked with probing the riots. He said the failures in intelligence and prevention had been due to political assurances that the mosque in Ayodhya would be protected, that the police were fully aware of the Shiv Sena's capabilities to commit acts of violence, and that they had incited hate against the minority communities.
2002 Gujarat violence
Since partition, Muslim community has been subject to and engaged in violence in Gujarat. In 2002, in an incident described as an act of "fascistic state terror," Hindu extremists carried out acts of violence against the Muslim minority population.
The starting point for the incident was the Godhra train burning which was allegedly done by Muslims. During the incident, young girls were sexually assaulted, burned or hacked to death. These rapes were condoned by the ruling BJP, whose refusal to intervene lead to the displacement of 200,000. Death toll figures range from the official estimate of 254 Hindus and 790 to 2,000 Muslims killed. Then Chief Minister Narendra Modi has also been accused of initiating and condoning the violence, as have the police and government officials who took part, as they directed the rioters and gave lists of Muslim-owned properties to the extremists.
Mallika Sarabhai, who had complained over state complicity in the violence, was harassed, intimidated and falsely accused of human trafficking by the BJP. Three police officers were given punitive transfers by the BJP after they had successfully put down the rioting in their wards, so as not to interfere further in preventing the violence. According to Brass, the only conclusion from the evidence which is available points to a methodical pogrom, which was carried out with "exceptional brutality and was highly coordinated".
In 2007, Tehelka magazine released "The Truth: Gujarat 2002," a report which implicated the state government in the violence, and claimed that what had been called a spontaneous act of revenge was, in reality, a "state-sanctioned pogrom". According to Human Rights Watch, the violence in Gujarat in 2002 was pre-planned, and the police and state government participated in the violence. In 2012, Modi was cleared of complicity in the violence by a Special Investigation Team appointed by the Supreme Court. The Muslim community is reported to have reacted with "anger and disbelief," and activist Teesta Setalvad has said the legal fight was not yet over, as they had the right to appeal. Human Rights Watch has reported on acts of exceptional heroism by Hindus, Dalits and tribals, who tried to protect Muslims from the violence.
In year 2013 between August to September, conflicts between the two major religious communities Hindu and Muslims happened in Muzaffarnagar district of Uttar Pradesh state. This riots resulted in at least 62 deaths including 42 Muslims and 20 Hindus and injured 200 and left more than 50,000 displaced.
2020 Delhi riots
The 2020 Delhi riots, which left 53 dead and more than 200 seriously injured, were triggered by protests against a citizenship law seen by critics as anti-Muslim. The riots have been referred to by some as a pogrom.
Approximate total victims due to other incidents
|Type||State||Month Year||Year||Victim(s)||Conviction of culprits||Incident|
|Mob lynching||Jharkhand||June||2019||1||?||On June 18, 2019 at Dhatkidih village of Jharkhand's Seraikela Kharsawan district, a 22 year old Tabrez Ansari, was lynched where in the video of the attack, he was pleading to the mob and was forced to chant “Jai Shri Ram” and “Jai Hanuman”.|
|Mob lynching||Karnataka||June||2020||1||?||On June 15, 2020, at Mangalore, in Karnataka, a tempo driver Mohd Hanif was brutally beaten up by the cow vigilante lynch mob and damaged the tempo vehicle. Reportedly, the men belonged to Bajrang Dal.|
|Mob lynching||Rajasthan||August||2020||1||?||On 8 August 2020 at Sikar district in Rajasthan, a 52 year old Gaffar Ahmed was brutally beaten up and forced to chant “Jai Shree Ram” and “Modi Zindabad”. The attackers allegedly pulled the driver's beard, punched his tooth out, and asked him to go to Pakistan|
|Mob lynching||Jammu and Kashmir||August||2020||2||?||On 16 August 2020 at Reasi in Jammu and Kashmir, Muhammad Asgar (40) and his nephew Javid Ahmad (26) were beaten with sticks, punches and kicks with “Desh ke gaddron ko, goli maaro salon ko” (Shoot the traitors) and “Bharat Mata ki Jai” chants.|
|Mob lynching||Haryana||August||2020||1||?||On 23 August 2020 at Panipat in Haryana, a 28-year-old Akhlaq Salmani was beaten with bricks and clubs and his right arm carrying '786' (Numerology based Muslim believers consider it Holy) was cut off with chainsaw.|
|Mob lynching||Haryana||September||2020||1||?||On 3 September 2020 at Karnal, Haryana, an Imam of a masjid Mohammad Ahsan was with sharp-edged swords, rods and batons with heavy injuries to the victim's head.|
|Mob lynching||Uttar Pradesh||September||2020||1||?||On 6 September 2020 at NCR, Aftab Alam was lynched to say "Jai Sri Ram".|
|Mob lynching||Maharashtra||September||2020||4||?||On 16 September 2020 at Beed's Hol village in Maharashtra, Suhail Tamboli, Aslam Ather, Sayyed Layak and Nizamuddin Qazi were attacked with bricks and sticks abusing the community.|
|Sexual assault||Jammu and Kashmir||April||2018||1||?||On 16 April 2018 at Rasana village near Kathua in Jammu and Kashmir, an 8-year-old girl Asifa Bano was abducted, gang raped, and murdered.|
On June 18, 2019 at Dhatkidih village of Jharkhand's Seraikela Kharsawan district, a 22-year-old Tabrez Ansari, was lynched where in the video of the attack, he was pleading to the mob and was forced to chant “Jai Shree Ram” and “Jai Hanuman”.
On June 15, 2020, at Mangalore, in Karnataka, a tempo driver Mohd Hanif was brutally beaten up by the cow vigilante lynch mob and damaged the tempo vehicle. Reportedly, the men belonged to Bajrang Dal.
On 8 August 2020 at Sikar district in Rajasthan, a 52-year-old Gaffar Ahmed was brutally beaten up and forced to chant “Jai Shree Ram” and “Modi Zindabad”. The attackers allegedly pulled the driver's beard, punched his tooth out, and asked him to go to Pakistan.
On 16 August 2020 at Reasi in Jammu and Kashmir, Muhammad Asgar (40) and his nephew Javid Ahmad (26) were beaten with sticks, punches and kicks with “Desh ke gaddron ko, goli maaro salon ko” (Shoot the traitors) and “Bharat Mata ki Jai” chants.
On 23 August 2020 at Panipat in Haryana, a 28-year-old Akhlaq Salmani was beaten with bricks and clubs and his right arm carrying '786' (Numerology based Muslim believers consider it Holy) was cut off with chainsaw.
The film Parzania, which is based on the Gulbarg Society massacre which occurred during the 2002 violence, was boycotted by cinemas in Gujarat over fear of sparking another riot. The film documents atrocities such as families being burned alive in their homes by Hindu extremists, women being set on fire after being gang-raped, and children being hacked to pieces.
Final Solution by Rakesh Sharma is considered one of the better documentaries which covers the violence in Gujarat in 2002. The Central Board of Film Certification had tried to ban the film but, in 2004, chairman Anupam Kher granted a certificate which allowed an uncut version to be screened.
- Saffron terror
- Cow vigilante violence in India
- Religious violence in India
- Violence against Christians in India
- Persecution of Muslims
- Terrorism in India
- Islam in India
- North East Delhi riots
- Hate crime
- Hindu-Islamic relations
- ʻAbd Allāh Aḥmad Naʻīm (2008). Islam and the Secular State: Negotiating the Future of Shari'a. Harvard University Press. p. 161. ISBN 978-0-674-02776-3.
- Yogesh Atal (2009). Sociology and Social Anthropology in India. Pearson Education India. pp. 250–251. ISBN 978-81-317-2034-9.
- Gupta, Narayani (1981). Delhi between Two Empires. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
- Jaffrelot, Christophe (2015). The Sangh Parivar: A Reader.
- "RSS, Nazism and Fascism". Countercurrents. Archived from the original on 22 June 2020.
- Golwalkar, Madhav Sadashiv (1947). We, or Our Nationhood Defined. p. 43.
- Brass, P. R. (2003). "The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India". Sociology of Religion. University of Chicago Press. 65 (3): 304. doi:10.2307/3712256. JSTOR 3712256.
- Engineer, Asghar Ali (1989). Communalism and communal violence in India: an analytical approach to Hindu-Muslim conflict. South Asia Books.
- Jaffrelot, Christophe (1999). Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics. London: Christoper Hurst.
- Fachandi, P (2012). Pogrom in Gujarat: Hindu Nationalism and Anti-Muslim Violence in India. Princeton University Press.
- Brass 2003, p. 65. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBrass2003 (help)
- Riaz 2008, p. 165: "Violence perpetrated against Muslims is now naturalized: riots are 'well-known and accepted transgression of routine political behavior in India.' ... 'Hindu-Muslim riots and anti-Muslim pogroms have been endemic in India since independence.'"
- Herman 2006, p. 65.
- Cohen 2013, p. 66.
- Ganguly 2007, p. 135.
- Pennington 2012, p. 32.
- Dhattiwala 2012, pp. 483–516. sfn error: no target: CITEREFDhattiwala2012 (help)
- Brass 2003, p. 60. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBrass2003 (help)
- Chandavarkar 2009, p. 29.
- Swami 2006, p. 217.
- Rao, Ojaswi; Abraham, Delna (28 June 2017). "86% Dead In Cow-Related Violence Since 2010 Are Muslim; 97% Attacks After 2014". IndiaSpend.com. Archived from the original on 28 September 2017. Retrieved 23 September 2017.
- Wilkes, Tommy; Srivastava, Roli (28 June 2017). "Protests held across India after attacks against Muslims". Reuters. Archived from the original on 10 June 2020. Retrieved 11 March 2020.
- Smith 2005, pp. 11–12.
- Metcalf 2009, p. 117.
- Holt 1977, p. 117.
- Sikand 2004, p. 126.
- Pandey 2005, p. 188.
- Ghassem-Fachandi 2012, p. 2.
- Metcalf 2013, p. 109.
- "Religious Politics and Communal Violence: Critical Issues in Indian Politics" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 19 April 2009. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
- Brass & b.
- Jaffrelot 2011, p. 376.
- Sarkur 2007, p. 187.
- Brekke 2012, pp. 86–87.
- Jaffrelot 2011, p. 382.
- Chandavarkar 2009, p. 114.
- Tambiah 1997, p. 321.
- Puniyan 2003, pp. 12–13.
- Prakash 2007, pp. 177–179.
- Etzion 2008, pp. 123–124.
- Weigl 2012, p. 19.
- Metcalf 2006, p. 89.
- Puniyan 2003, p. 153.
- Kaur 2005, p. 160.
- Kaviraj 2010, p. 245.
- Wilkinson 2006, p. 16.
- Shani 2007, p. 187. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFShani2007 (help)
- Sikand 2004, p. 86.
- Singh 2012, p. 427.
- Varshney 2003, p. 8.
- Price 2012, p. 95.
- Sikand 2006, p. 88.
- Ganguly 2003, p. 10.
- "1964: Riots in Calcutta leave more than 100 dead". BBC News. Archived from the original on 2 July 2015. Retrieved 7 July 2015.
- Hazarika 1984.
- Kokrajhar & Dhubri 2012.
- Ghosh 2004, p. 312.
- Hussain 2009, p. 261.
- Datta 2012, p. 183.
- Chatterji 2013, p. 481.
- Chatterji 2013, p. 418.
- "83 polls were a mistake: KPS Gill". Assam Tribune. 18 February 2008. Archived from the original on 7 February 2012. Retrieved 2 August 2012.
- Rehman, Teresa. "An Untold Shame". Tehelka Magazine. Archived from the original on 11 November 2006. Retrieved 8 December 2011.
- Staff Reporter (19 February 2008). "Flashback to Nellie Horror:AUDF to move court for probe report". The Telegraph. Archived from the original on 8 September 2018. Retrieved 10 October 2012.
- Saikia 2005, p. 65.
- Khalidi 2009, p. 180.
- Fatima, Nikhat (17 August 2020). "The forgotten massacre of Muslims in Moradabad, forty years later". TwoCircles.net. Retrieved 16 October 2020.
- Engineer 1991, p. 209.
- Berglund 2011, p. 105.
- "Justice out of sight". 22 (10). Frontline. May 2008. pp. 7–20. Archived from the original on 10 August 2008. Retrieved 26 February 2015.
- "Hashimpura massacre: Rifles given to PAC". The Times India. 27 July 2006. Archived from the original on 4 November 2013. Retrieved 12 February 2016.
- "20 years delayed, trial put off again". The Indian Express. 16 July 2006.
"This is the oldest case pending in Delhi and yet the prosecuting agency is still slow.." – ASJ Kaushik, July 22, 2007.[permanent dead link]
- "16 acquitted in 1987 Hashimpura massacre case". The Hindu. Delhi. 21 March 2015. Retrieved 21 March 2015.
- "1987 Hashimpura massacre case: Delhi HC sentences 16 ex-policemen to life imprisonment". The Economic Times. 31 October 2018. Retrieved 17 March 2020.
- Hashimpura Massacre: A brutal and bone – chilling action of custodial killings (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 16 July 2019. Retrieved 17 March 2020.
- "Delhi High Court sentences 16 ex-cops to life imprisonment in Hashimpura massacre case". The Print. 31 October 2018. Archived from the original on 21 October 2019. Retrieved 17 March 2020.
- "1989 Bhagalpur violence", Wikipedia, 21 August 2020, retrieved 12 October 2020
- Singh, Rajiv. "Bihar polls: Will Bhagalpur forgive Congress for 1989 riots?". The Economic Times. Retrieved 12 October 2020.
- "Chronology of communal violence in India - Hindustan Times". 10 February 2013. Archived from the original on 10 February 2013. Retrieved 12 October 2020.
- Metcalf 2009, p. 31.
- Setalvad, Teesta. "Gory winter". Frontline. Archived from the original on 30 December 2019. Retrieved 4 February 2020.
- Varia 2007.
- Chris Ogden. A Lasting Legacy: The BJP-led National Democratic Alliance and India's Politics. Journal of Contemporary Asia. Vol. 42, Iss. 1, 2012
- Tambiah 1997, p. 254.
- Blom Hansen 2001, p. 137.
- Singh 2010, p. 348.
- Burke, Jason (25 November 2014). "Terror threat to India rising again six years after Mumbai attacks". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Archived from the original on 31 January 2017. Retrieved 19 April 2016.
- Tilly 2006, p. 119.
- Holst 2004, p. 149.
- Raman 2009, p. 210.
- Gangoli 2007, p. 42.
- Shani 2007, p. 70. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFShani2007 (help)
- Campbell 2012, p. 233.
- Murphy 2011, p. 86.
- Vickery 2010, p. 455.
- Eckhert 2005, p. 215.
- Brass 2003, p. 388. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFBrass2003 (help)
- Risam 2010, p. 521.
- Narula 2002.
- Krishnan 2012.
- Human Rights Watch 2003.
- "Delhi Riots Death Toll at 53, Here Are the Names of 51 of the Victims". The Wire. 6 March 2020. Archived from the original on 8 March 2020. Retrieved 11 March 2020.
- Dhume, Sadanand (18 April 2019). "Opinion | India's Government Considers a 'Muslim Ban'". The Wall Street Journal. ISSN 0099-9660. Archived from the original on 23 December 2019. Retrieved 27 April 2020.
- "'Anti-Muslim' citizenship law challenged in India court". BBC News. 12 December 2019. Archived from the original on 15 December 2019. Retrieved 27 April 2020.
- "Narendra Modi Looks the Other Way as New Delhi Burns". Time. 28 February 2020. Archived from the original on 28 February 2020. Retrieved 1 March 2020.
- "Anti-Muslim violence in Delhi serves Modi well". The Guardian. 26 February 2020. Archived from the original on 1 March 2020. Retrieved 1 March 2020.
- "Modi slammed as death toll in New Delhi violence rises". Al-Jazeera. 26 February 2020. Archived from the original on 1 March 2020. Retrieved 1 March 2020.
- "Narendra Modi's Reckless Politics Brings Mob Rule to New Delhi". The Wire. 27 February 2020. Archived from the original on 1 March 2020. Retrieved 1 March 2020.
- Kamdar, Mira (28 February 2020). "What Happened in Delhi Was a Pogrom". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on 1 May 2020. Retrieved 27 April 2020.
- "Jharkhand: Man Dies Days After Being Attacked by Mob, Forced to Chant 'Jai Shri Ram'". The Wire. Retrieved 12 October 2020.
- "The India in Which Tabrez Ansari Died Continues to Live". The Wire. Retrieved 12 October 2020.
- Dsouza, Alfie; Mangalorean, Team (19 June 2020). "'Police Filed Non Bailable Case On Me & Let My Attackers On Bail, which is Unfair'- Victim M Haneef of Cattle Vigilantes". Mangalorean.com. Retrieved 16 October 2020.
- "Muslim Driver Transporting Cattle Brutally Thrashed in Mangalore by Cow Vigilantes". Retrieved 16 October 2020.
- "[WATCH] Vigilantes stop tempo carrying cattle, brutally thrash driver in Karnataka's Mangaluru". www.timesnownews.com. Retrieved 16 October 2020.
- "Muslim auto driver thrashed for not saying 'Jai Shri Ram' in Rajasthan". The New Indian Express. Retrieved 16 October 2020.
- "Rajasthan: Muslim auto driver beaten up, forced to chant 'Jai Shree Ram', 'Modi Zindabad'". Newsd.in. 8 August 2020. Retrieved 16 October 2020.
- "'Cow Vigilantism': Two Muslim Men Beaten Up in Reasi District of J&K". The Wire. Retrieved 11 October 2020.
- rashtab. "Panipat: Mob Attack Leaves Muslim Hairdresser Amputated, Family Says Cops Want Compromise With Accused". Retrieved 11 October 2020.
- "Around 10 persons booked for hurting religious sentiments | Chandigarh News". The Times of India. TNN. 3 September 2020. Retrieved 11 October 2020.
- "'Say Jai Shri Ram', Killers of Muslim Man in NCR Said, Police Deny Murder Was Hate Crime". thewire.in. Retrieved 11 October 2020.
- Fatima, Nikhat (19 September 2020). ""You don't deserve to live in India," 4 Tablighi Jamaat members recount near-death experience during mob attack in Maharashtra". TwoCircles.net. Retrieved 11 October 2020.
- "India outrage spreads over rape of eight-year-old girl". BBC News. 13 April 2018. Retrieved 11 October 2020.
- Eltagouri, Marwa. "An 8-year-old's rape and murder inflames tensions between Hindus and Muslims in India". Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved 11 October 2020.
- Kumar, Krishna. "Raj Thackeray slams BJP for "backing rapists" in Kathua rape case". The Economic Times. Retrieved 11 October 2020.
- Chu 2007.
- Gupta 2013, p. 372.
- Mazzarella 2013, p. 224.
- Blom Hansen, Thomas (2001). Wages of Violence: Naming and Identity in Postcolonial Bombay. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691088402.
- Reference, Blackwell (1999). Townson, Duncan (ed.). "Indian communal massacres (1946–7)". Blackwell Reference. doi:10.1111/b.9780631209379.1999.x. ISBN 9780631209379.
- Brekke, Torkel (2012). Chris Seiple; Dennis R. Hoover; Pauletta Otis (eds.). The Routledge Handbook of Religion and Security. Routledge. ISBN 978-0415667449.
- Brass, Paul (26 March 2004). "The Gujarat Pogrom of 2002". Social Science Research Council. Archived from the original on 21 July 2013. Retrieved 3 June 2013.
- Brass, Paul. "Riots, Pogroms, and Genocide in Contemporary India: From Partition to the Present". Paul R. Brass. Archived from the original on 5 October 2013. Retrieved 3 June 2013.
- Brass, Paul R. (2003). The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. University of Washington Press. ISBN 978-0295985060.
- Berglund, Henrik (2011). Galina Lindquist; Don Handelman (eds.). Religion, Politics, and Globalization: Anthropological Approaches. Berghahn. p. 105. ISBN 978-1845457716.
- Campbell, John (2012). Chris Seiple; Dennis Hoover; Dennis R. Hoover; Pauletta Otis (eds.). The Routledge Handbook of Religion and Security. Routledge. ISBN 978-0415667449.
- Chu, Henry (25 February 2007). "Film on an India pogrom boycotted". Los Angeles Times. Archived from the original on 20 November 2015. Retrieved 3 June 2013.
- Chatterji, Joya (2013). Meghna Guhathakurta; Willem van Schende (eds.). The Bangladesh Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0822353188.
- Chandavarkar, Rajnayaran (3 September 2009). History, Culture and the Indian City (1st ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521768719.
- Cohen, Stephen P. (2013). Shooting for a Century: The India-Pakistan Conundrum. Brookings Institution Press. p. 66. ISBN 978-0815721864.
- Datta, Antara (2012). Refugees and Borders in South Asia: The Great Exodus of 1971. Routledge. p. 183. ISBN 978-0415524728.
- D'Costa, Bina (2010). Nationbuilding, Gender and War Crimes in South Asia. Routledge. ISBN 978-0415565660.
- Dhattiwala, Raheel; Biggs, Michael (December 2012). "The Political Logic of Ethnic Violence: The Anti-Muslim Pogrom in Gujarat, 2002". Politics & Society. 40 (4). doi:10.1177/0032329212461125. S2CID 154681870.
- Eckhert, Julia (25 May 2005). Austin Sarat; Christian Boulanger (eds.). The Cultural Lives of Capital Punishment: Comparative Perspectives. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0804752343.
- Engineer, Asghar Ali (1991). Communal Riots in Post-independence India. Sangam. ISBN 978-0863111396.
- Engineer, Asghar Ali (December 2002). "Gujarat Riots in the Light of the History of Communal Violence". Economic and Political Weekly. 37 (50).
- Etzion, Amitai (2008). Security First: For a Muscular, Moral Foreign Policy. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300143072.
- Ghosh, Partha S. (2004). Ranabir Samaddar (ed.). Peace Studies: An Introduction To the Concept, Scope, and Themes. SAGE. ISBN 978-0761996606.
- Gupta, Ravi (2013). "The changing landscape". In K. Moti Gokulsing; Wimal Dissanayake (eds.). Routledge Handbook of Indian Cinemas. Routledge. ISBN 978-0415677745.
- Gangoli, Geetanjali (28 January 2007). Indian Feminisms: Law, Patriarchies and Violence in India. Ashgate. ISBN 978-0754646044.
- Ghassem-Fachandi, Parvis (19 March 2012). Pogrom in Gujarat: Hindu Nationalism and Anti-Muslim Violence in India. Princeton University Press. p. 2. ISBN 978-0691151779.
- Ganguly, Rajat (2007). "Democracy and ethnic conflict". In Sumit Ganguly; Larry Diamond; Marc F. Plattner (eds.). The State of India's Democracy. The Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 978-0801887918.
- Ganguly, Sumit (2003). The Kashmir Question: Retrospect and Prospect. Routledge. ISBN 978-0714684390.
- Human Rights Watch, H R. (2003). "Compounding Injustice: The Government's Failure to Redress Massacres in Gujarat". Fédération internationale des droits de l'homme. p. 57. Archived from the original on 19 June 2015. Retrieved 4 December 2016.
- Hazarika, Sanjoy (26 February 1984). "Peace fragile in Assam a year after carnage". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 7 February 2017. Retrieved 8 April 2015.
- Hefner, Robert W. (2006). Robert W. Hefner; Muhammad Qasim Zaman (eds.). Schooling Islam: The Culture and Politics of Modern Muslim Education. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691129334.
- Holt, Peter M. (1977). Peter Malcolm Holt; Ann K. S. Lambton; Bernard Lewis (eds.). The Cambridge History of Islam (New ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521291378.
- Herman, Phyllis K. (2006). Kathryn M. Coughlin (ed.). Muslim Cultures Today: A Reference Guide. Greenwood. ISBN 978-0313323867.
- Hussain, Monirul (1 February 2009). Sibaji Pratim Basu (ed.). The Fleeing People of South Asia: Selections from Refugee Watch. Anthem. p. 261. ISBN 978-8190583572.
- Holst, Arthur (30 August 2004). Merril D. Smith (ed.). Encyclopedia of rape. Greenwood. ISBN 978-0313326875.
- Jaffrelot, Christophe (2011). Religion, Caste, and Politics in India. C Hurst & Co. ISBN 978-1849041386.
- Jaffrelot, Christophe (1996). The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics 1925-1990s: Strategies of Identity-Building, Implantation and Mobilisation. C Hurst & Co. ISBN 9781850653011.
- Krishnan, Murali; Shamil Shams (11 March 2012). "Modi's clearance in the Gujarat riots case angers Indian Muslims". Deutsche Welle. Archived from the original on 20 October 2014. Retrieved 24 June 2013.
- Khalidi, Omar (28 December 2009). Shiping Hua (ed.). Islam and democratization in Asia. Cambria Press. ISBN 978-1604976328.
- Kaviraj, Sudipta (2010). The Imaginary Institution of India: Politics and Ideas. Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0231152235.
- Kaur, Raminder (5 February 2005). Performative Politics and the Cultures of Hinduism: Public Uses of Religion in Western India. Anthem. ISBN 978-1843311393.
- Murphy, Eamon (24 March 2011). Richard Jackson; Eamon Murphy; Scott Poynting (eds.). Contemporary State Terrorism: Theory and Practice. Routledge. ISBN 978-0415664479.
- Markovits, Claude. "India from 1900 to 1947". Mass Violence.Org. Archived from the original on 8 April 2008. Retrieved 24 June 2013.
- Metcalf, Barbara (2006). Robert W. Hefner; Muhammad Qasim Zaman (eds.). Schooling Islam: The Culture and Politics of Modern Muslim Education. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691129334.
- Metcalf, Barbara (2013). Deana Heath; Chandana Mathur (eds.). Communalism and Globalization in South Asia and its Diaspora. Routledge. ISBN 978-0415857857.
- Mazzarella, William (2013). Censorium: Cinema and the Open Edge of Mass Publicity. Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0822353881.
- Metcalf, Barbara D. (2009). Barbara D. Metcalf (ed.). Islam in South Asia in Practice. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691044200.
- Price, Daniel E. (2012). Sacred Terror: How Faith Becomes Lethal. Praeger. ISBN 978-0313386381.
- Prakash, Gyan (15 February 2007). Anuradha Dingwaney Needham; Rajeswari Sunder Rajan (eds.). The Crisis of Secularism in India. Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0822338468.
- Puniyan, Ram (2003). Communal Politics: Facts Versus Myths. Sage. ISBN 978-0761996675.
- Pennington, Brian K. (2012). Brian K. Pennington (ed.). Teaching Religion and Violence. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195372427.
- Pandey, Gyanendra (1 November 2005). Routine violence: nations, fragments, histories. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0804752640.
- Risam, Roopika (30 December 2010). John D. H. Downing (ed.). Encyclopedia of Social Movement Media. Sage. ISBN 978-0761926887.
- Raman, Sita Anantha (8 June 2009). Women in India: a social and cultural history. Praeger. ISBN 978-0275982423.
- Riddick, John F. (2006). The History of British India: A Chronology. Praeger. ISBN 978-0313322808.
- Riaz, Ali (2008). Faithful Education: Madrassahs in South Asia. Rutgers University Press. ISBN 978-0813543451.
- Narula, Smita (1 May 2002). "India: Gujarat Officials Took Part in Anti-Muslim Violence". Human Rights Watch.
not a spontaneous uprising, it was a carefully orchestrated attack against Muslims. The attacks were planned in advance and organised with extensive participation of the police and state government officials
- Kokrajhar; Dhubri (24 August 2012). "Killing for a homeland". The Economist Banyan blog. Archived from the original on 25 August 2012.
- Saikia, Yasmin (2005). Fragmented Memories: Struggling to be Tai-Ahom in India. Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0822333739.
- Sarkur, Tanika (2007). Taisha Abraham (ed.). Women and the Politics of Violence. Har Anand. ISBN 978-8124108475.
- Shani, Giorgio (2007). Sikh nationalism and identity in a global age. Routledge. ISBN 978-0415421904.
- Shani, Ornit (2007). Communalism, Caste and Hindu Nationalism: The Violence in Gujarat. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521727532.
- Sikand, Yoginder (2006). Ibrahim Abu-Rabi' (ed.). The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 88. ISBN 978-1405121743.
In the fascist Hindutva imagination, the Indian Muslims are continuously reviled as Pakistani "fifth columnists," as "enemies of the nation" and so on, and their patriotism is said to be suspect. The Muslim as the menacing "other" occupies a central place in Hindutva discourse, and this has been used to legitimize large-scale anti-Muslim violence.
- Sikand, Yoginder (2004). Muslims in India Since 1947: Islamic Perspectives on Inter-Faith Relations. Routledge. ISBN 978-0415314862.
- Singh, Sujala (2010). "Bombay Cinema: Terror and Spectacle". In Boehmer, Elleke; Morton, Stephen (eds.). Terror and the Postcolonial. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. p. 348. ISBN 978-1-4051-9154-8.
one of the most horrific instances of fascistic state terror took place in Gujarat in 2002
- Singh, Ujjwal Kumar (2012). Victor V. Ramraj; Michael Hor; Kent Roach (eds.). Global Anti-Terrorism Law and Policy (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 427. ISBN 9781107014671.
- Smith, Glenn (2005). Asvi Warman Adam; Dewi Fortuna Anwar (eds.). Violent Internal Conflicts in Asia Pacific: Histories, Political Economies, and Policies. Yayasan Obor. ISBN 9789794615140.
- Swami, Praveen (19 October 2006). India, Pakistan and the Secret Jihad: The Covert War in Kashmir, 1947–2004. Routledge. ISBN 978-0415404594.
- Tilly, Charles (2006). Regimes and Repertoires. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0226803500.
- Tambiah, Stanely J. (1997). Leveling Crowds: EthnoNationalist Conflicts and Collective Violence in South Asia. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0520206427.
- Times of India, TNN (31 December 2005). "State pogroms glossed over". The Times of India.
- Varia, Toral (2 September 2007). "Mumbai riots a planned, perfected pogrom?". CNN-IBN.
- Varshney, Ashutosh (2003). Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India (2nd Revised ed.). Yale University Press. p. 8. ISBN 978-0300100136.
- Vickery, Jacqueline (30 December 2010). John D. H. Downing (ed.). Encyclopedia of Social Movement Media. Sage. ISBN 978-0761926887.
- Varshney, Ashutosh. "Understanding Gujarat Violence". Social Science Research Council. Archived from the original on 21 July 2013. Retrieved 25 June 2013.
- Weigl, Constanze (2012). Reproductive Health Behaviour and Decision-making of Muslim Women: An Ethnographic Study in a Low-income Community in Urban North India. Lit Verlag. ISBN 978-3643107701.
- Wilkinson, Steven I. (2006). Votes and Violence: Electoral Competition and Ethnic Riots in India. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521536059.
- Brass, Paul R. "On the Study of Riots, Pogroms, and Genocide" (PDF). University of Washington.