Women of color

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigation Jump to search

Women of color (singular: woman of color, sometimes abbreviated as WOC) is a phrase used to describe female non-whites. The political term "women of color" surfaced in the violence against women movement. In the late seventies it unified all women experiencing multiple layers of marginalization with race or ethnicity as a common issue.[1]


Although similar to the term "person of color," the history of the term women of color has political roots, as explained by the women's rights leader Loretta Ross. During the 1977 National Women's Conference, a group of African American women created the Black Women's Agenda to work with the conference. They aimed to substitute the proposed "Minority Women's Plank", which was included in the documentation for the conference. When other minority women wanted to be included in the agenda, negotiations to rename the group led to the creation of the term "women of color", encompassing all minority women. The term "women of color" is a unifying term that also addresses the political and social issues.[2]

Feminist movement[edit]

The first wave of the feminist movement, primarily between 1960 and 1980, did not deal with the issues faced by women of color. This wave used the term "universal woman", attempting to speak for the overall oppression faced by all women. Many involved in the first wave of feminism spoke from the white middle-class female perspective and concluded that gender was the main site of their oppression. Nevertheless, feminism slowly began to address cultural inequalities, especially after the influence of the civil rights movement. As a result, noting their range of economic, social, and political differences, women of color sought to address the unique experiences of non-white women, generally excluded from the term "feminism".[3] In the 1980s Africana womanism was created to practice Afrocentricism as in America, much was based on a Eurocentric standpoint. Despite the Eurocentrism of feminism during this time period, many women of color still became prominent feminist icons. The mujerismo movement also came about during this time to confront the issues that Latina women were facing. The term is derived from the Spanish word mujer, or "woman"'; it was a name for oppressed women of color who found their issues were not being addressed within the white feminist movement.[4]

The struggles of women of color needed to be better publicized and addressed, encouraging Black women to let their voices be heard. Intersectionality—the effects of experiences based primarily on age, sex, race, gender, sexuality, and disability—is an important consideration in connection with the contributions of women of color to the feminist movement. It is also important to focus on issues specific to women of color in view of the particular problems they have faced. Women of color not only had to deal with the problems of being a woman, but also because they were marginalized as people of color. For example, a high percentage of women of color were of lower socio-economic status as a result of economic discrimination. This is often ignored by the mainstream feminist movement.[citation needed] The feminist writer Maylei Blackwell discusses this historical silencing of "other" aspects of feminism in her book ¡Chicana Power!: Contested Histories of Feminism in the Chicano Movement, expressing the need for what she calls retrofitted memory.Retrofitted memory is a form of countermemory against privileged readings of history that allows marginalized perspectives to be recognized.[5]

Media representation[edit]

In the United States, women of color have frequently been misrepresented by the media for over 50 years or more. In 1968, the Kerner Commission released a report of its investigation into the 1967 race riots. It was highly critical of the way race was being treated in the media. Starting in 1971, the Federal Communications Commission required broadcasting stations to implement EEO programs, specifically focused on helping racial minorities and women. The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights found that six years after starting these programs, minorities and women still remained discriminated against by the media. In order to create a positive impression, they were treated as window-dressing or misleading examples.[6]

The manner in which media represents women of color has been an issue throughout most of television and film history, especially by their white-washing women on television and film. Time and time again, roles that should have been given to women of color have been given to white actors and actresses. In films such as Aloha and Breakfast at Tiffany's, directors have replaced traditional Asian roles with actors/actresses of non-Asian descent. "Yellow Facing" has even been present in plays and musicals such as Lovely Ladies, Kind Gentlemen. In this example, "the role of a Japanese man, Sakini, was given to a white actor named Kenneth Nelson, a decision that aligned with all the previous white actors who had played the role, including Marlon Brando".[7] According to the theater researcher Esther Kim Lee, "popular representation of Asians in mainstream theater are actually stereotypical and overtly mocking of Asian culture, furthermore, most Asian roles were given to white actors".[7] Not only have these issues led to public outcry and protests but harmful representations of Asian women are frequent, with the result that future opportunities for them may well be tarnished in the process. According to the media researcher Lori Kido Lopez, many Asian American actors and actresses have been told by producers and directors that they were not 'real' as 'orientals' or Asians. "As a result of decades of Asian representation being commandeered by white actors in yellowface, the idea of "Asianness" had been reduced to an image of prosthetic eyepieces and heavy accents—so much so that it was not even considered realistic for an actual Asian actor to play such a role".[7] Although white-washing is a topic that has been pushed aside over the years, it is one that severely impacts opportunities for many women of color and hinders the diversification of races in media.

Because of these many pre-existing stereotypes of Asian women from the early days of Hollywood, Western culture often associate them with concepts such as the dragon lady, the femme fatale or a devious seducer. According to Sharad Rajgopal of Westfield State University, "Eastern cultures have been represented in Western mainstream cinema as dangerous, devious and evil; all characteristics that represent the mythical Asian Dragon".[8] Although the image of the dragon lady was more popular in early cinema and television, many still maintain its belief today. According to Sharad Rajgopal, "The femme fatale is also present among Asian women: for example, in the 1931 film Daughter of the Dragon Anna May Wong is portrayed as a dangerous threat not because of her strength, but because of her "mythical" beauty and seduction".[8] This image of the femme fatale can be seen in contemporary films too, such as Lucy Liu's role in Quentin Tarentino's Kill Bill series. The constant association of Asian women with dangerousness due to their exotic and seducing looks is harmful for Asian women everywhere. Adding to the stereotype of seduction, "Asians have also appeared in scenes carrying strong sexual overtones, or involving sexual acts, such as the film Call Girl II: Modern Call Girls". With the multiple stereotypical portrayals of Asian women being seen through film and television everywhere, they may continue to face issues that are difficult to resolve as a result of the harmful, pre-existing images of themselves set forth by media.[9]

It is normal for programmers to focus on representing their consumers, and because the majority of those who watch television are white, most of the media is white-washed. In its history, when Fox wished to appeal to young audiences, it aired shows about young people. Ladies Night on television was intended to draw a female audience. Economists refer to these patterns as "externalities". They are caused by rational profit-seeking behavior of media organizations facing competition for the positive attention of white-dominated mass audiences. When advertisers want to show things such as vacations, cute couples, luxurious or family scenes, most of the time they automatically think white. In the words of African American specialist Theodore Ransaw: "According to the world of TV advertising, Whites are the ones who occupy the realm of ideal humanity, of human warmth and connection".[10] Because of this, the media tend to broadcast women with Eurocentric, thin features. Women of color are underrepresented, but when they are included, they are often depicted in racially biased ways. Analyses have showed that people of color have historically been portrayed as athletes, or in lower-class occupations such as fast-food workers and in minor, non-speaking roles.[10] Black and Latina women are often portrayed as either slaves/maids, or poor, working-class figures with too many children. Women of color are lightened by different companies, stripped of their heritage and pride, or photoshopped to appear slimmer and more suitable for television.[11] Women of color also face dehumanization by the media. The white women are usually portrayed as angelic and innocent. When a woman of color gets cast on a TV show, she is often portrayed as being very sexual. These women also face lower body satisfaction, because they either need to be slim or curvy. Women of color are forced to try to live up to a standard that is set by white women, which in most cases is unreachable.


Minorities are typically underrepresented on television despite making up approximately 40% of the United States population as of 2014.[12] The first woman of color leading a television show was Teresa Graves who starred in Get Christie Love!, a 1974 series on ABC. She was the first African American woman to star in an hour-long drama.[13] There would not be a woman of color leading a television show until 2012, when Kerry Washington starred in Shonda Rimes' Scandal on ABC.[14] Due to Washington's work, for "the second season of Scandal, Washington was nominated for an Emmy at the 65th Primetime Emmy Awards and 66th Primetime Emmy Awards, becoming the first African-American woman to be nominated in the category of Outstanding Lead Actress in a Drama Series in 18 years."[15]


African American women typically have been negatively stereotyped in television. In his 2010 Journal of African American Studies article "But She's Not Black!" author Philip Kretsedemas examined stereotypes of American women in television and noted the three most common: the mammy stereotype, the jezebel stereotype, and the sapphire stereotype, also known as the angry Black woman stereotype. The mammy stereotype creates a view of an African American woman as a caregiver, who is loyal and often sassy. The jezebel stereotype portrays African American women as seductive, alluring, aggressive, and overtly sexualized. The sapphire stereotype displays African American women as sassy, rude, loud, and angry, but also comical and status-climbing.[16]

Asian and Asian American Women are typically given specific stereotypes in television as well. Two common stereotypes of Asian and Asian American women are described by Hemant Shah in his 2003 article "'Asian culture' and Asian American identities in the television and film industries of the United States" as the Dragon Lady stereotype and the Lotus Blossom stereotype. The Dragon Lady stereotype portrays Asian and Asian American women as sneaky, evil, and malicious, but also promiscuous and alluring—working to seduce men and manipulate them. Another common stereotype is the Lotus Blossom stereotype. This stereotype, also known as the "China Doll", portrays Asian and Asian American women as loyal and good women, but also submissive and hypersexualized.[17]

Latinas, or women with roots in Latin America, are also viewed through stereotypes in television. In her article "Three Faces of Eva: Perpetuation of The Hot-Latina Stereotype in Desperate Housewives", within the Howard Journal of Communications, Debra Hoskins discusses these common portrayals of Latinas. She finds that within Anglo and Hispanic television and film, there are three notable stereotypes of Latinas. The first listed stereotype is the Cantina Girl, characterized by a Latina having "great sexual allure", and being represented as a sexual object. The next stereotype described is the "Faithful, self-sacrificing senorita". This stereotype includes a Latina starting off as a good character, but then turning evil later on in the show/film. She then makes a sacrifice, often death, to save a man and show that she realized she was wrong. Lastly, there is the Vamp stereotype, which portrays Latinas as women who use both intellect and sexual desire to manipulate a man and get what they want.[18]

Arab and Arab American women are likewise portrayed in television and film in a stereotypical way. Jennifer Bing-Canar and Mary Zerkel explore these portrayals in their article, "Reading the Media and Myself: Experiences in Critical Media Literacy with Young Arab-American Women". In this article, it is noted that Arab women are typically seen as either promiscuous, belly-dancing, hypersexualized women, or as persecuted women wearing the hijab. In both of these portrayals, women are objectified or oppressed by men. There is also a less frequent stereotype that portrays Arab women as terrorists, although this is more commonly seen in Arab men.[19]

Native American women are not often included in film and television, but when they are, they usually fall under certain stereotypes. In the article "The YouTube Indian: Portrayals of Native Americans on a viral video site", Maria Kopacz and Bessie Lee Lawton examined these depictions. One of these portrayals is the negative stereotype of the Squaw. The Squaw stereotype depicts Native American women as promiscuous and abused servants, who are inferior to whites. The other stereotype used to represent Native American women is the Indian Princess. This includes a chief's daughter who is beautiful, but also rebellious, as she sacrifices her culture to adopt American culture and to live happily in relation with a white man. According to Kopacz and Lawton, one good example of the Indian Princess stereotype is the main character and storyline in Disney's movie, Pocahontas.[20]

Structural intersectionality and rape[edit]

Women of color are often isolated when it comes to economic, social, and political status. They are less likely to have their needs and problems taken care of, than women who are racially privileged. Although there are plenty of rape centers available to women, women of color still experience discrimination. For example, counselors for rape victims often report that a high portion of their resources must be spent on handling problems other than rape.[21]


Domestic violence is a recurring problem that greatly affects women of color around the world. Examples for women of color include physical violence, emotional abuse, victimization, economic abuse, intimidation, oppression, and threats. The violence against women of color directly correlates to high rates of poverty, poor education, limited job resources, language barriers, fear of deportation, and lack of knowledge in finding support. Many women of color accept a lifetime of abuse because they have a robust, personal, and familial identification with a certain community. They are submissive to religious beliefs, they have fear of alienation and estrangement from their daily lives, or they are skeptical of the helpfulness of intervention services. As of today, women of color are the most violently targeted community of persons in the world.[22]

According to Thompson Lee, "African American females are more likely to be victimized, raped, or assaulted by an intimate partner in their lifetimes".[23] Black women experience higher rates of intimate partner homicide when compared to the statistical analysis of violence against white women. The modern racism in the world is a direct cause of violence against African American women; a Black woman would be less likely to report her situation or to seek help because of blatant discrimination.[24] Black stereotypes often amplify the female convolutions in regard to violence. "Myths that African American women are dominant figures that require control or are exceptionally strong under stress increase their vulnerability and discourage most from speaking out about abuse."[25] Nonetheless, Black women are often more likely to obtain help from authority than Black men.

To understand violence against Black women one must understand the violent history that Black women have endured in America. Black women were brought to America as slaves to be overworked, tortured, raped, and stripped of their dignity. They were forced to entertain their owners and perform sexual acts. They had no rights of their bodies, actions, or surroundings.[26] Even after One-hundred and fifty years later, the trauma that Black women endured has carried over to them today.[27] According to Kimberlè Crenshaw, Black women are members of two marginalized groups, being Black and being a woman. Not only are they stereotyped because of their gender but also because of their race.[28] Their voices are not being heard. Black women continue to be "killed, abused, stigmatized, and denied basic human rights because of stereotypes of being both Black and a woman".[29] When it comes to violence against them they are thought to be an inconvenience when encountering law enforcement, even though they are more likely to seek help from authority.

According to major scholars, the relationship between Black women and law enforcement has not been ideal. Instead of feeling safe and secure, Black women are fearful and hopeless when it comes to law enforcement.[30] The unfortunate circumstances of cases where Black women have experienced violence at the hands of law enforcement are nearly non-existent. Author Michelle Jacobs states “There is no database that authors could access to identify Black women killed or brutalized by the police. Authors solely relied on the families of the women killed and their own researchers to compile the women’s stories.[31] Sadly, many of these cases have resulted in death. This behavior between law enforcement and Black women have been normalized within American society. Black women are stereotyped into the “angry Black women” which causes a stigma dealing with law enforcement. The stereotypes are historically rooted in our society which is causing a problem on how law enforcement see, interact, and treat Black women. Because of the uncertainty and distrust of law enforcement, Black women who have been abused, are less likely to use social services or programs compared to white women. They are also less likely to go to hospitals to treat their injuries.[32]

Kimberlè Crenshaw states, the intersectional oppression that Black women experience because of their race and gender is the reason why Black women experience a different type of treatment from law enforcement. When cases of violence against Black women are taken to court, the court system analyzes both race and gender separately which takes the reality away for a Black woman who lives in her skin and gender on a daily basis.[33] Although "legal slavery has ended, the rape and sexual torture of Black women and the justification for this torture still continues".[34] Not recognizing both her gender and race, people will never truly understand the discrimination and oppression the Black female victim has gone through. Women have made a huge impact and have fought so hard to get the rights that they have now, but it isn't all women, who can celebrate these rights freely. Black women are still fighting to be seen as equals in society and to law enforcement. Law and enforcement and society's general perspective about Black women is toxic and limiting.[35]

Asian and Pacific Islander women also experience many forms of domestic violence. "41-60 percent of Asian and Pacific Islander women have reported experiencing domestic violence during their lifetimes in a survey conducted by the Asian and Pacific Islander Institute." The labels placed in Asian and Pacific Islander communities such as emotional control, authoritative respect, submissiveness, and other highly valued traits contribute to this group's reluctance to express or share their abuses.[36]

In a survey put out by the National Violence Against Women organization, about 24 percent of Hispanic and Latina women are abused domestically by an intimate partner during their lifetimes. In regard to immigration, "48 percent of Latinas reported that their partner's violence increased since immigrating to the United States".[37] Latina and Hispanic culture significantly influences the actions women take when dealing with violence. "In the Latino culture, women are often designated to the roles of wife and mother. It is socially unacceptable to be divorced, to marry several times, or to remain single and have children out of wedlock. For these reasons, it may take some time for battered women to consider leaving their partners".[36] Similarly, religious beliefs and inaccessibility to resourceful information prevent many Hispanic and Latina women from seeking assistance. Latina and Hispanic women are often "concentrated in low-paying, semiskilled occupations in contrast to the overall workforce. Their limited finances and proficiencies create barriers for women trying to escape abuse and obtain legal assistance".

The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) was implemented to protect women against men's violence. Communities of color that are referred to as the "tribal land" were disproportionately impacted by the criminal justice system. However, cases of violence against indigenous women living on tribal land in the U.S. was often ignored or unnoticed because the closest federal police station would be far away and there were not enough resources to send officers. As a result, men who were U.S. citizens would specifically target women and girls on tribal land because those men knew it would be almost impossible for them to be prosecuted. In these situations, VAWA failed to protect women living on tribal land. However, in 2013 a renewal was passed that addressed these issues, although many say that there needs to be further legislation.


In Patriarchy, the System, Allan G. Johnson defines the term "patriarchy" as a set of symbols and ideas that make up a culture embodied by everything from the content of everyday conversation to literature and film. Johnson continues by discussing how the patriarchy regulates the way social life is expected to be and what it is about: it is male-centered, male-identified and male-dominated. Women of color are the majority of those who are oppressed by this system. Johnson notes that we all participate in the system and will always be a part of it. We can only control how we participate in the patriarchy. The common picture of someone with power is a white, heterosexual male. The structure of the patriarchy exists in the unequal distributions of power, opportunities, resources, and rewards. This is what makes male dominance possible. When we assess the social norms around us, the involvement of the patriarchy becomes clear. Johnson gives excellent examples: the standards of feminine beauty and masculine toughness, the media portrayal of feminine vulnerability and masculine protectiveness, acceptance of older men involved with younger women and elderly women alone, a career as primary for a husband, childcare being a priority for women and secondary for men, defining men and women as opposites, the acceptance of male aggression as natural but not for women, and the devaluing of femininity and being female. Although all women are affected, women of color suffer more than anyone else within this system.[38]

In business[edit]

According to numerous studies, women of color encounter different experiences in business and the work force than Caucasian women. A study by Boyd suggests that when looking for jobs, women of color have less chance of acquiring a job than other groups. Furthermore, finding a job is even more difficult for women of color when there are fewer jobs available or when the economy is not doing well. For example, during The Great Depression, a time of immense economic struggle in the United States, vast numbers of Black women were dismissed from their jobs at proportionally higher rate than white women. This in turn affected the families and livelihoods of the women of color as income become harder to obtain. The lack of availability of jobs and discrimination against these women forced them into unemployment in greater numbers than men of color. But, when the resources and opportunities are present, women of color have found solace in building their own businesses and becoming entrepreneurs.[39]

However, Loscocco and Robinson claim that when women of color open their small businesses, their chances of success are much slimmer than for men. People usually open their own businesses after losing their jobs or as a result of annoyance with their prior professional positions in which they could have encountered discrimination, sexual harassment, and other disturbances. There has been an increase in the number of women pursuing self-employment within businesses of their own in recent decades. But, although having similar motives and displaying comparable skill sets as men, women have had less success within their businesses. Women are also subjected to opening a business within a limited number of fields and cannot usually venture into areas deemed as more masculine such as construction or carpentry, where they face the risk of failure. In their study of women's business ventures, Loscocco and Robinson note that "while gender segregation explains a large part of women's disadvantage, as expected, we find that U.S. women fare less well even when they operate businesses in the same industry categories and subcategories as men."[40] Accordingly, women of color have had an even higher incidence of failure within their businesses. Mora and Davila find that "minority- and female-owned new firms thus had a higher risk of closing down within one year than those owned by non-Hispanic white men; being a female entrepreneur of color exacerbated this risk."[41] Women of color confront even more challenges because they face both gender and race discrimination. Bell finds that "racism and sexism are forces that serve to heighten black women's psychological anxiety. Due to the contemporary socio-psychological forces and the historical legacy of slavery, it is extremely complicated for black women to separate the subtleties of sexism and racism."[42] Women of color are thus confronted with the difficulties that their gender and races bring them and are often questioned of their abilities because of those attributes.[42]

Consequently, the intersectionality of the identities of women of color plays a grand role in their presence in business and the workforce. In her study, Adia Harvey observes that "the intersection of race, gender, and class often leaves minority women with limited occupational opportunities (Ammott and Matthei 1997; Browne 1999; Browne and Misra 2003; England 1992; Higginbotham and Romero 1997). Minority women, particularly African American women, are disproportionately concentrated in the service industry as cooks, janitors, and cashiers (Hesse-Biber and Carter 2000). Institutional discrimination, widespread acceptance of stereotypes, glass ceilings, and poverty are all structural causes that lead to the occupational segregation of working-class black women (Browne and Kennelly 1999; Browne 1999). The dual influence of race and gender means that African American women generally trail black men, white women, and white men in earnings, prestige, and power in the workplace. Many studies draw attention to the institutionalized racial- and gender-based barriers in the labor force that shape black women's occupational patterns and experiences. Browne and Kennelly (1999) argue that stereotypes of black women as irresponsible single mothers can cloud employers' treatment of black women workers. Similarly, St. Jean and Feagin (1998) assert that while some employers view black women as less threatening than black men, this does not translate into a perception that black women are competent, professional, adept workers. Instead, they must prove their capabilities repeatedly and are routinely subjected to racist and sexist hostilities, lack of mentoring opportunities, and discriminatory treatment in the workplace. Still other researchers argue that black women workers are likely to experience feelings of marginalization, dissonance, and alienation in predominantly white male workplaces (Alfred 1999; Bell and Nokomo 2001; Bonner 2004)."[43]


  1. ^ "The Women of Color Network (WOCN) » Term: "Women of Color"". www.wocninc.org.
  2. ^ Wade, Lisa. "Loretta Ross on the Phrase "Women of Color" - Sociological Images". The Society Pages. Retrieved 2017-06-19.
  3. ^ Judith Worell; Dawn M. Johnson (2001-10-16). Wore, Judith (ed.). Encyclopedia of Women and Gender: Sex Similarities and Differences and the Impact of Society on Gender. San Diego, US: Academic Press. pp. 432–433. ISBN 9780080548494.
  4. ^ "Women of Color and Feminism: A History Lesson and Way Forward - Rewire". Rewire. Retrieved 2017-04-07.
  5. ^ Blackwell, Maylei (2011). ¡Chicana Power!: Contested Histories of Feminism in the Chicano Movement. Austin, US: University Of Texas Press. ISBN 9780292726901.
  6. ^ Brooks, Dwight E.; Daniels, George L.; Hollifield, C. Ann (2003). "Television in living color: Racial diversity in the local commercial television industry". Howard Journal of Communication. 14 (3): 123–146. doi:10.1080/10646170304275. S2CID 145454327.
  7. ^ a b c Lopez, Lori Kido (2016-01-01). Lopez, Lori Kido (ed.). The Limits of Assimilationism within Traditional Media Activism. Asian American Media Activism. Fighting for Cultural Citizenship. NYU Press. pp. 35–72. ISBN 9781479878192. JSTOR j.ctt1803zph.5.
  8. ^ a b Rajgopal, Shoba Sharad (2010). "The Daughter of Fu Manchu". Meridians. 10 (2): 141–162. doi:10.2979/meridians.2010.10.2.141. JSTOR 10.2979/meridians.2010.10.2.141. S2CID 145223221.
  9. ^ Erni, John Nguyet; Leung, Lisa Yuk-Ming (2014-01-01). Erni, John Nguyet; Leung, Lisa Yuk-ming (eds.). South Asian Minorities and the Mainstream Media. Understanding South Asian Minorities in Hong Kong (1 ed.). Hong Kong University Press. pp. 51–80. doi:10.5790/hongkong/9789888208340.003.0003. ISBN 9789888208340. JSTOR j.ctt14jxs35.7.
  10. ^ a b Ransaw, Theodore. "Alive and in Color, Gender and Racial Bias in the Media: The Search for the Inclusion of Women of Color In the Term Women." Academia.edu. N.p., n.d. Web. 07 Apr. 2017.
  11. ^ Signorielli, Nancy (2009). "Minorities representation in prime time: 2000 to 2008". Communication Research Reports. 26 (4): 323–336. doi:10.1080/08824090903293619. S2CID 144148387.
  12. ^ Bunche
  13. ^ Obenson, Tambay A. (2012-04-12). "38 Years Before "Olivia Pope" There Was "Christie Love," And She Made History". Indie Wire. Retrieved 2017-09-28.
  14. ^ Vega, Tanzina (2013). "'Scandal' on ABC Is Breaking Barriers". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2018-02-26.
  15. ^ Freydkin
  16. ^ Kretsedemas, Philip (January 2010). "But She's Not Black!". Journal of African American Studies. 14 (2): 149–170. doi:10.1007/s12111-009-9116-3. JSTOR 41819243. S2CID 142722769.
  17. ^ Shah, Hemant (August 2003). ""Asian Culture" and Asian American Identities in the Television and Film Industries of the United States". Studies in Media & Information Literacy Education. 3.
  18. ^ Merskin, Debra (April 2007). "Three Faces of Eva: Perpetuation of the Hot-Latina Stereotype in Desperate Housewives". Howard Journal of Communications. 18 (2): 133–151. doi:10.1080/10646170701309890. S2CID 144571909.
  19. ^ Bing-Canar, Jennifer & Zerkel, Mary (1998). "Reading the Media and Myself: Experiences in Critical Media Literacy with Young Arab-American Women". Journal of Women in Culture and Society. 23 (3): 735–743. doi:10.1086/495286. S2CID 143821522.
  20. ^ Kopacz, Maria & Lawton, Bessie Lee (November 2010). "The Youtube Indian: Portrayals of Native Americans on a viral video site". New Media & Society. 13 (2): 330–349. doi:10.1177/1461444810373532. S2CID 1543982.
  21. ^ Crenshaw, Kimberle (1991-01-01). "Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color". Stanford Law Review. 43 (6): 1241–1299. CiteSeerX doi:10.2307/1229039. JSTOR 1229039.
  22. ^ Torres, Campbell (2000). "Abuse during and before pregnancy prevalence and cultural correlates". Violence and Victims. 15 (3): 303–321. doi:10.1891/0886-6708.15.3.303. PMID 11200104. S2CID 41026527.
  23. ^ Lee, Thompson, R.K. (2002). "Intimate partner violence and women of color: A call for innovations". American Journal of Public Health. 92 (4): 530–534. doi:10.2105/ajph.92.4.530. PMC 1447110. PMID 11919045.
  24. ^ Bell, C.C (2000). "The Importance of cultural competence in ministering to African American victims of domestic violence". Journal of Counseling and Development. 66: 266–271.
  25. ^ Nash, Tarrezz, Shondra (2005). "Through Black Eyes: African American Women's Construction of Their Experiences With Intimate Male Partner Violence". Violence Against Women. 11 (11): 1427–1436. doi:10.1177/1077801205280272. PMID 16204732. S2CID 36473525.
  26. ^ Walker, Brittney (May 2015). "Violence against Black women ignored". Violence Against Black Women Ignored. 106 (20): 1. Retrieved 12 December 2018.
  27. ^ Walker, Brittney (May 2015). "Violence against Black women ignored". Violence Against Black Women Ignored. 106 (20): 1. Retrieved 12 December 2018.
  28. ^ Amuchie, Nnennaya (9 May 2016). "The Forgotten Victims" How Racialized Gender Stereotypes Lead to Police Violence Against Black Women and Girls: Incorporating an Analysis of Police Violence Into Feminist Jurisprudence and Community Activism". 14 (3): 623. Retrieved 12 December 2018. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  29. ^ Amuchie, Nnennaya (9 May 2016). "The Forgotten Victims" How Racialized Gender Stereotypes Lead to Police Violence Against Black Women and Girls: Incorporating an Analysis of Police Violence Into Feminist Jurisprudence and Community Activism". 14 (3): 623. Retrieved 12 December 2018. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  30. ^ Jacobs, Michelle (2017). "The Violent State: Black Women's Invisible Struggle Against Police Violence": 41. Retrieved 12 December 2018. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  31. ^ Jacobs, Michelle (2017). "The Violent State: Black Women's Invisible Struggle Against Police Violence": 53. Retrieved 12 December 2018. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  32. ^ Campbel, Melanie (2015). Black Women in the United States (PDF). p. 14. Retrieved 12 December 2018.
  33. ^ Amuchie, Nnennaya (9 May 2016). "The Forgotten Victims" How Racialized Gender Stereotypes Lead to Police Violence Against Black Women and Girls: Incorporating an Analysis of Police Violence Into Feminist Jurisprudence and Community Activism". 14 (3): 623. Retrieved 12 December 2018. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  34. ^ Tomlinson, Yolande (22 September 2014). "INVISIBLE BETRAYAL: POLICE VIOLENCE AND THE RAPES OF BLACK WOMEN IN THE UNITED STATES" (PDF). Retrieved 12 December 2018. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  35. ^ Walker, Brittney (2015). "Violence against Black women ignored". 106. ProQuest 1685911054. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  36. ^ a b Wilson, K.J. (2005). "When Violence Begins At Home: A Comprehensive Guide to Understanding and Ending Domestic Abuse". 126. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  37. ^ Dutton, Mary (2000). "Characteristics of Help-Seeking Behaviors, Resources, and Services Needs of Battered Immigrant Latinas: Legal and Policy Implications". Georgetown Journal on Poverty Law and Policy. 7: 2.
  38. ^ Johnson, Allan G. (2005). The Gender Knot: Unraveling Our Patriarchal Legacy. Temple University Press. ISBN 978-1-59213-382-6.
  39. ^ Boyd, Robert (December 2000). "Race, Labor Market Disadvantage, and Survivalist Entrepreneurship: Black Women in the Urban North during the Great Depression". Sociological Forum. 15 (4): 647–670. doi:10.1023/A:1007563016120. S2CID 142667184.
  40. ^ Loscocco & Robinson, Karyn & Joyce (December 1991). "Barriers to Women's Small-Business Success in the United States". Gender & Society. 5 (4): 511–532. doi:10.1177/089124391005004005. S2CID 154354943.
  41. ^ Mora & Davila, Maria & Alberto (May 2014). "Gender and Business Outcomes of Black and Hispanic New Entrepreneurs in the United States". The American Economic Review. 104 (5): 245–249. doi:10.1257/aer.104.5.245.
  42. ^ a b Bell, Ella (November 1990). "The Bicultural Life Experience of Career-Oriented Black Women". Journal of Organizational Behavior. 11 (6): 459–477. doi:10.1002/job.4030110607.
  43. ^ Harvey, Adia (December 2005). "Becoming Entrepreneurs: Intersections of Race, Class, and Gender at the Black Beauty Salon". Gender & Society. 19 (6): 789–808. doi:10.1177/0891243205280104. S2CID 145591558.