|Sir William Phips|
|1st Governor of the Province of Massachusetts Bay|
May 16, 1692 – November 17, 1694
|Monarch||William and Mary|
|Preceded by||Simon Bradstreet (as governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony)|
|Succeeded by||William Stoughton (acting)|
|Born||February 2, 1650/51
Nequasset (present-day Woolwich, Maine)
|Died||February 18, 1694/95 (aged 44)
|Spouse(s)||Mary Spencer Hull (married 1673)|
|Nickname(s)||The New England Knight|
Sir William Phips (or Phipps; February 2, 1650/51 – February 18, 1694/95) was a shipwright, ship's captain, treasure hunter, military leader, and the first royally-appointed governor of the Province of Massachusetts Bay. He is perhaps best remembered for establishing, and later over-ruling and disbanding, the court associated with the infamous Salem Witch Trials.
Of humble origin and poorly educated, he was a shipbuilder in Boston before embarking on several treasure hunting expeditions to the West Indies. He became famous in London when he recovered a large treasure from a sunken Spanish galleon, a feat that earned him instant wealth and a knighthood. In 1690, during King William's War, he led a successful military expedition against the capital of Acadia, Port Royal, and then made a disastrous attempt to capture Quebec later the same year.
Despite the military setback and his crude country manner, his connections in London and with the influential Mather family gained him the governorship of Massachusetts. He was not politically sophisticated, and became enmeshed in controversies (including physical altercations with other officials) that led to his recall to England to answer a variety of charges. He died in London before the charges against him were heard.
Phips was born the son of James and Mary Phips, in a frontier settlement at Nequasset (present-day Woolwich, Maine), near the mouth of the Kennebec River. His father died when he was six years old, and his mother married a neighbor and business partner, John White. Although Cotton Mather in his biography of Phips claimed that he was one of 26 children, this number is likely an exaggeration. His mother is known to have had six children by Phips, and eight by White, although there may have been more children that did not survive infancy. His father's ancestry was country gentry in Nottinghamshire, and Phips was a cousin of Sir Constantine Henry Phipps, Lord Chancellor of Ireland. According to Mather he was a shepherd until the age of 18, after which he began a four-year apprenticeship as a ship's carpenter. He received no formal schooling. Despite a keen intelligence, his literacy skills were likely rudimentary. Once he achieved wealth and fame he was able to rely on a personal secretary and scribes for assistance, as was common at the time.
After his apprenticeship ended in 1673, Phips traveled to Boston where he continued to employ his shipmaking and carpentry skills. About a year later he married Mary Spencer Hull, widow to John Hull (unrelated to Massachusetts mintmaster John Hull). Mary's father, Daniel Spencer, was a merchant and landowner with interests in Maine, and Phips may have known her from an early age. By all accounts, the couple exhibited "genuine affection" for one another, and there is no evidence Phips was unfaithful during his long absences from home.
Phips established a shipyard on the Sheepscot River at Merrymeeting Bay in Maine in 1675 at the outbreak of King Philips War. The shipyard was successful, turning out a number of small boats and building its first large merchant ship in 1676. As he was preparing for its maiden voyage in August 1676, planning to deliver a load of lumber to Boston, a band of Indians descended on the area during the Northeast Coast Campaign (1676). Rather than take on his cargo, he took on board as many of the local settlers as he could. Although he was financially ruined (the Indians destroyed the shipyard and his intended cargo of masts and lumber), he was seen as a hero in Boston. He founded a shipyard in Boston, supported by investors who knew his skills. His mother and stepfather returned to Maine, rebuilding their settlement, where they lived until his stepfather died. His mother then returned to Boston, where she stayed with Phips' financial support.
In 1682 Phips shifted to treasure hunting, making a voyage to the Bahamas as captain of the Resolution, seeking treasure from sunken Spanish ships. The expedition is not well documented but seems to have been profitable, returning shares worth £54 to certain participants .
Second voyage 1683-84
The success of his first foray was sufficient to motivate Phips to travel to England in search of backing for further expeditions. It is possible he used his connections in Maine to ship masts to England. Masts were a highly desired by the navy. In this way, he may have gained access to some high-ranking members of the navy and enticed their help in searching again for treasure. It is also possible that he used the help of distant, extended family connections. We know that Phips somehow gained the acquaintance of Sir John Narborough, a rear admiral and commissioner of the Royal Navy who also had the ear of King Charles II. Narborough had been involved in a similar treasure-seeking venture the year prior. In June 1683 the Admiralty agreed to fit out and lend Phips the Rose of Algiers, a 20-gun frigate for the purpose of hunting for treasure. The king personally took a 25% share (in addition to the crown's 10%), but also assigned two agents, Charles Salmon and John Knepp, to the ship. It seems these two men were meant to be minders, to keep track of the amount of treasure found, as well as map and depict the area.
Before Phips could sail, he was unlucky enough to have another mission added to the manifest. Edward Randolph had finally achieved his goal of serving Boston with a writ of quo warranto against the charter of Massachusetts and he was searching for a frigate to be the muscle backing him: "It is essential that a frigate should be on the New England coast at such a time to second the quo warranto and hasten submission to the Boston's;... a war vessel be present to awe them." Edward Randolph became aware of Phips' mission based on his "late successfull returnes" and on August 3, 1683, Randolph wrote to Sir Leonine Jenkins "I am now informed that the HMS Rose is already fitted out for the Bahamas with orders to call at Boston for 2 or 3 weeks on the way." Randolph indicates that time is of the essence and he is willing to go with Phips or forego the frigate idea altogether and embark on a merchantman. One would hope that there was some hesitation on his part and others, in re-appropriating this ship from the intended role of treasure-seeking to take on the role of an enforcer. It would not take an active imagination to foresee the ways in which this could go wrong.
A detailed journal of this trip to Boston harbor was kept by John Knepp, beginning in September 1683. Knepp does not seem to have fully understood the role Phips was intended to play in support of Randolph. Phips and Knepp were also at odds with each other from the beginning. Phips seems have been something of a libertarian but Knepp expected crew discipline to be more like that on a regular navy vessel. Knepp considered Phips lax in enforcing minor transgressions of regulations. It seems the crew was originally hired on a share-basis for treasure hunting and were probably not happy to have the backing of Randolph added to their mission. A salty bunch to say the least, and having been originally recruited by Phips in order to seek treasure, they were not likely to have been good candidates for the role of quasi-policemen. They did seem to enjoy firing the ship's guns.
Phips arrived in Boston with Randolph in October. While providing a show of force for Randolph by insisting other ship's strike their colors, and thereby angering some old friends, as well as the Massachusetts government, he simultaneosly sought to pursue his original intention of gathering equipment, provisions and experienced divers to take to the Bahamas. Some historians (like Baker and Reid in New England Knight) have treated Phips activities in Boston harbor as arrogant showboating, like a kid with a new corvette, but it seems clear from the letters of Randolph and Blathwayt that Phips was given an order, in person if not in writing, to present a show of force. It must have been an uncomfortable chore for someone like Phips, whose loyalties were with Boston (in '76 the records show initiated the building of a house in Boston), and who was not a member of the British navy, and whose original intent had been to merely stop over in Boston long enough to get "diving tubs." Randolph was never one to withhold criticism, but he did not complain of Phips activities in Boston harbor in the winter of 1683-4.
Randolph's writ of quo warranto required a response from Massachusetts by the end of "Michaelmas term" which would be around Christmas, and indeed Phips began making preparations to sail by January 3rd. Phips finally sailed clear of the Boston Harbor on January 19, 1684. Two days later, Increase Mather gave a rousing speech to the freemen advising them not to submit to the crown and to resist the quo warranto. Four years later, Phips and Increase Mather would work in close concert, but their positions at this time could not have appeared more opposite. The rest of Phips trip in 1684 was far less momentous than his time in Boston harbor, though finally able to do what he had originally intended. Phips searched with limited success off Jamaica, finding about £200 worth of treasure from picked-over wrecks. When some of his crew became mutinous, he had them put off in Jamaica, where he gathered additional leads for potential treasure sites. Pursuing these leads, he searched off Hispaniola, where he again found nothing. When he finally returned to London in August 1685, the shares of the men were small, and the crown, which spent £700 to fit the ship, received £471.
While Randolph offered no criticism of Phips actions backing him in Boston, they would not get along in the future. In 1685, when Randolph returned to Boston with a new charter, the same frigate, the HMS Rose, was again sent back with him but this time captained by John George with orders to remain of the New England coast for a year. By 1688 Phips would begin to consistently side with Increase Mather and other Boston magistrates against Randolph and Andros. By agreeing to harass the harbor of his hometown in 1683, Phips had shown that he was serviceable: willing to compromise between his own interests, his loyalties, and the interests of the crown. This was surely noted back at Whitehall.
Phips attempted to get funding from the Admiralty for another expedition, but King James II, who had just taken the throne after his brother's death, refused. Narborough connected Phips with the Duke of Albemarle, who acquired from James a patent authorizing him to search for wrecks. Albemarle assembled a group of investors to fund Phips' third expedition. They acquired and outfitted two ships: the James and Mary, a 22-gun 200-ton frigate, and the 45-ton Henry of London, a sloop commanded by Francis Rogers, Phips' second mate on the previous voyage.
Phips sailed from London in September 1686, and arrived off Hispaniola in November. The weather was bad, and the search consequently did not get under way until January 1687. Phips sent the smaller ship Henry of London out to search the banks and reefs northeast of Hispaniola, and she returned in early February with evidence of a major find. The ship they found, the Nuestra Señora de la Concepción, had wrecked in 1641 in an area known to the Spanish as the Ambrosia Banks, now called the Silver Bank. From then until April the divers and ships' crews worked to recover all manner of treasure: gold and silver bullion, doubloons, jewelry, and other artifacts. Concerned about the possibility of mutiny, Phips guaranteed to the crew, who had been hired for seaman's wages, that they would receive shares in the find, even if he had to pay them from his own percentage. He carefully avoided putting in at any ports before anchoring at Gravesend, where he dispatched a courier to London with the news.
Phips reported recovering £300,000 worth of treasure from the wreck, although modern assessments place the value closer to £210,000. Of this amount much went to Albemarle, who owned at least 25 percent of the venture's shares. Phips, after paying out £8,000 in crew shares, received £11,000. Phips was treated as a hero in London, and the find was the talk of the town. Some economic historians argue that Phips' find significantly effected history because it led to a major increase in the formation of joint-stock companies, and even played a role in the eventual formation in the Bank of England.
Phips and the crew were rewarded by the investors with medals, and Phips was knighted by James in June. James also rewarded Phips with the post of provost marshal general (chief sheriff) of the Dominion of New England, serving under Sir Edmund Andros. In September 1687 Phips returned to the wreck, though he did not command the venture. Admiral Narborough elected to personally lead the expedition, which was supported by King James, who purchased shares and provided a navy frigate for security. The expedition was not very successful. The wreck had been discovered by others, and the arrival of the English scattered more than 20 smaller ships. Treasure worth only £10,000 was recovered before Narborough's death in May 1688 brought the expedition to an end. Phips had by then already left the wreck site in early May, sailing for Boston to take up his post as provost marshal general.
Provost Marshal General
Phips arrived back in Boston in the summer of 1688 and was welcomed back as a hero. His wife seemed very happy to see him. He was celebrated in sermons and at the Harvard college commencement. Andros and Randolph were not so happy to see him and it seems the feeling was mutual. Almost all of New England seemed unified in their opposition to Andros and Randolph. Andros swore Phips into his new post in early July, but his council refused Phips' demand that the previously named sheriffs be dismissed. If Phips had simply wanted a share in the spoils of the Dominion, he might have stuck around and kept his head down, but it seems that by this time Phips loyalties were resolutely with Massachusetts Bay. He stayed home only six weeks before shipping back to London to join with Increase Mather in opposing the Dominion and seeking to restore the original charter. (Upon his arrival in London, he heard the bad news that one important connection, Narborough was dead, and another, Albemarle, then governor of Jamaica, was ill and he died in October.) Motivated by a shared dislike of Andros, Phips and Increase Mather worked together to bring about his downfall. After the Glorious Revolution in late 1688 replaced the Catholic James with the Protestant monarchs William and Mary, Phips and Mather petitioned the new monarchs for restoration of the Massachusetts charter, and successfully convinced the Lords of Trade to delay the transmission of formal instructions about the change of power to Andros. Phips returned to Boston in May 1689, carrying proclamations from the king and queen, and found Andros and Randolph had already been arrested in a revolt in Boston. Phips served for a time as an overseer guarding Andros and Randolph in the prison at Castle Island.
Port Royal expedition
The turmoil in England and William's accession to the throne had prompted France to declare war on England. New France's Governor General Denonville took advantage of the political turmoil in New England and New York to launch a series of Indian raids across the northern frontier in 1689 and early 1690. The provisional government of Massachusetts established after the arrest of Andros was called on to respond to these raids, and in March 1690 Phips was appointed by the General Court to lead an expedition against the French in Acadia. Leading a fleet of seven ships and over 700 men, he sailed from Boston in late April and arrived before the Acadian capital, Port Royal in early June. On May 9 he summoned its governor, Louis-Alexandre des Friches de Meneval, to surrender. Meneval, in command of about 70 men and a fort in disrepair, promptly negotiated terms of capitulation. When Phips came ashore the next day, it was discovered that Acadians had been removing valuables, including some that were government property (and thus were supposed to come under the victor's control).
Phips, whose motives continue to be debated by historians today, claimed this was a violation of the terms of capitulation, and consequently declared the agreement void. He allowed his troops to sack the town and destroy the church, acts that he had promised to prevent in the oral surrender agreement. He had the fortifications destroyed, removing all of their weaponry. Before he left, he convinced a number of Acadians to swear oaths of allegiance to the English crown, appointed a council of locals to administer the town, and then sailed back to Boston, carrying Meneval and his garrison as prisoners of war. Phips received a hero's welcome and was lavished with praise, although he was criticized in some circles (and has been vilified in French and Acadian histories) for allowing the sacking of Port Royal. Governor Meneval petitioned in vain for the return of minor valuables (silverware and other small items) that Phips had taken.
In the wake of the success, the Massachusetts provisional government agreed to organize an expedition on a larger scale against Quebec, the capital of New France, and gave its command to Phips. Originally intending to coordinate with a simultaneous overland attack on Montreal launched from Albany, New York, the expedition's departure was delayed in the vain hope that needed munitions would arrive from England. The expedition, counting 34 ships and more than 2,000 soldiers, finally sailed on August 20. It was short on ammunition, had no pilots familiar with the Saint Lawrence River, and carried what would turn out to be inadequate provisions.
Because of contrary winds and the difficulty in navigating the Saint Lawrence, the expedition took eight weeks to reach Quebec. The late arrival (wintry conditions were already setting in on the river) and the long voyage meant that it would be impossible to conduct a lengthy siege. Phips sent a message into the citadel demanding its surrender. Governor General Louis de Buade de Frontenac declared that his only response would be from "the mouths of my cannons". Phips then held a war council, which decided to make a combined land assault and naval bombardment. Both failed. The landing force, 1,200 men led by Major John Walley, were unable to cross the well-defended Saint-Charles River, and the naval bombardment failed because the New Englanders' guns were unable to reach the high battlements of the city, and they furthermore soon ran out of ammunition. The fighting, according to Phips, cost the expedition 30 deaths and one field cannon, as well as numerous wounded; disease and disaster took an additional toll. Smallpox ravaged the troops, and two transports were lost to accidents; another 200 men were lost to these causes.
The expedition cost the colony £50,000 to mount, for which it issued paper currency, a first in the English colonies. Many of the expedition's participants and creditors were unhappy at being paid this way, and Phips generously purchased some of the depreciated paper with hard currency, incurring financial losses in the process. He returned to England in February 1691 to seek financial and political support for another expedition.
Becoming Governor of Massachusetts
Soon after returning to England, Phips joined back up with Increase Mather and again supported him in dealing with Whitehall. Increase Mather's diary says they are together on March 25, 1691, and again on March 26. On March 31, they are together as Increase Mather writes a response to the Board of Trade. Also at this meeting is Sir Henry Ashurst. These three—Mather the clergyman, flanked by two knights: Sir Phips & Sir Ashurst—would emerge later as the major proponents of the various compromises that brought about a new charter. Not counting Phips, there seem to have been a total of four agents acting on behalf of Massachusetts in seeking to restore the old charter. The two agents holding official commission papers from the Massachusetts council—Cooke and Oakes—were also the least compromising and the least politically deft. The Board of Trade seems to have sought a policy of pushing through a new charter by cleaving the two knights away from these two agents. July 24, Increase Mather records in his diary that he would "part with my life sooner than [compromise on charter]". Not long after this Increase Mather left London on vacation. August 11, 1691 a letter was written from Whitehall to the King William's secretary: "I must now desire your Lordship to acquaint the King that they are willing to accept their Charter... and no longer Insist upon the Alterations mentioned..." This could not have been Cooke and Oakes, as they never wavered in their stance opposing a new charter. Mather's diary entry one week later (August 19) indicates that he is still either unaware or has not yet accepted this move. August 20, the Earl of Nottingham told a committee that he had been with Sir William Phips who informed him that the New England agents "did acquiesce therein [with the new charter]." By August 27, Increase Mather had decided to participate in the process of shaping this new charter, if reluctantly.
A number of Mather's requests concerning the new charter were rejected, but William and Mary allowed Mather to nominate the colony's Lt. Governor and council members. The monarchs appointed Phips as the first royal governor, with Increase Mather's approval, under a newly issued colonial charter for the Province of Massachusetts Bay. The charter greatly expanded the colony's bounds, including not just the territories of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, but also those of the Plymouth Colony, islands south of Cape Cod including Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket, and the present-day territories of Maine, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia. It also expanded the franchise to be nearly universal (for males).
Phips and Increase Mather were odd-fellows, without much in common, but they had become politically conjoined to the new charter, and it would be their job to sell it to the people of Massachusetts who were expecting their agents to return with nothing less than the old charter restored.
The Salem Witch Trials
On reaching Boston together on May 14, 1692, Phips and Increase found the colony gripped by witchcraft hysteria. Beginning in February 1692, more than 125 people were arrested on charges of witchcraft, and were held in prison pending the inauguration of the new government. Phips established a special Court of Oyer and Terminer to hear the accumulated cases on May 27, appointing Lieutenant Governor William Stoughton as the chief judge. The court admitted spectral evidence (alleged demonic visions) and denied the accused access to legal counsel. 20 people were executed as witches, both males and females. All but Giles Corey, who was pressed to death after refusing to enter any plea, died by hanging. Although the court was terminated in September 1692, accusations and arrests continued, including charges against some fairly high profile individuals, including Phips' wife, Lady Mary. Phips finally put an end to the proceedings by first suspending the trials, and releasing all prisoners (numbering about 150) charged with witchcraft by May 1693.
French and Indian raids had resumed in the years following Phips' 1690 expeditions, so he sought to improve the province's defenses. Pursuant to his instructions from London, in 1692 he oversaw the construction of a stone fort, which was dubbed Fort William Henry, at Pemaquid (present-day Bristol, Maine), where a wooden fort had been destroyed in 1689. The expense involved in this effort made it unpopular in the province. Attempts by Phips to coordinate defenses with neighboring provinces were marred by difficulties often emanating from his rough personality and temper (relations with the neighbors improved after his departure.) He recruited Major Benjamin Church to lead a 450-man expedition against the Indians in Maine. In August 1693 Phips reached a tenuous peace agreement with the Abenaki people; it was eventually subverted by French intrigues to bring the Abenaki back on the warpath, and had no lasting impact.
Phips' governorship was marked by political factionalism, and his lack of connections to existing local powers hurt him. Furthermore, Joseph Dudley, a Massachusetts native (and former dominion official) was in London, scheming to replace him. He frequently quarreled with friends, foes, and other government officials. His biographers describe his behavior as "blustering aggressiveness", and his contemporaries complained of his "lowness of education". He quarreled with neighboring governors over military issues, and aggravated a border dispute with neighboring Rhode Island. He twice got into physical altercations with other government officials, situations that Dudley and his other opponents highlighted to the Lords of Trade. He was accused of violating the Navigation Acts (which he was, as governor, supposed to enforce) in what his opponents described as "illegal and self-serving commercial activities". Phips' attempts to justify his actions included attacks on his enemies, many of whom were on good terms with the colonial secretary, William Blathwayt. Blathwayt continued to support him, as did Increase Mather, but this was not enough to overcome the many complaints lodged against him.
On July 4, 1694 Phips received an official summons to appear before the Lords of Trade in London. He spent much of the summer at Pemaquid, overseeing the frontier defenses, while Lieutenant Governor Stoughton oversaw the gathering of evidence for the hearing. He sailed for England on November 17, and arrived in London on January 1, 1694/5. Upon his arrival, he was arrested on exaggerated charges, levied by Dudley, that he had conspired to withhold customs monies. Dudley had hoped that the £20,000 bail would prevent Phips' return to Massachusetts, but Phips was bailed by Sir Henry Ashurst. However, Phips fell ill with a fever while preparing his defense, and died on February 18, 1694/95, aged 44, before his charges were heard. He was buried in London in the yard of the Church of St. Mary Woolnoth. His grave was originally marked, but the marker was removed (and his coffin possibly moved within the church grounds) during renovations in the 18th century.
Family and legacy
William and Mary Phips had no children. They adopted Spencer Bennett, the son of Mary's sister Rebecca, who formally took the Phips name in 1716. He went on to serve as lieutenant governor of Massachusetts, including two periods as acting governor.
- Murdock [add more]
- Samuel Sewell Diary, June 1688.
- In the Julian calendar, then in use in England, the year began on March 25. To avoid confusion with dates in the Gregorian calendar, then in use in other parts of Europe, dates between January and March were often written with both years. Dates in this article are in the Julian calendar unless otherwise noted.
- Lounsberry, pp. 8–11
- Baker and Reid, p. 10
- Baker and Reid, p. 5
- Baker and Reid, p. 21
- Lounsberry, p. 16
- Baker and Reid, p. 15
- Baker and Reid, p. 16
- Baker and Reid, p. 17
- Lounsberry, p. 22
- Lounsberry, p. 23
- Lounsberry, pp. 24–26
- Lounsberry, p. 26
- Baker and Reid, pp. 26–27
- Baker and Reid, p. 27
- Sir Francis Wheeler, 1692 letters, in Calendar of State Papers Domestic Series Vol III
- Baker and Reid, pp. 27-29
- Baker and Reid, p. 30
- Randolph to Sir Leonine Jenkins July 26, 1683 in British History online
- John Knepp at MHS & F.L. Gay "A Rough List of a Collection of Transcripts"
- Lounsberry, pp. 72–73
- British History online search Blathwayt and July 1683. Ann Jacobsen's biography of Blathwayt also points to this.
- ibid. Letters of Randolph are now freely available online in various forms and can usually arranged by date.
- Baker and Reid, pg. 32.
- Lounsberry, p. 85
- Baker and Reid, pp. 41–43
- Randolph deposition, July 7, 1688, in his Letters vol. IV.
- Hall, Michael Garibaldi (1960). Edward Randolph and the American Colonies. University of North Carolina Press. pp. see index under "Rose" or "Phips".
- Diary of Increase Mather (MHS & AAS) entry August 1688 contains I.M.'s first mention of Phips, as the two of them begin working together on behalf of Massachusetts in London. They would continue to work together for the next 4 years. See F.L. Gay Rough List ibid.
- Lounsberry, p. 106
- Lounsberry, pp. 111–119
- Lounsberry, p. 121
- Baker and Reid, p. 45
- Lounsberry, pp. 122–123
- Lounsberry, p. 127
- Lounsberry, p. 129
- Fine, pp. 48–52
- Lounsberry, pp. 130–137
- Lounsberry, p. 140
- Lounsberry, p. 141
- Lounsberry, p. 145
- Baker and Reid, p. 54
- Lounsberry, p. 119
- Lounsberry, p. 147
- Baker and Reid, pp. 55–58
- Baker and Reid, pp. 59–63
- Samuel Sewall Diary, June 1688. Public Domain.
- Baker and Reid, p. 66
- Baker and Reid, p. 68
- Baker and Reid, pp. 69–74
- Lounsberry, p. 200
- Griffiths, p. 190
- Baker and Reid, pp. 83–84
- Lounsberry, p. 210
- Faragher, p. 87
- Griffiths, p. 151
- Griffiths, p. 151, provides several competing points of view on the matter
- Faragher, p. 88
- See e.g. Faragher, p. 88
- Lounsberry, p. 213
- Lounsberry, p. 214
- "Biography of Sir William Phips". Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online. Retrieved 2011-05-03.
- Peckham, p. 36
- Peckham, p. 37
- Peckham, p. 38
- Lounsberry, pp. 232, 237
- The Glorious Revolution in Massachusetts, Selected Documents 1689-1692 pgs 544-624. The documents are in chronological order.
- Baker and Reid, pp. 206–10
- The Glorious Revolution in Massachusetts, Selected Documents 1689-1692 Lounsberry, p. 245
- Lounsberry, p. 252
- Hart, p. 2:41
- Hart, p. 2:38
- Hart, pp. 2:41–42
- Hart, p. 2:49
- Hart, pp. 2:66, 71
- Lounsberry, p. 287
- Hart, p. 2:71
- Lounsberry, p. 265
- Rawlyk, p. 78
- Baker and Reid, p. 202
- Kimball, p. 66
- Baker and Reid, p. 203
- Baker and Reid, p. 223
- Baker and Reid, p. 222
- Baker and Reid, p. 237
- Baker and Reid, p. 239
- Baker and Reid, pp. 246–47
- Lounsberry, pp. 302–03
- Lounsberry, p. 307
- Lounsberry, p. 284
- Paige, p. 2:627
- Williamson, pp. 260, 327
- Williamson, p. 637
- Chadbourne, Ava H. (Apr 20, 1949). "Many Maine towns bear names of military men". Lewiston Evening Journal. pp. A–2. Retrieved 17 October 2015.
- Baker, Emerson W; Reid, John G (1998). The New England Knight: Sir William Phips, 1651–1695. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 978-0-8020-0925-8. OCLC 222435560.
- Faragher, John Mack (2005). A Great and Noble Scheme. New York: W. W. Norton. ISBN 978-0-393-05135-3. OCLC 217980421.
- Fine, John Christopher (2006). Treasures of the Spanish Main. Guilford, CT: Globe Pequot. ISBN 978-1-59228-760-4. OCLC 70265588.
- Griffiths, Naomi Elizabeth Saundaus (2005). From Migrant to Acadian: a North American Border People, 1604–1755. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 978-0-7735-2699-0. OCLC 180773040.
- Hart, Albert Bushnell (ed) (1927). Commonwealth History of Massachusetts. New York: The States History Company. OCLC 1543273.
- Kimball, Everett (1911). The Public Life of Joseph Dudley. New York: Longmans, Green. OCLC 1876620.
- Lounsberry, Alice (1941). Sir William Phips. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. OCLC 3040370.
- Paige, Lucius (1877). History of Cambridge, Massachusetts. Boston: H. O. Houghton. OCLC 1305589.
- Peckham, Howard (1964). The Colonial Wars, 1689–1762. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. OCLC 1175484.
- Rawlyk, George (1973). Nova Scotia's Massachusetts. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 978-0-7735-0142-3. OCLC 1371993.
- Williamson, William (1832). The History of the State of Maine. Hallowell, ME: Glazier, Masters. OCLC 193830.
as Governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony
|Governor of the Province of Massachusetts Bay
May 16, 1692 – November 17, 1694