Prince Xavier of Bourbon-Parma
|Duke of Parma|
|Head of the House of Bourbon-Parma|
|Period||15 November 1974 – 7 May 1977|
|Successor||Duke Carlos Hugo|
25 May 1889|
Camaiore, Kingdom of Italy
|Died||7 May 1977
|Spouse||Madeleine de Bourbon-Busset (m. 1927)|
|Issue||Princess Maria Francisca, Dowager Princess of Lobkowicz
Prince Carlos Hugo, Duke of Parma
Princess Maria Teresa
Princess Cecilia Maria
Princess Marie des Neiges
Prince Sixtus Henry
|Father||Robert I, Duke of Parma|
|Mother||Infanta Maria Antonia of Portugal|
Xavier, Duke of Parma and Piacenza, known in France before 1974 as Prince Xavier de Bourbon-Parme, known in Spain as Francisco Javier de Borbón-Parma y de Braganza or simply as Don Javier (25 May 1889 – 7 May 1977), was the head of the ducal House of Bourbon-Parma. He is best known as dynastic leader of Carlism and the Carlist pretender to the throne of Spain, since 1936 as a regent-claimant and since 1952 as a claimant, appearing under the name Javier I. Since 1974, he was pretender to the defunct throne of Parma. He is also recognized as involved in the so-called Sixtus Affair of 1916–1917 and in the so-called Halifax-Chevalier talks of 1940.
- 1 Road to Spain
- 2 Regent
- 3 King
- 4 Reception and legacy
- 5 Other
- 6 See also
- 7 Footnotes
- 8 Further reading
- 9 External links
Road to Spain
Xavier was born into the prominent Bourbon-Parma family; in the mid-18th century, the branch emerged from the Spanish Bourbons, who in turn emerged from the French Bourbons a few decades earlier. In the male line, Xavier was a descendant of King Louis XIV of France and of King Felipe V of Spain. Among his great-great-grandparents, Louis I was the king of Etruria, Vittorio Emanuele I was the king of Sardinia and the duke of Savoy, Charles X was the king of France, Francisco I was the king of Two Sicilies, Pedro III was the king of Portugal, Maria I was the queen of Portugal and Brazil, and Carlos IV was the king of Spain; among his great-grandparents, Charles II was the duke of Parma and João VI was the king of Portugal; among his grandparents, Charles III was the duke of Parma and Miguel I was the king of Portugal. Xavier’s father, Robert (1848-1907) was the last ruling Duke of Parma, and Xavier’s mother, Maria Antonia de Braganza (1862-1959), was the exile-born daughter of the 1834-deposed king of Portugal.
Many of Xavier’s uncles and aunts came from European royal or ducal families, though the only one actually ruling was his mother’s sister, Maria Anna de Braganza, Grand Duchess of Luxembourg. The other three were claiming the throne: his mother’s brother, the Portuguese Miguelist pretender Dom Miguel, his father’s sister, the Carlist queen of Spain Margarita de Bourbon-Parma and another sister of his mother, also the Carlist queen of Spain, María de las Nieves de Braganza. One uncle, archduke Karl Ludwig, was official heir to the throne of Austro-Hungary. Of Xavier’s cousins the only two who actually ruled were Elisabeth, the queen consort of Belgium and Charlotte, the Grand Duchess of Luxembourg. Xavier’s step-cousin, archduke Franz Ferdinand, was official heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne. Two cousins were legitimist pretenders; along the paternal line Don Jaime, the Carlist claimant to the Spanish throne, and along the maternal line Dom Duarte Nuño, the Miguelist claimant to the Portuguese throne.
Some Xavier’s siblings have married into the ruling European houses and few have actually ruled: these were the cases of his younger sister Zita, who in 1911 married into the imperial Habsburg family to become the empress of Austria and the queen of Hungary in 1916-1918, and this of his younger brother Felix, who in 1919 married into the ducal Nassau family and was the duke-consort of Luxembourg in 1919-1970. Some Xavier’s siblings were closely related to actual rulers: these were the cases of his younger brother René, who in 1921 married into the royal Danish family, this of his younger brother Louis, who in 1939 married into the royal Italian family, and this of his older half-sister Maria Luisa, who in 1893 married into the royal Bulgarian family. Some Xavier’s siblings married into ducal or otherwise distinguished highly aristocratic houses. Six mentally handicapped older half-siblings have never married and three of Xavier’s sisters became Benedictine nuns.
Infancy, childhood and youth (before 1914)
Though deposed as Duke of Parma in 1859, Xavier’s father kept claiming the title. He retained massive wealth, comprising estates in Italy and Austria; moreover, in the late 19th century the Bourbon-Parma inherited the magnificent Chambord castle. The family, consisting of Robert, his second wife and some 20 children from both marriages lived in two homes, in Pianore and in Schwarzau. They used to spend half a year in each location, shuttling in a special train and taking even children’s horses with them. Xavier’s childhood was full of serenity, luxury and cheerfulness, though relations with half-siblings from the first marriage were not equally cordial. The Bourbon-Parma were deeply Roman Catholic and essentially French in culture and understanding; another language spoken was German. In his childhood Xavier picked up also Italian - spoken with the Pianore locals, English – spoken with various visitors, Portuguese and Spanish – used in certain relations, and Latin – used in church. The family were frequently visited by guests from the world of aristocracy, books and universities.
In 1899 Xavier followed in the footsteps of his older brother Sixte and entered Stella Matutina, a prestigious Jesuit establishment in the Austrian Feldkirch. Though catering to Catholic aristocracy from all over Europe, the school offered Spartan conditions; when later enquired how he survived the Nazi concentration camp, prince Xavier joked: "I frequented the Stella. It's not easy to kill us". The school ensured a model of humble religiosity, the staff ensured high teaching standards, and the mix of boys from different countries ensured a spirit of international comradeship. Xavier graduated in the mid-1900s; in 1906 moved to Paris, still trailing his older brother and commencing university studies. Unlike Sixte, who studied law, he pursued two different paths: political-economic sciences and agronomy. He completed both, graduating as engineer in agronomy and doctor in politics/economy. The year or years of him completing the curriculum are not clear; one source points to 1914. He has never commenced a professional career.
In 1910 the wealth of the late Robert Bourbon-Parma was divided among the family. Children from the first marriage, and especially Élie, custodian of his handicapped siblings, were allocated most of the real estate; Robert’s second wife and children from the second marriage were earmarked hefty financial compensation, usufruct rights and minor properties. Already on his own, Xavier was based in Paris but cruised across Europe. One reason was family business, often with political background; e.g. in 1911 Xavier travelled to Austria to attend the wedding of his sister with archduke Karl Habsburg, heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne; in 1912 he travelled via Spain to Portugal, accompanying his aunt during a Portuguese legitimist plot. Another reason was following his personal interest. Xavier seemed heavily influenced by Sixte, who developed a knack for geographical exploration. In 1909 both brothers travelled to the Balkans; in 1912 they roamed across Egypt, Palestine and the Near East. In 1914 they intended to travel to Persia, India and possibly the Himalayas.
Soldier and diplomat (1914-1918)
News of the Sarajevo assassination reached Xavier and Sixte in Austria, en route to Asia. Enraged by murder of their step-cousin, both brothers intended to enlist to the Austrian army and seek revenge. Things changed when France declared war on Vienna. Though some of the Bourbon-Parma siblings – Zita, René, Felix and the half-brother Élie – sided with Austro-Hungary and males joined the imperial troops, Xavier and Sixte felt Frenchmen through and through. They openly intended to enlist to the French army, the declaration which might have cost them detention. It took personal appeals of Zita before the kaiser took steps which prevented their incarceration and allowed them to leave Austria for a neutral country. When back in France Xavier and Sixte indeed volunteered, only to find that the French law banned members of foreign dynasties from serving. Determined to join, they contacted their cousin Elisabeth, the queen consort of Belgium, who looked to it that both were allowed to serve in the Belgian military. Due to car accident suffered by Sixte, the brothers joined ranks of the Belgian army no earlier than in late November 1914. Xavier was initially accepted as private in medical services and was seconded to the 7th artillery regiment. Exact details of his service are not clear; what was left of the pre-war Belgian army served on a relatively calm sector of the frontline, in the Belgian and French Flanders next to the English Channel. At unspecified time Xavier was released from the line and got seconded to an officer training course, organized by the Belgian general staff, which he completed successfully. In mid-1916 he was sub-lieutenant, later to grow to captain.
In the late 1916 Xavier got engaged in the so-called Sixtus Affair, a secret Austrian attempt to conclude a separatist peace. The new kaiser Karl I decided to exploit his family ties and friendship with the Bourbon-Parma brothers, trusting especially in the skills and intelligence of Sixte. As loyal French citizens, both agreed to undertake the mission only having first obtained consent of the French government. The role of Xavier is generally considered secondary to this of Sixte, though he was present during some crucial meetings, be it with the French authorities in Paris or with the Austro-Hungarian envoys in Switzerland and in Vienna; however, some scholars refer to "mediation des princes Sixte et Xavier". Negotiations broke down in early 1917 and the issue seemed closed; leaked by Clemenceau in May 1918, it turned into a political crisis and a scandal, which wrecked the prestige of the young emperor. Xavier and Sixte, at that time in Vienna, were considered endangered, menaced either by the Austrian foreign minister Czernin, willing to get rid of witnesses, or as victims of popular wrath. The incident is considered "perhaps the ultimate example of amateurish aristocratic diplomacy gone awry during the First World War", though none of the sources consulted tends to blame Xavier for the final failure. It is not clear whether he returned to military service afterwards. At the moment of the armistice he was in the rank of a major of the Belgian army, awarded the French Croix de Guerre, the Belgian Croix de Guerre, and the Belgian Ordré de Léopold.
Plaintiff and husband (1920s)
Immediately after the war Xavier was engaged in assisting Zita and Karl following their deposition. In 1919 together with Sixte he travelled to England and contacted king George V; the British support materialized as a liaison officer, dispatched to the republican Austria to assist the unhappy couple on their route to exile. However, it soon turned out that it was his own business which attracted most of Xavier’s attention. Following wartime financial turmoil and expropriations of some family estates, economic prospects of both brothers seemed rather bleak. As a counter-measure, they decided to challenge the French state, which in 1915 seized Chambord as property of Élie, the Austrian officer; the Versailles Treaty stipulations allowed to conclude the seizure legally if combined with paying compensation fee. Sixte and Xavier sued; they claimed that the family-agreed 1910 partition, based on the Austrian concept of an indivisible majorate, was not applicable in the French law, and that the Chambord property should be divided; they claimed also that as volunteers to the French and Belgian armies, they should be exempted from expropriation procedure. Centred on fortune-worth Chambord property, in fact the lawsuit was directed against Élie. In 1925 the court accepted brothers’ point of view, the decision immediately appealed by their half-brother. In 1928 the case was overturned in favor of Élie, the decision appealed by both brothers. In 1932 the Court of Cassation upheld the 1928 decision, which eventually left Xavier and Sixte frustrated in their bid.
Resident in Paris and living off the family wealth remaining, Xavier reached his mid-30s when he was attracted to Madeleine de Bourbon-Busset, 9 years his junior, daughter to Count de Lignières and descendant to a cadet branch of the French Bourbons. The Bourbon-Bussets have been related to a centuries-old aristocratic controversy; historically regarded non-dynastic as set up in the 15th century by an illegitimate relationship, by enemies the branch was lambasted as bastards. Would-be marriage of prince Xavier and Madeleine might have resulted in stripping their children off Bourbon-Parma ducal heritage rights, depending upon decision of head of the branch. Since the death of Robert, it was Élie who headed the family; he declared the would-be marriage non-dynastic and morganatic. Despite this stand, Xavier wed Madeleine in 1927 and some newspapers titled her "princesse".
As the Bourbon-Bussets enjoyed significant wealth the marriage changed financial status of Xavier, especially that Madeleine had no living older brothers. The couple settled in Bostz castle, where Xavier managed the rural economy of his in-laws; their first child was born in 1928, to be followed by the other 5 throughout the 1930s. Following the 1932 death of his father-in-law, Xavier became head of the family business, crowned with the Lignières castle. Little is known of his public activity at that time, except that he was engaged in various non-political though conservatism-flavored Catholic initiatives. Perhaps the most happy period of his life was punctured by the premature 1934 death of Sixte, for decades Xavier’s best friend and sort of a mentor.
From prince Xavier to Don Javier (1930s)
Exact political views of Xavier are not clear; until the mid-1930s he did not engage in openly political activity, though he figured prominently in some French royalist initiatives. Himself son of a deposed ruler and his own sister deposed as empress, he had some relatives – associated with France, Spain and Portugal – engaged in legitimist politics, though others – associated with Luxembourg, Belgium, Denmark and Italy – fit rather in a general liberal-democratic monarchist framework. None of the sources consulted provides information on his views on ongoing French politics. Few note that his brother Sixte was a legitimist, who in scientific dissertation advanced rights of the Spanish Bourbons to the crown of France; on the other hand, his half-brother Élie openly abandoned the legitimist outlook. Some scholars claim that prince Xavier remained within "más pura doctrina tradicionalista"; others suggest that he nurtured democratic ideas.
Though his paternal uncle was until 1909 the legitimist claimant to the throne of Spain, succeeded by prince Xavier’s own cousin, prince Xavier – a Frenchman at heart – himself did not reveal any particular interest in Spanish issues, even though he maintained close links with his cousin, in the 1920s resident in Paris. This changed when Jaime III died unexpectedly in 1931 and was succeeded in his Carlist claim by Alfonso Carlos I. Resident in Vienna, octogenarian and childless, Alfonso Carlos was doubly related to the Bourbon-Parmas; the two families remained on close terms. His ascendance to the Carlist claim was from the onset plagued by the succession problem, as it was already evident that the Carlist dynasty would extinguish. As measure to address the issue, in the early 1930s Alfonso Carlos pondered upon reconciliation with the Alfonsine branch. It is not clear whether he commenced talks with other members of the family about a strictly Carlist succession in parallel, as option B, or whether he embarked on this course having abandoned the plans of dynastic agreement in 1934-1935.
Following the death of Sixte in 1934 Xavier became the most senior Bourbon-Parma partner of Alfonso Carlos. The two must have discussed the question of Carlist succession extensively, yet there is no information on details. In particular, it is not clear whether Alfonso Carlos suggested that Xavier succeeds him as a king – proposal possibly rejected by the Bourbon-Parma, or whether regency was the option preferred from the onset. Scholars speculate that it was prince Xavier’s legitmism, Christian spirit, modesty, impartiality and lack of political ambitions which prompted Alfonso Carlos to appoint him as a future regent. What prompted Xavier to accept the proposal remains unclear. Some suspect that he gave in to the pressure of his uncle, and considered accepting the regency as his family, legitimist and Christian duty. In any case, Xavier probably viewed his future regency, announced in the Carlist press in January 1936 and to commence after death of Alfonso Carlos, in terms of months rather than years. It was supposed to provide royal continuity before a general Carlist assembly appoints a new king.
Wartime leader (1936-1939)
Contrary to expectations, the Spanish February 1936 elections produced victory of the Popular Front and the country embarked on a proto-revolutionary course. The Carlists first commenced preparations to their own rising, and then entered into negotiations with the conspiring military. For prince Xavier events took an unexpected turn. Instead of calmly familiarizing himself with the Spanish Carlists to organize smooth election of a new king following anticipated death of Alfonso Carlos, the latter asked him to supervise the conspiracy. Prince Xavier, in Spain known as Don Javier, set his headquarters in Sant-Jean-de-Luz and from June to July kept receiving Carlist politicians. In terms of negotiations with the generals, he adopted an orthodox Carlist, rigorous and intransigent stand. Though some Carlists pressed almost unconditional adherence to military conspiracy, Don Javier demanded that a partnership political deal is concluded first. He was eventually outmaneuvered and the Carlists joined the coup on vague terms; their key asset was the pre-agreed Jefe Supremo del Movimiento, general Sanjurjo, who in earlier Lisbon talks with Don Javier pledged to represent the Carlist interests.
The death of Sanjurjo was a devastating blow to Carlist plans; political power among the rebels slipped to a group of generals, indifferent if not skeptical about the Carlist cause. Don Javier, in the late summer watching the events unfold from Sant-Jean-de-Luz, was supervising increasing Carlist military effort, but was also unable to engage in discussion with the generals. Following death of Alfonso Carlos, on October 1 Don Javier was declared the acting regent; he found himself heading the movement during massive and overwhelming turmoil. Denied entry to Spain, he limited himself to written protest letters over marginalisation of Carlism within the Nationalist faction. Faced with growing pressure to amalgamate Carlist organization within a new state party in early 1937 he advocated intransigence, but was again outmaneuvered into a silent wait-and-see stand. Following Unification Decree he entered Spain in May; sporting a requeté general uniform and in apparent challenge of Franco he toured the frontlines, lifting Carlist spirits. A week later he was expelled from Spain.
Following another brief visit and another expulsion in late 1937, Don Javier aimed at safeguarding Carlist political identity against the unification attempts, though he refrained also from burning all bridges with the emerging Francoist regime. He permitted few trusted Carlists to sit in the FET executive, but expelled from Comunión Tradicionalista those who had taken seats without his consent. In full accord with the actual Carlist political leader in Spain, Manuel Fal Conde, in 1938-1939 Don Javier managed to prevent amalgamation into the state party, and intended unification turned into absorption of offshoot Carlists. On the other hand, he failed to prevent marginalisation of Carlism, stripped of its circulos, periodicals and organizations, and to avert growing bewilderment among the rank and file. In 1939 he repeated his offer to Franco in Manifestación de ideales, a document which suggested immediate restoration of Traditionalist monarchy with transitory collective regency, possibly encompassing himself and Franco. The proposal was left with no response.
Soldier, incommunicado, prisoner (1939-1945)
Upon the outbreak of the Second World War Prince Xavier resumed his duties in the Belgian Army, serving as major in his old artillery unit. As the Germans advanced swiftly the Belgians were pushed back to Flanders, towards the English Channel. Incorporated into the French troops, the regiment was withdrawn into Dunkerque. In the mayhem that followed, the Belgians did not make it to the British evacuation ships and Don Javier became a German POW. Released promptly, he returned to family castles of Lignières in Berry and of Bostz, in Besson dans l’Allier. The properties were divided by the demarcation line, Lignières in the occupied zone and Bostz in the Vichy zone.
In late 1940 and early 1941, Prince Xavier assisted in opening the so-called "Halifax-Chevalier negotiations", a confidential correspondence exchange between the British Foreign Secretary and the Petain-government education minister, centred mostly on working out a modus vivendi between the British and the French colonies. The exact role of Prince Xavier is unclear. Some scholars claim he served as an intermediary, trusted by the British royal family, including king George VI, and by Pétain; as he did not leave France, it seems that he wrote letters which provided credibility for the envoys sent. Though the episode is subject to controversy, by some viewed as a proof of Petain’s double game and by some largely as a hagiographic mystification, the debate hardly relates to the role of Xavier.
In the early 1940s, Prince Xavier was increasingly isolated from Spanish affairs; neither he nor the Spanish Carlists were permitted to cross the frontier, while correspondence remained under wartime censorship. Documents he passed, the most notable of them being known as Manifiesto de Santiago (1941), urged that intransigence though not openly rebellious anti-Francoist actions be maintained; with the regent and periodically detained Fal largely incommunicados, Carlism decayed into bewilderment and disorientation.
In 1941-1943 Prince Xavier lived in political isolation, dedicated to his family and managing the Bourbon-Parma wealth; in 1941 he inherited from his late aunt the Puchheim castle in Austria. Prince Xavier became increasingly sympathetic towards the anti-Pétain opposition and via local priests maintained informal contact with district Resistance leaders. At one point he joined works of Comité d'Aide aux Réfractaires du STO and welcomed labor camp escapees in wooden areas of his estates, providing basic logistics and setting up shelters for the sick in his library. When two of them were detected and detained, Prince Xavier cycled to Vichy and successfully sought their release. Exposing himself, following a surveillance period in July he was arrested by Gestapo. Sentenced to death for espionage and terrorism, he was pardoned by Pétain; first confined in Clermont-Ferrand, Schirmeck and Natzwiller, in September he was finally imprisoned in Dachau as prisoner no. 156270. The Nazis asked Franco about his fate; the Caudillo declared total disinterest. Periodically condemned to the starvation bunker, when freed by the Americans in April 1945, Prince Xavier weighed 36 kg.
Having returned to health, in late summer of 1945 prince Xavier testified at the trial of Pétain; his account was largely favorable for the marshal. In December he clandestinely entered Spain for a few days. In a series of meetings held mostly in San Sebastián, the regent and the Carlist executive agreed re-organisation basics of the Carlist structures. Don Javier fully confirmed the authority of Fal Conde and affirmed the intransigent political line, formulated in a 1947 document known as La única solución. It was based on non-collaborative though also non-rebellious stand versus Francoism, refusal to enter into dynastic negotiations with the Alfonsine branch, and hard line versus those who demonstrated excessive support for own Carlist royal candidates, even if theoretically they did not breach loyalty to Don Javier’s regency. With the rank and file Don Javier communicated by means of manifiestos, read during Carlist feasts and urging loyalty to Traditionalist values.
In the late 1940s the policy of Don Javier and Fal Conde, dubbed javierismo or falcondismo, was increasingly contested within the Comunión. The Sivattistas pressed for terminating the regency and for Don Javier to declare himself the king. They suspected that the overdue regency was an element of Don Javier’s policy towards Franco; according to them, the regent intended to ensure the crown for the Bourbon-Parma by means of appeasement rather than by means of open challenge. In particular they were enraged by allegedly ambiguous stand versus the proposed Francoist Ley de Sucesión, considering it an unacceptable backing of the regime. On the other hand, the possibilists were getting tired of what they perceived as ineffective intransigence and lack of legal outposts, recommending more flexible attitude. Especially following the 1949 news about Franco’s negotiations with Don Juan, Don Javier found himself under pressure to assume a more active stance.
Don Javier and Fal stuck to rigorous discipline and dismissed Sivatte from Catalan jefatura, though they also tried to reinvigorate Carlism by permitting individual participation in local elections, seeking a national daily or building up student and workers’ organizations. However, gradually also Fal was getting convinced that the regency was a burden rather than an asset. There were almost no calls to terminate it as initially envisioned by Alfonso Carlos, i.e. by staging a grand Carlist assembly, and there are no signs that Don Javier contemplated such an option; almost all voices called for him simply to assume monarchic rights himself. During the 1950 tour across Vascongadas and 1951 one across Levante he still tried to maintain low profile, but in 1952 Don Javier decided to bow to the pressure, apparently against his own will and considering it another cross to bear. During the Eucharistic Congress in Barcelona he published a document, styled as a letter to his son; it referred to "assumption of royalty in succession of the last king", though also to pending "promulgation at the nearest opportunity" and with no mention about the regency.
Rather not a king (1952-1957)
The Carlist leaders were exhilarated and made sure that the declaration, presented as end of the regency and commencing the rule of king Javier I, gets distributed across the party network; upon receiving the news, the rank and file got euphoric. However, the very next day Don Javier shared comments which put that understanding in doubt. When approached by the Minister of Justice, he declared having signed no document and explained that his statement in no way implied he had proclaimed himself a king. These assurances did not work with the Francoist regime, and in a matter of hours Don Javier was promptly expelled from Spain.
The years of 1953-54 provided a contrasting picture: the Carlist leaders boasted of having a new king, while Don Javier withdrew to Lignières, reducing his political activity to receiving guests and to correspondence. In private he played down what had already become known as "Acto de Barcelona", dubbing it "un toutté petite ceremonie". Carlist dissenters, temporarily silenced, started to be heard again. Don Javier seemed increasingly tired of his role and leaning towards a dynastical understanding with Don Juan. His brief early 1955 visit to Spain en route to Portugal fuelled angry rumors of forthcoming rapprochement with the Alfonsists as Don Javier made some ambiguous comments, named the 1952 statement "a grave error" and declared having been bullied into it. At this point relations between him and Fal reached the lowest point; Fal, attacked from all sides and feeling no royal support, resigned. According to some scholars, Don Javier sacked him in "a rather cowardly, backhand manner". Fal was soon replaced by a collegial executive. In late 1955 Don Javier issued a manifesto which declared the Carlists "custodians of patrimony" rather than political party seeking power and in private considered his royal claim a hindrance to alliance of all reasonable people. The year of 1956 proved convulsing, with a number of contradictory declarations following one another in circles; one episode cost Don Javier another expulsion from Spain.
The apparent stalemate was interrupted by emergence of a new force. The young Carlists, disappointed with vacillating Don Javier, focused on his oldest son Hugues instead. Entirely alien to politics and at the time pursuing PhD in economics in Oxford, he agreed to throw himself into the Spanish affairs. Don Javier consented to his 1957 appearance on the annual Montejurra gathering, where the young prince, guided by his equally young aides, made explicit references to "my father, the king". As prince Hugues was ignorant as to Carlism and he barely spoke Spanish, it seems that his father has never considered him own successor, eager rather to free himself and the entire family from the increasingly heavy Carlist burden. It is not clear what he thought about his son unexpectedly engaging in Spanish politics; perhaps he felt relieved having found a replacement or support. To many, it seemed that he "had given up prevaricating".
Rather a king (1957-1962)
Under leadership of José María Valiente and with consent of Don Javier, the collegial Carlist executive commenced cautious collaboration with the regime. It is not entirely clear how this major change of policy was related to appearance of prince Hugues. According to one theory, the young entourage decided to introduce him banking on a new strategy and posing to present an offer to Franco. According to another, with new long-term perspectives related to his son opening, Don Javier changed course hoping that the regime might one day crown the young prince. One more reading has it that the changing political course and the introduction of Hugues coincided as results of two independent processes. One way or another, starting 1957 Don Javier was gradually permitting his son to assume more and more roles within Carlism.
In the late 1950s Don Javier firmly abandoned any thought of reconciliation with the Alfonsinos and instructed harsh measures versus those who approached them; however, he remained respectful towards Don Juan and avoided open challenge, still falling short of explicitly claiming the title. He supported Valiente – his position gradually reinforced formally up to new Jefe Delegado in 1958-1960 - in attempts to eradicate internal focos of rebellion against collaboration and to combat new openly secessionist anti-collaborative groups. Though 20 years earlier he expelled from the Comunión those who had accepted seats in the Francoist structures, at the turn of the decades Don Javier viewed the appointment of 5 Carlists to the Cortes as success of the collaborationist policy, especially that the regime permitted new Carlist legal outposts and the movement seemed visibly reinvigorated, now openly present in the public discourse.
Another milestone came in 1961-62. First, in a symbolic gesture Don Javier declared Hugues "duque de San Jaime", a historic title borne by Alfonso Carlos; then, he instructed his followers to perceive the prince as embodiment of "a king". Hugues, styling himself as Carlos Hugo, settled in Madrid and set up his Secretariat, a personal advisory body. For the first time in history, a Carlist heir officially lived in the capital and openly pursued his own politics. From this moment onwards, Don Javier was increasingly perceived as ceding daily business to his son and merely providing general supervision from the back seat. Carlos Hugo was gradually taking control of communication channels with his father, replacing him also as a key person representing the house of Bourbon-Parma in Spain. Moreover, three daughters of Don Javier, all in their 20s, with apparent consent of their father engaged themselves in campaigns intended to enhance the standing of their brother in the Spanish public ambience; the younger son of Don Javier, Sixte, soon followed suit.
King, the father (1962-1969)
Carlos Hugo and his aides embarked on activist policy, launching new initiatives and ensuring that the young prince gets increasingly recognized in national media. In terms of political content the group started to advance heterodox theories, focused on society as means and objective of politics. In terms of strategy, until the mid-1960s it was formatted as advances towards the socially-minded, hard Falangist core; afterwards it started to assume an increasingly Marxist flavor. As orthodox Traditionalists got more and more perturbed, they tried to alarm Don Javier about apparently dissident course of his son. However, Don Javier kept assuring them that he maintained full confidence in Carlos Hugo and that while the principles remained the same, new times required new practical concepts. He also kept endorsing subsequent waves of structural changes, which combined with personal decisions in the mid-1960s left the Comunión dominated by Carlos Hugo and his entourage. In the so-called Acto de Puchheim of 1965 for the first time Don Javier explicitly called himself "rey" and from this moment onwards he remained consistent repeatedly claiming the title.
Actual position of Don Javier versus changes being introduced by his son remains highly unclear and subject to conflicting accounts, most pursued by highly partisan historians. Some claim that from the onset he nurtured democratic sentiments and was uneasy about ultra-reactionary deviation of Carlism. They maintain that Don Javier was fully aware and entirely supportive of transformation triggered by Carlos Hugo, intended as renovation of genuine Carlist thought and as shaking the Traditionalist distortions off. Another group of students claims that aging Don Javier, at that time in his late 70s, was increasingly detached from Spanish issues; reportedly unaware of political course sponsored by Carlos Hugo, he was perhaps manipulated – and at later stages incapacitated - by his son and three daughters, who intercepted all incoming correspondence and re-edited the outgoing one. Finally, one more group of scholars refrains from conclusions and limit themselves to referring letters, declarations and statements.
As late as 1966 Don Javier went on courting Franco, but the years of 1967-1969 re-defined his relation with Carlism and with Spain. In 1967 he had accepted resignation of Valiente, the last Traditionalist bulwark in the executive, and entrusted political leadership of the Comunión to a set of collegial bodies, all dominated by Hugocarlistas; the move marked their final victory in struggle to control the organization. In 1968 Carlos Hugo was expelled from Spain; in a demonstrative gesture, few days later Don Javier flew to Madrid, shortly to be expelled – for the 5th time - as well. This episode marked the end of an increasingly sour dialogue with the regime and the Carlist shift to unconditional opposition; Don Javier would never return to Spain again. In 1969 the Alfonsist prince Juan Carlos was officially introduced as the future king and successor to Franco; the ceremony marked the ultimate crash of Bourbon-Parmas’ hopes for the crown.
Old king, former king (1969-1977)
Resident mostly in Lignières Don Javier withdrew to issuing sporadic manifestos, read by his son at Carlist gatherings. They pitted Carlism, representing a democratic Spain, against oligarchic Spain of capitalist minority (1969), advanced Christian liberty against totalitarian communist and capitalist designs (1970), hailed the advent of revolution, supposed to build a new world (1971), and professed a social monarchy (1972). Key words, re-appearing repeatedly, were "peace", "liberties", "justice", "democracy" and "peoples", with omnipresent "social" adjective and few mentions about God. Don Javier kept naming himself a king, sometimes signing with a more intimate "your old king". Documents he issued endorsed structural changes introduced by Carlos Hugo, who turned Comunión Tradicionalista into Partido Carlista. Personal encounters of Don Javier with anyone beyond political entourage of Carlos Hugo were extremely rare. According to one account in such cases he behaved passively, limiting himself to courtesy greetings and allowing his son and daughters to run the meeting, though seemingly approving of their stand.
In 1972 Don Javier suffered life-threatening injuries resulting from a traffic accident and formally transferred all political authority to Carlos Hugo. In 1974, upon childless death of his half-nephew Roberto Bourbon-Parma, Don Javier ascended to head of the Bourbon-Parmas and assumed the Duke of Parma title. On the one hand, he was in position to enjoy family life; though his 4 younger children did not marry, the older 2 did, the marriages producing 8 grandchildren (born between 1960 and 1974). On the other hand, family relations were increasingly subject to political tension. While Hugues, Marie-Thérèse, Cécile and Marie des Neiges formed one team advancing the progressist agenda, the oldest daughter Françoise Marie, the youngest son Sixte and their mother Madeleine opposed the bid. Sixte, in Spain known as Don Sixto, openly challenged his brother; he declared himself the standard-bearer of Traditionalism and started building own organization.
In 1975 Don Javier abdicated as the Carlist king in favor of Carlos Hugo and according to a source, he would have expelled Sixto from Carlism for refusing to recognize the decision. It is not clear what his view on the commencing Spanish transición was; following the 1976 Montejurra events he lamented the dead, and officially disowned political line of Don Sixto and called for Carlist unity. However, on a private letter, Don Javier claimed that at Montejurra "the Carlists have confronted the revolutionaries", which has been interpreted as the followers of Don Sixto being the real Carlists according to Don Javier. Early March 1977 proved convulsive. On Friday 4th, accompanied by his son Sixto, he was interviewed by the Spanish press and his responses showed Carlist orthodoxy. That same day he issued a declaration certified by a Paris notary objecting to his name being used to legitimize a "grave doctrinal error within Carlism", and implicitly disowned the political line promoted by Carlos Hugo. However, in few days Don Javier issued another declaration, certified by a different Paris notary, confirming his oldest son as "my only political successor and head of Carlism". In order to justify the first declaration, Carlos Hugo alerted the police that his father had been abducted by Sixto, an accusation which was denied publicly by Don Javier himself. Then it was Doña Madalena who declared that her husband had been taken by Carlos Hugo from hospital against medical advice and his own will, and that Carlos Hugo had threatened his father to sign the second declaration. Eventually Don Javier was transferred to Switzerland, where he died shortly; the widow blamed the oldest son and 3 daughters for his death.
Reception and legacy
Barely noted in Spain until the Civil War, also afterwards Don Javier remained a little known figure, partially the result of censorship; Franco considered him a foreign prince. Among European royals he was respected but politically isolated. In the Carlist realm he grew from obscurity to iconic status, yet since the late 1950s he was being abandoned by successive groups, disappointed with his policy. Disintegration of Carlism accelerated after Don Javier’s death; Partido Carlista won no seats in general elections and in 1979 Carlos Hugo abandoned politics. This was also the case of his 3 sisters, though Marie Therese became a scholar in political sciences and advisor to Third World politicians. Sixte is heading Comunión Tradicionalista, one of two Traditionalist grouplets in Spain, and poses as a Carlist standard-bearer. The oldest living grandson of Don Javier, Charles-Xavier, styles himself as the head of the Carlist dynasty, oddly enough, without claiming the Spanish throne. In France a grouplet referred to as Lys Noir called him in 2015 a "king of France for tomorrow". The group is classified by some as Far Right and by some associated with Trotsky, Mao and Gaddaffi.
In partisan discourse Don Javier is generally held in high esteem, though Left-wing Partido Carlista militants and Right-wing Traditionalists offer strikingly different pictures of him. Authors admitting their Hugocarlista pedigree claim that from his youth Don Javier has nurtured democratic, progressive ideas, and in the 1960s he lent his full support to renovation of the Carlist thought. Authors remaining within the Traditionalist orthodoxy suggest that generally conservative, but in his 70s impaired by age, bewildered by Vaticanum II, misled and possibly incapacitated by his children, Don Javier presided over destruction of Carlism. Few go farther and claiming that evidence points to Don Javier having been fully supportive of the course sponsored by his son, they either talk about "deserción de la dinastía" or – with some hesitation - point to treason. Some, highly respectful though disappointed by perceived Don Javier’s ineptitude and vacillation as a leader, consider him the candidate for a saint rather than for a king.
In historiography prince Xavier earned no scientific monograph yet; the books published fall rather into hagiography. Apart from minor pieces related to the Sixtus Affair, Chambord litigation and Halifax-Chevalier negotiations, he is discussed as key protagonist in various works dealing with Carlism during the Francoist era. There are 4 PhD dissertations discussing post-civil-war Carlism, yet their offer contradictory conclusions. One presents Don Javier as a somewhat wavering person who eventually endorsed changes to be introduced by Carlos Hugo. One carefully notes his "peculiar position" yet it cautiously claims he kept backing the transformation. Two point to his "contradictory personality" and admit that his stand "might seem confusing", though they claim that generally conservative and faithful to Traditionalist principles, Don Javier was misguided and manipulated, inadvertently legitimizing the change he did not genuinely support. Some hints suggest that he has never seriously contemplated own royal bid, and headed Carlism as an ample cultural-spiritual movement, perhaps modelled on the French legitimism.
- Princess Maria Francisca of Bourbon-Parma, Prince Edouard de Lobkowicz (1926–2010). 19 August 1928 , married
- Carlos Hugo, Duke of Parma, 8 April 1930 – 18 August 2010 (aged 80), married Princess Irene of the Netherlands (born 1939).
- Princess Maria Teresa of Bourbon-Parma, 28 July 1933 .
- Princess Cecilia of Bourbon-Parma, 12 April 1935 .
- Princess Maria de las Nieves of Bourbon-Parma, 29 April 1937 .
- Prince Sixtus Henry of Bourbon-Parma, 22 July 1940 .
The television series The Young Indiana Jones Chronicles presents Xavier (played by Matthew Wait) and his brother Sixtus (played by Benedict Taylor) as Belgian officers in World War I who help the young Indiana Jones.
- La République de tout le monde, Paris: Amicitia, 1946
- Les accords secrets franco-anglais de décembre 1940, Paris: Plon, 1949.
- Les chevaliers du Saint-Sépulcre, Paris: A. Fayard, 1957.
- Calabrian House of Bourbon-Two Sicilies Knight Grand Cross of Justice of the Calabrian Two Sicilian Order of Saint George
- Belgium: Knight Grand Cordon of the Order of Leopold
- Belgium: Croix de Guerre
- France: Croix de Guerre 
- Traditionalism (Spain)
- House of Bourbon-Parma
- Robert I of Parma
- Prince Carlos Hugo, Duke of Parma
- Prince Sixtus Henry of Bourbon-Parma
- in the 9th generation; Xavier was son of Roberto I de Parma (1848-1907), himself son of Carlos III de Parma (1823-1854), himself son of Carlos II de Parma (1799-1883), himself son of Luis de Etruria (1773-1803), himself son of Fernando I de Parma (1751-1802), himself son of Felipe I de Parma (1720-1765), himself son of Felipe V of Spain (1683-1746), himself son of Louis, Grand Dauphin (1661-1711), himself son of Louis XIV of France (1638-1715)
- in the 7th generation; Xavier was son of Roberto I de Parma (1848-1907), himself son of Carlos III de Parma (1823-1854), himself son of Carlos II de Parma (1799-1883), himself son of Luis de Etruria (1773-1803), himself son of Fernando I de Parma (1751-1802), himself son of Felipe I de Parma (1720-1765), himself son of Felipe V of Spain (1683-1746)
- like Nassau, Habsburg-Lothringen, Wittelsbach, Braganza, Borbon-Dos Sicilias and Thurn-und-Taxis
- in 1905-1912, as duchess consort; she was married to Wilhelm IV, Grand Duke of Luxembourg
- claiming 1866-1920
- she was married to the Spanish Carlist pretender Don Carlos, claiming 1868-1909
- she was married to another Spanish Carlist pretender Don Alfonso Carlos, claiming 1931-1936
- married to the sister of Xavier’s mother
- in 1889-1896
- daughter of Xavier’s mother’s sister, ruling 1909-1934
- daughter of another Xavier’s mother’s sister, ruling 1919-1964
- archduke Franz Ferdinand was the son of Xavier’s uncle Karl Ludwig, though with his first wife
- from 1896 till his death in Sarajevo in 1914
- claiming 1909-1931
- claiming 1927-1976
- and was the father of Anne, later to become a Romanian queen-on-exile; she married in 1948, when the groom, Mihai I, was already deposed
- the bride was daughter of the ruling Italian king and sister of the future last king of Italy
- she gave birth to the later Bulgarian tsar, Boris III, ruling 1918-1943
- these were the cases of Don Javier’s older half-brother Elias, who in 1903 married into the archducal Austrian Habsburg-Lothringen family, this of his older brother Sixte, who in 1919 married into the French ducal la Rochefoucauld family, this of his youngest brother Gaetan, who in 1931 married into the Austrian ducal Thurn-und-Taxis family, and this of his younger sister Beatrice, who in 1909 married into the Italian Lucchesi-Palli family, also of ducal descendance
- the castle, in a number of rankings considered No. 1 among castles in the Loire valley, was bequeathed by the legitimist claimant to the throne of France, Count of Chambord, to the Bourbon-Parmas. The older sister of Count of Chambord, Louise Marie, was married to Carlo, duke of Parma; she was mother of Robert Bourbon-Parma and the paternal grandmother of prince Xavier, see Les lys et la republique service, available here, Franz de Burgos, Domaine de Chambord : Histoire d’une spoliation, [in:] Vexilla Galliae service 12.02.15, available here
- the actual number or kids living together kept changing. Robert had 24 children, 12 from the first and 12 from the second marriage, born between 1870 and 1905. Some died in early infancy, some left the family home when Xavier was a toddler, and some were born after Xavier had left
- James Bogle, Joanna Bogle, A Heart for Europe: The Lives of Emperor Charles and Empress Zita of Austria-Hungary, Leominster 1990, ISBN 9780852441732, p. 17
- Bogle, Bogle 1990, p. 17
- Bogle, Bogle 1990, pp. 17-18
- largely thanks to the maternal grandmother of Xavier, Bogle, Bogle 1990, pp. 17, 19
- Bogle, Bogle 1990, p. 15
- Xavier’s mother, though of Portuguese descendance, was from infancy brought up in the German-speaking environment
- Bogle, Bogle 1990, p. 18
- Bogle, Bogle 1990, p. 17
- some sources claim in 1897, Aproximación biográfica a la figura de Don Javier de Borbón Parma (1889-1977), [in:] Portal Avant! 08.12.02, available here
- Beate Hammond, Jugendjahre grosser Kaiserinnen: Maria Theresia - Elisabeth - Zita, Wien 2002, ISBN 9783800038411, p. 121
- Erich Feigl, Zita de Habsbourg: Mémoires d'un empire disparu, Paris 1991, ISBN 9782741302315, p. 110. Interestingly, in the 1940s prince Xavier sent his first son to an equally Spartan school, a Benedictine establishment in Calcat, with poor heating and no runnig water, Francisco M. de las Heras y Borrero, Carlos Hugo, el rey que no pudo ser, Madrid 2010, ISBN 9788495009999, p. 19
- see dynastie.capetienne service, available here
- according to some authors, he was educated also in the German Carlsberg, Josep Carles Clemente Muñoz, La Princessa Roja. María Teresa de Borbón Parma, Madrid 2002, ISBN 9788427027930, p. 139
- he lived with Sixte at Rue de Varenne 47, François-Xavier de Bourbon, il fut notre roi idéal, [in:] Charles-Xavier de Bourbon, notre roi de France pour demain [insert to Lys Noir 2015], p. 11, available here
- none of the sources consulted specifies exactly whether Xavier studied in Sorbonne or in another institution
- Eusebio Ferrer Hortet, Maria Teresa Puga Garcia, 24 infantas de Espana, Madrid 2015, ISBN CDLAP00004439, p. 233. Another scholars claims that prince Xavier was "licenciado" in political and economiv sciences, José Carlos Clemente, Maria Teresa de Borbon-Parma, Joaquín Cubero Sánchez, Don Javier: una vida al servicio de la libertad, Madrid 1997, ISBN 9788401530180, p. 50, José Carlos Clemente, El carlismo contra Franco, Madrid 2003, ISBN 9788489644878, p. 96, José Carlos Clemente, Carlos Hugo de Borbón Parma: Historia de una Disidencia, Madrid 2001, ISBN 9788408040132, p. 34
- Aproximación biográfica 2002
- see e.g. an account of Don Javier taking part in the high societe life of the French capital, Le Gaulois 18.06.12, available here
- when born in 1887, Karl Habsburg could have hardly anticipated inheriting the throne; at that time he was the 5-th in line. In 1889 the official heir crown prince Rudolf, son of the emperor Francis Joseph, died in unclear circumstances. Succession rights passed to Karl Ludwig, the younger brother of the emperor, who died in 1896. Succession rights passed to Karl Ludwig’s older son, archduke Franz Ferdinand. Karl Ludwig’s younger son Otto, the father of Karl, died in 1906. Franz Ferdinand, who concluded morganatic marriage in 1900 and whose would-be children were not expected to inherit the throne anyway, was killed in Sarajevo in 1914, which rendered Karl the official successor to the kaiser. When marrying Zita in 1911, Karl could have already expected inheriting the throne after his paternal uncle; however, as archduke Franz Ferdinand was of good health, he was supposed to rule until the 1920s-1930s
- Manuel de Santa Cruz [Alberto Ruiz de Galarreta], Apuntes y documentos para la Historia del Tradicionalismo Español, vol. 4, Madrid 1979, p. 197
- they visited Philippopoli (present-day Plovdiv), partially sight-seeing, partially gathering historical and geographical info, and partially visiting family graves, Feigl 1991, p. 111
- Feigl 1991, p. 132
- Feigl 1991, p. 131
- Antonello Biagini, Giovanna Motta (eds.), The First World War: Analysis and Interpretation, vol. 2, Cambridge 2015, ISBN 9781443886727, p. 326
- according to prince Xavier’s personal journal, reproduced in Feigl 1991, p. 131
- the kaiser remarked: "I can understand that they only want to do their duty", Justin C. Vovk, Imperial Requiem: Four Royal Women and the Fall of the Age of Empires, Bloomington 2014, ISBN 9781938908613, p. 283
- Vovk 2014, p. 283
- Feigl 1991, p. 156
- Spencer Tucker, Priscilla Mary Roberts, World War I: A Student Encyclopedia, Oxford 2005, ISBN 9781851098798, p. 1690
- Biagini, Motta 2015, p. 326
- Le Galouis 29.06.16, available here
- Josep Carles Clemente, Historia del carlismo contemporaneo, Barcelona 1977, p. 95
- Edmond Taylor, The Fall of the Dynasties: The Collapse of the Old Order: 1905-1922, New York 2015, ISBN 9781510700512, p. 359
- Jacques de Launay, Major Controversies of Contemporary History, Oxford 2014, ISBN 9781483164519, p. 69
- Vovk 2014, pp. 325-6
- Manfried Rauchensteiner, The First World War and the End of the Habsburg Monarchy, 1914-1918, Wien 2014, ISBN 9783205795889, p. 898
- Wolfdieter Bihl, La Mission de mediation des princes Sixte et Xavier de Bourbon-Parma en faveur de la paix, [in:] Guerres mondiales et conflits contemporains 170 (1993), pp. 31-75
- Vovk 2014, p. 352
- Tucker, Roberts 2005, p. 1690
- Clemente 1977, p. 95
- in 1916, Le Galouis 29.06.16, available here
- Clemente 1977, p. 95
- Bogle, Bogle 1990, p. 118
- detailed discussion in J. Pelluard, La familie de Bourbon-Parma, Chambord, enjeu d’un procés de famille, [in:] Memoires de la Societe des sciences et lettres de Loir-et-Cher 37 (1982), pp. 53-61
- one scholar suggests that the marriage was the result of calculation rather than love, "más meditado con la razón que con el corazón por parte de don Javier", Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 17. In a letter from prince Xavier to his mother, he says that Madeleine "no es ninguna belleza, pero sí muy agradable. Si no ha existido por mi parte el flechado amoroso, por lo menos creo que están sentadas bien las bases del sentimiento y la razón que nor llevarán a amarnos", Spanish translation quoted after Juan Balansó, La familia rival, Barcelona 1994, ISBN 9788408012474, p. 176
- Nicolas Enache, La Descendance de Marie-Therese de Habsburg, Paris, 1996, ISBN 290800304X, pp. 416-417, 422
- Élie upheld his judgement until death. It was only once his son became head of the Bourbon-Parmas, in 1959, that the decision was reversed and the marriage of Xavier and Madeleine acknowledged as dynastic
- Chantal de Badts de Cugnac, Guy Coutant de Saisseval, Le Petit Gotha, Paris 2002, ISBN 2950797431, pp. 586-589
- Le Gaulois 22.08.28, available here
- one brother died in early infancy; two other older brothers joined the French army and were killed during the Great War
- see Chateau de Bostz, [in:] allier.auvergne service, available here
- Badts de Cugnac, Coutant de Saisseval 2002, pp. 586-589
- the last one was born in 1940
- Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español, vol. 30/1, Seville 1979, ISBN 8474600278, p. 227
- since the 1930s prince Xavier was heavily related to Le Souvenir Vendéen, an organisation set up to protect the memory of Vendée royalists, Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 97, also Jean-Clément Martin, Le clergé vendéen face a l’industrialisation (fin XIXe – début XXe), [in:] Annales de Bretagne et des pays de l’Ouest 89/3 (1982), p. 365. He remained faithful to memory of the Vendée insurgents until his death, e.g. a 1971 commemorative volume Vendeé Sancerroise was printed with the foreword of "Son Altesse Royale le Prince Xavier de Bourbon de Parme", Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 105
- one scholar claims it is indicative that once Popular Front assumed power in France in 1936, prince Xavier sent his son Hugues, than aged 6, out of the country (to relatives living in Italy), and recalled him once Front populaire lost power, Heras y Borrero 2010, pp. 18-19
- Sixte de Bourbon, Le traité d’Utrecht et les lois fondamentales du royaume, Paris 1914, available online here
- he acknowledged Alfonso XIII as the legitimate king of Spain, Ferrer 1979, p. 72
- and demonstrated "adhesion profunda" to the legitmist claimants, opinion of the (at the time) orthodox Traditionalist author, Francisco Melgar, Don Jaime, el principe caballero, Madrid 1932, p. 227; the opinion quoted by an iconic Traditionalist historian, Ferrer 1979, pp. 72-73
- "Don Javier pasa [during 1936 talks with Alfonso Carlos] por momentos de duda y de profunda angustia. Quiere defender la Iglesia y la libertad religiosa. Pero también quiere conseguir y defender la libertad social de la que está totalmente privado el pueblo español", opinion of the scholar who re-interprets Carlism as a movement of social protest, Clemente 1977, p. 96
- Sixte’s PhD thesis was legal dissertation on the right of all the Spanish Bourbons to the French citizenship. He and Xavier felt French at heart, compare A travers le monde, [in:] Les Modes 1919, available here
- Ferrer 1979, p. 72
- Alfonso Carlos was prince Xavier’s maternal uncle - Alfonso Carlos married the sister of Xavier’s mother. Alfonso Carlos was also the brother of prince Xavier’s paternal uncle, Carlos VII, who was married to the sister of prince’s Xavier’s father
- Ferrer 1979, pp. 80-81, 127-129
- his older half-brother Elie recognized Alfonso XIII and demonstrated no interest in Traditionalism
- it is neither clear whether initially it was Sixte considered to be a Carlist regent and whether Xavier sort of "inherited" the pre-agreed task from his late brother, one more reason why he might have felt obliged to accept the mission
- Ferrer 1979, p. 227
- Jordi Canal, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, ISBN 8420639478, pp. 319-320
- according to one scholar, Don Javier engaged in conspiracy in order to prevent civil war, Clemente 1977, pp. 96-97. In the 1970s he allegedly confessed to Santiago Carillo – as referred by the latter – that had he known that the rising would lead to the civil war, he would have not engaged in the conspiracy, Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 296
- Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996, ISBN 9788487863523, pp. 214-5
- Clemente 1977, p. 24
- at one point, he asked the Navarrese Carlists conducting talks with Mola: "y, ¿a esto supeditan ustedes todo el historial y todo el futuro de la Comunión Tradicionalista, a que los Ayuntamientos de Navarra sean carlistas?", Antonio de Lizarza Iribarren, Memorias de la conspiración, [in:] Navarra fue primera, Pamplona 2006, ISBN 8493508187, p. 106
- Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 21-43
- Clemente 1977, pp. 25-26, Canal 2000, pp. 324-326, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 30
- he was also assisting in procurement of arms for the Carlist volunteers; to this end Don Javier briefly travelling to Paris and Brussels, Clemente 1977, pp. 110-111
- initially his political program was simply based on restoration of Traditionalist monarchy. As the coup turned into the civil war, during later months of 1936 Don Javier hesitantly came to terms with perspective of a transitional military dictatorship, perhaps lasting even "some years", Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain, Cambridge 1975 [re-printed with no re-edition in 2008], ISBN 9780521086349, p. 267
- Clemente 1977, pp. 113-5
- protests were related mostly to expulsion of the Carlist political leader Manuel Fal Conde following the launch of Carlist Military Academy, Clemente 1977, p. 118; the academy initiative had been earlier pre-agreed with Don Javier, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 232
- Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 241-275
- going as far as to Andalucia
- one sources claim that Don Javier met Franco, Josep Carles Clemente Muñoz, Los días fugaces: el carlismo : de las guerras civiles a la transición democrática, Cuenca 2013, ISBN 9788495414243, p. 45. However, Don Javier’s diary accounts for every single day before May 17 and May 24, but does not mention meeting Franco, Clemente 1977, pp. 123-124
- see Don Javier’s journal reproduced in Clemente 1977, pp. 123-4. The same author once claims that Don Javier was expelled on May 17, see Clemente 1977, p. 31, and once that he entered Spain on May 17, Clemente 2013, p. 44. From his journal it seems that he entered Spain on May 17 and left on May 25
- according to one author, Don Javier re-entered Spain in late November 1937 and left between Christmas and the end of 1937, Josep Miralles Climent, La rebeldía carlista. Memoria de una represión silenciada, Madrid 2018, ISBN 9788416558711, p. 74, similar opinion in Manuel Martorell Pérez, Carlos Hugo frente a Juan Carlos. La solución federal para España que Franco rechazó, Madrid 2014, ISBN 9788477682653, p. 13. Some sources point to November, see Aproximación biográfica 2002, Daniel Jesús García Riol, La resistencia tradicionalista a la renovación ideológica del carlismo (1965-1973) [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2015, p. 479
- according to a recent work Don Javier had two interviews with Franco, one in very early December 1937 and another on Christmas Day the same year. Reportedly Franco very politely insisted that the regent leaves Spain as his presence allegedly caused problems with the Germans the Italians, Miralles Climent 2018, p. 74. Other works provide confusing opinions. One scholar claims vaguely that "Don Javier se intrevista en Burgos con Franco" but gives no date, from the background it seems he refers to the spring of 1937, though given poor credibility of the author this statement should be taken cautiously, see Clemente 1977, p. 98. Another scholar claims Don Javier met Franco in December 1937, see Manuel Martorell Pérez, Carlos Hugo frente a Juan Carlos. La solución federal para España que Franco rechazó, Madrid 2014, ISBN 9788477682653, p. 13. Another scholar claims the two met some time in 1937 in Seville and provides a number of details, but no source. Reportedly Franco was very polite; when asking Don Javier to leave the nationalist zone he claimed that many generals of republican mindset, who joined the coup, were unhappy about Don Javier's presence. He also suggested that Don Javier might do more good for the Nationalist cause when abroad. Don Javier agreed to leave, but refused to pick up the Paris link suggested, claiming the person recommended was an SS operative, Manuel de Santa Cruz [Alberto Ruiz de Galarreta], Apuntes y documentos para la Historia del Tradicionalismo Español, vol. 1, Madrid 1979, pp. 157-158
- Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 371-2
- the Spanish Carlists were careful to emphasise that Don Javier's enlisting to the Belgian army in no way changed neutral Carlist position towards the warrying parties of the Second World War, compare e.g. the meeting of Carlist executive, held on May 27, 1940, Manuel de Santa Cruz [Alberto Ruiz de Galarreta], Apuntes y documentos para la Historia del Tradicionalismo Español, vol. 2, Madrid 1979, p. 26
- De Besson a Dachau, [in:] randos.allier service, available here
- Bourbon Parme Xavier de, [in:] Amis de la Fondation pour la Mémoire de la Déportation de l'Allier service, available here
- Somerset Daily American 08.08.45, available here
- François-Xavier deBourbon, il fut notre roi idéal 2015, p. 11, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 260
- Bostz was only 12 km away from Moulins, one of the major demarcation line crossing points, see Moulins en 1939-1945 , [in:] Anonymes, Justes et persécutés durant la période nazie service, available here
- Marcel Lerecouvreux, Les accords Halifax-Chevalier, [in:] Marcel Lerecouvreux, Résurrection de l'Armée française, de Weygand à Giraud, Paris 1955, pp. 109-110
- unlike most Carlists, who considered Britain a hotbed of liberalism, plutocracy, freemasonry and greed, apart from being the arch-enemy of Spain in general, Don Javier was "essentially Anglophile". At late stages of the Civil War he spoke with a Foreign Office representative expressing his sharp disagreement with pro-German course of Franco, only to be dismissed as head of "medieval reactionaries", Javier Tusell, Franco en la guerra civil, Barcelona 1992, ISBN 9788472236486, pp. 359-360, referred after Stanley G. Payne, El Carlismo en la politica espanola, [in:] Stanley G. Payne (ed.), Identidad y nacionalismo an la España contemporanea: el carlismo, 1833-1975, Madrid 2002, ISBN 8487863469, p. 121
- J. L., Prince Xavier de Bourbon, Les accords secrets franco-anglais de decembre 1940 [review], [in:] Politique etrangere 15/2 (1950), pp. 240-242
- see e.g. Gaston Schmitt, Les accords secrets franco-britanniques de novembre-décembre 1940. Histoire de ou Mystification, Paris 1957, and its review by Henri Bernard, [in:] Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire 36/3 (1958), pp. 1017-1024
- Manuel de Santa Cruz [Alberto Ruiz de Galarreta], Apuntes y documentos para la Historia del Tradicionalismo Español, vol. 1, Madrid 1979, pp. 163-179
- "desorganización y desorientación. La pasividad y el retraimiento de las bases eran la norma", Canal 2000, pp. 349-350
- in 1941 Xavier’s aunt, Maria de las Nieves de Braganca, widow of the last undisputed Carlist king Alfonso Carlos, bequeathed the Puchheim castle to Prince Xavier, Dorotheum. Scholls-aktion im Schloss Puchheim, Salzburg 2002, p. 2, available here
- in his memoirs Don Javier claims he entered into contact with the Resistance "during the second year of the war", which might point to any year between 1940 and 1942, quoted after Josep Carles Clemente, Raros, Heterodoxos, Disidentes y Viñetas Del Carlismo, Barcelona 1995, ISBN 9788424507077, p. 111
- François-Xavier deBourbon, il fut notre roi idéal 2015, p. 11
- because of lack of petrol, François-Xavier de Bourbon, il fut notre roi idéal 2015, p. 11; another source claims he repeatedly travelled to Vichy to get the detainees freed on many instances, Clemente 1995, p. 110
- claiming that one of the detained was his nephew
- even some generally high-quality works claim wrongly he was arrested in 1943, see e.g. Canal 2000, p. 349
- François-Xavier de Bourbon, il fut notre roi idéal 2015, p. 11
- Ignacio Romero Raizabal, El prisionero de Dachau 156.270, Santander 1972; other sources claim his camp number was 101057, see Bourbon Parme Xavier de, [in:] Amis de la Fondation pour la Mémoire de la Déportation de l'Allier service. Some authors claim that during railway transport to Dachau the train was bombed and all documentation was lost in ensuing fire, which rendered all prisoners - including Don Javier - totally anonymous, Josep Miralles Climent, La rebeldia carlista, Madrid 2018, ISBN 9788416558711, p. 236
- Franco allegedly declared that he did not know "this gentleman of French nationality" and that the Germans were free to do whatever they wished, Clemente 1996, p. 53
- François-Xavier de Bourbon, il fut notre roi idéal 2015, p. 11. According to his own account, Don Javier assisted other prisoners, e.g. by providing Christian consolation, see Ignacio Romero Raizabal, El prisionero de Dachau 156.270, Santander 1972, e.g. pp. 14-15. His account should be treated with caution, as some information does not necessarily add up; e.g. he claims to have met a colleague from Stella Matutina, a certain "Knialosenki", a Pole who served as head of General Staff of the Polish army. The heads of staff who fell into German hands, Piskor and Gąsiorowski, are not known to have been detained in Dachau
- some sources claim Don Javier was liberated in May, García Riol 2015, p. 480. Another source claims he was transferred from Dachau to Psax because the Nazis intended to use him a hostage in bargaining with the Allies, but that he was spared thanks to clashes between the Gestapo and the Wehrmacht, Clemente 1995, p. 111. Yet another author claims that at some time Don Javier was transferred from Dachau to a Tyrolian location of Proger-Wildsee, where in May 1945 he was reportedly liberated by the Allies, Miralles Climent 2018, p. 236
- or according to other sources 35 kg, Clemente 1996, p. 53
- François-Xavier de Bourbon, il fut notre roi idéal 2015, p. 11
- Don Javier crossed the border Bidasoa river led by local Basque smugglers. When asked whether they knew who their customer was, one of them answered plainly "gure errege", our king. Which did not prevent them from asking 6,000 ptas for the service, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 319
- full title La única solución (Llamamiento de la Comunión Tradicionalista con la concreción práctica de sus principios. Con ocasión de la presión internacional y el cerco de la ONU. Inminente Ley de Sucesión); the document protested also international ostracism towards Spain, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 321-2, 374
- according to the document, "el régimen de Caudillaje" does not have "ni caracteres de estabilidad ni raiz española, por ser un régimen de poder personal, inconciliable con los derechos de la persona humana y de las entidades infrasoberanas en que aquella se desenvuelve"; according to some scholars, the document marked – following previous years of ambiguity – definitive breach with the regime, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 171-172
- the two groups in question were supporters of Carlos VIII, the so-called carloctavistas, and supporters of Don Juan, the so-called juanistas (or carlo-juanistas)
- compare Don Javier’s 1947 letter read at Montserrat, Clemente 1977, pp. 292-4
- César Alcalá, D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901-1980), Barcelona 2001, ISBN 8493109797, pp. 43, 59-62, 67, 71-72, Robert Vallverdú i Martí, La metamorfosi del carlisme català: del "Déu, Pàtria i Rei" a l'Assamblea de Catalunya (1936-1975), Barcelona 2014, ISBN 9788498837261, esp. the chapter L’enfrontament Sivatte – Fal Conde, pp. 106-111
- in fact, Don Javier protested to Franco over the Ley, Jeremy MacClancy, The Decline of Carlism, Reno 2000, ISBN 9780874173444, p. 85, Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 39
- Sivatte claimed that even voting "no" in the referendum was improper; the only correct path was to ignore all Francoist referenda, Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997; ISBN 9788431315641, p. 27, Alcalá 2001, pp. 74-80
- already in 1945 the first signs of dissent started to appear, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 299
- especially that at the turn of the decades international pressure eased, the Francoist regime seemed consolidated and speculations about Franco’s imminent removal faded away, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 328
- in 1949; some authors claim that Sivatte was expelled from Comunión Tradicionalista, Canal 2000, p. 354, some claim that he left himself, Alcalá 2001, p. 94. Another author claims that Sivatte was expelled as late as 1956, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, El nuevo rumbo político del carlismo hacia la colaboración con el régimen (1955-56), [in:] Hispania 69 (2009), p. 195
- Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 326
- the one that the Carlists set their eyes on was Iformaciones, to be actually taken over by the Carlists later
- Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 328-331, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 74- 75
- calls for Don Javier to assume the claim were usually based on presumed agreement among the Carlists, vaguely corresponding to decision of grand Carlist gathering as specified by Alfonso Carlos, and not on previously applied Carlist heritage rules of succession. In terms of these, Don Javier’s right to the throne was highly disputed. His claim could have been advanced only if excluding – for a number of reasons, ranging from morganatic marriages to embracing Liberalism – 5 older branches, namely those of Ferdinand of Borbón-Dos Sicilias, Infante Gabriel, Francisco de Paula, Carlota Joaquina and doña Blanca
- MacClancy 2000, p. 83, Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 41. In Guernica Don Javier pledged to defend Basque fueros, Aproximación biográfica 2002
- news of the Carlist king arriving leaked out, prompting crowds to welcome their monarch to embarrassment of both Don Javier and Fal Conde, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 338–39
- full text in Clemente 1977, pp. 296-7
- Don Javier avoided direct language and stated literally that "he resuelto asumir la realeza de las Coronas de España en sucesión del último Rey", quoted after Canal 2000, p. 354. Though Fal for 15 years opposed terminating the regency, in 1952 it was he who convinced Don Javier to declare himself king; one scholar considers Acto de Barcelona "l’obra mestra de Fal, [which] avivá el carlisme i aillá la Comunió del perill contaminant del joanisme i del franquisme", Vallverdú 2014, p. 144
- Alcalá 2001, p. 101
- Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 339–40, Ana Marín Fidaldo, Manuel M. Burgueño, In memoriam. Manuel J. Fal Conde (1894-1975), Sevilla 1980, pp. 51–52
- compare a document titled La Posición Política de la Comunión Tradicionalista of 1954, available online here
- e.g. at gatherings of various European royals
- in 1955, when meeting Don Juan at one of the royal weddings, Alcalá 2001, p. 102
- Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 392, see also Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957-1967), Madrid 2016, ISBN 9788416558407, pp. 31-47
- MacClancy 2000, pp. 85-88
- Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 33
- Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 33, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 393. Fal’s resignation was in fact suggested by Don Javier. It came as a surprise, since earlier that year Fal staged many warm meetings with the royal family, e.g. in Seville, Lourdes and San Sebastián, Marín, Burgueño 1980, p. 53., the version difficult to reconcile with later continuously cordial relations between Fal and his king
- MacClancy 2000, p. 87
- Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 35
- Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 36
- first, when en route to a Carlist session in Madrid Don Javier was overrun in his temporary Bilbao residence by the Carlist youth; in an extremely emotional scene - which involved begging on knees, tears and violence - the invaders extracted from Don Javier a sort of a declaration excluding an alliance with the Alfonsists, one account in Javier Lavardín, Historia del ultimo pretendiente a la corona de España, Paris 1976, pp. 25-26, another one in Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 395-6; However, once in Madrid Don Javier confirmed that he viewed Acto de Barcelona as a grave error. The Carlist executive demanded clarification, provided in form of a makeshift note, read by Rafael Gambra, allegedly pre-agreed earlier and ruling out agreement with Don Juan. Later the same day Iturmendi intervened; Don Javier declared that the note had not been agreed with him, which did not spare him another expulsion from Spain - Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 38, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 396. Later the same year he met the Sivattistas in Perpignan and agreed to sign a document rejecting any deal either with the Juanistas or with Franco. However, he did not agree to sign as a king (preferred a vague title of an "abanderado") and later insisted that the document be kept private, Alcalá 2001, p. 115
- Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 38, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 396
- García Riol 2015, p. 43
- Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 59
- MacClancy 2000, p. 91
- Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, pp. 628-9
- he once remarked to his senior Carlist aide: "Rafael [Olazabal], free me of this weight", MacClancy 2000, p. 88
- MacClancy 2000, p. 91. According to one scholar, since 1957 Don Javier started to think of his son as a would-be future king of spain, García Riol 2015, p. 215
- opinion advanced mostly by the Sivattistas, Alcalá 2001, pp. 71-93
- opinion advanced by Ramon Massó and his entourage, compare Lavardin 1976
- e.g. in 1958 in a number of statements he declared that the regency was set up by Alfonso Carlos specifically to prevent agreement with the Alfonsists, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 69
- expulsing from the Comunion those who declared adherance to Don Juan in Estoril, Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 69-70
- Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 99-100
- Don Javier considered it prudent not to claim the crown – perhaps only for the time being - though his general mindset is unclear. Some Francoist officials were sure he imagined his future as a somewhat symbolic Carlist leader, a "standard bearer", willing to stay clear of the crown debate, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 100-101
- Valiente was nominated president of the council in 1958 and Jefe Delegado in 1960, Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 87, 116
- the so-called Junta de Regiones, Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 42-45
- the Sivattista grouping named RENACE, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 75
- Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 135-6
- "que deben ver en el Principe, a su Rey", Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 142
- following a period of confusion, when attempting to shrug off his Francophone image, the prince appeared in Spain as "Carlos", "Carlos Javier", "Carlos María Isidro", "Hugo Carlos" and finally "Carlos Hugo, Stanley G. Payne, Prologo, [in:] Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957-1967), Madrid 2016, ISBN 9788416558407, p. 20
- in historiography referred to as "secretaría del principe", "secretaría privada", "secretaría política", Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 145-151, "secretaría particular", Lavardin 1976, p. 122. Don Javier have also thought of setting up his personal Consejo Privado, which would meet periodically in Bostz as kind of anti-Estoril, but those sounded on joining were not enthusiastic, García Riol 2015, p. 54
- García Riol 2015, p. 98, 104
- he kept sending letters to be read at annual gatherings at Montejurra, which at that time were turning into a promotional stage of Carlos Hugo. The ammassment was attended a number of times by Don Javier’s daughters, a few times by his sons and once (in 1963) by his wife, but Don Javier himself has never attended
- e.g. in 1967 he confirmed that there was nothing to be added to the Carlist dogma, Dios, Patria, Fueros, Rey, García Riol 2015, p. 82
- Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 159
- e.g. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 476
- for the early 1960s see Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 79-85, for the late 1960s Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 96-117
- Canal 2000, pp. 354-355, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 244-247; to some, it was Acto de Puchheim which marked the end of regency, García Riol 2015, p. 51
- though also earlier, at least since 1956, he used to behave in a royal manner; e.g. in 1957 he conferred orders of Legimitad Proscrita, an honor created and conferred only by Carlist kings, upon Valiente, Fal and Zamanillo; in 1963 he conferred Gran Cruz of the same order to his wife, García Riol 2015, p. 254. Don Javier has he also created and conferred a number of aristocratic titles, but with one exception (Fal Conde) only for members of his family: Duque de Madrid and Duque de San Jaime for Don Carlos Hugo; Condesa de Poblet for Doña Cecilia; Condesa del Castillo de la Mota for Doña María de las Nieves; Duque de Aranjuez for Don Sixto, García Riol 2015, p. 255
- see all works of Josep Carles Clemente, also Fermín Pérez-Nievas Borderas, Contra viento y marea. Historia de la evolución ideológica del carlismo a través de dos siglos de lucha, Pamplona 1999, ISBN 9788460589327, María Teresa de Borbón Parma, Josep Carles Clemente, Joaquín Cubero Sánchez, Don Javier, una vida al servicio de la libertad, Barcelona 1997, ISBN 9788401530180
- apart from speculation, there is scarce evidence clearly supporting such a thesis, though some indeed seems to point in this direction. One student found two versions of a 1967 response prepared by Don Javier for an orthodox Carlist María Amparo Munilla, who in her letter complained about destructive impact of Carlos Hugo’s entourage. The original version of Don Javier’s letter appears bizarre, e.g. it points to KGB manipulations as origin of discord within Carlism. Later version, apparently re-edited by someone close to Don Javier, dropped all references to KGB and blamed extreme Left for instigating the youth against the Carlist veterans, García Riol 2015, p. 104-105. Another scholars claims that "lo majaban y instrumentalizaban con mucha facilidad", Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 565
- good examples are Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997 and Vázquez de Prada 2016
- i.e. following the referendum he sent Franco a telegram, congratulating on support obtained, García Riol 2015, p. 74
- Canal 2000, p. 368
- following a fairly independent though not really challenging address, backed by a statement signed by Don Javier, Clemente 1977, pp. 60-61, Canal 2000, p. 369, Clemente 2013, pp. 70-71, 74
- in May 1937, in December 1937, in May 1952, in January 1956 and in December 1968; following the last one he declared, like Carlos VII did in 1876, "I will return!", Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 98. Like Carlos VII, he never did
- Carlos Hugo delivered his address on December 15 and on December 20 he was driven by the police to the French border. Don Javier flew from Paris to Madrid on December 22, officially to spend Christmas in Spain. He did, but was asked to leave and flew back to France on December 27, Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 96
- some scholars claim also that it was only after the 1968 expulsion that Don Javier embraced radicalism of his son, García Riol 2015, p. 157
- no author claims Don Javier re-entered Spain after the 1968 expulsion, though information provided by some authors is confusing. One author claims that photographs of Don Javier and his grandson Javier Carlos (born 1970), apparently a 2-3 year-old toddler, were taken in unspecified year during the Quntillo feast, see García Riol 2015, p. 230-231
- Don Javier acknowledged the decision with a protest letter to Franco, in which he refused to acknowledge the nomination, Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 101
- though seldom visiting also the new residence of Carlos Hugo in Arbonne, near the Spanish border, his in Puchheim castle, Heras y Borrero 2010, pp. 103-104
- "hizo pasar a una situación de paulatina retirada de la vida pública", Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 209; "y mientras tanto, Don Javier y Doña Magdalena viven en el Castillo de Lignières, en Francia, prácticamente aislados de la realidad española", García Riol 2015, p. 273, "desde 1970 se acentúa su aislamiento de la realidad española", García Riol 2015, p. 421
- it is not clear how much Don Javier was involved in generating these documents. Some authors claim that they were edited by Carlos Hugo and suggest ambiguously that they went out "with the signature of Don Javier", García Riol 2015, p. 153, though at another point they also reproduce documents hand-written by Don Javier, García Riol 2015, p. 273
- Mensaje a loc carlistas, Clemente 1977, p. 323
- Declaración al I. Congreso del Pueblo Carlista, Clemente 1977, p. 332
- Mensaje al pueblo carlista, Montejurra, Clemente 1977, pp. 337-338
- Clemente 1977, pp. 340-342
- García Riol 2015, p. 214
- Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 207
- also correspondence from Spain dried out. When inspecting personal archive of Don Javier, a present-day scholar found that during the year of 1973 Don Javier received only one letter from Spain, García Riol 2015, p. 421
- José-Ángel Zubiaur Alegre, José-Ángel Zubiaur Carreño, Elecciones a Procuradores familiares en Navarra en 1971, [in:] Aportes 27/79 (2012), pp. 159-163
- Don Javier was driven over by a car when on pedestrian crossing in Paris, suffering 2 legs broken and other injuries, Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 107
- at this point he officially declared ceding all political duties to Carlos Hugo, Canal 2000, p. 371, Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 107. Some authors note that in 1936 he assumed power because of traffic indicent which killed Alfonso Carlos, and himseld had to cede power for the same reason, García Riol 2015, p. 325
- in February 1970 Don Javier celebrated birth of his first patriline grandson (he already had 3 grandsons, children of his oldest daughter) and supposed heir to the Carlist throne. At a reception in Ligniéres, Don Javier, in an unusually delirious mood, shouted: "Carlists! here is Carlos, your Carlos! Carlos, here are the Carlists!", Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 102
- the first signs of discontent among two brothers, already grave and possibly including violence, were noted in 1967, García Riol 2015, p. 112. As late as 1972 relations between Hugues and Sixte were still correct, as Sixte acted as godfather at christening of Hugues’ first daughter, Margarita, Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 110
- Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 272-3
- according to his younger son, it was an "enforced abdiaction", Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 272, Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 591. Carlos Hugo assumed the title of Carlos Hugo I, Clemente 2013, p. 28
- Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 117
- Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 124
- Juan Balansó, La familia rival. Planeta, 1994, p. 229. ISBN 84-08-01247-9
- La Actualidad Española March 1977, available here
- Mediterraneo 08.03.77, available here; full text in Clemente 2013, p. 137
- ABC de Sevilla 08.03.77, available here
- La Vanguardia, 09-03-77, available here; what has actually happened is unclear and remains subject to conflicting accounts. The most detailed one is in Heras y Borrero 2010, pp. 127-133. The author claims that around February 20, 1977 Don Javier accompanied by Françoise Marie and her husband Lobkowicz withdrew to their Granville cottage in Normandy, according to a letter from Don Javier to his sister, "to spend a few days in peace". He then posed to a number of family photos with Sixte and Françoise Marie, made by photographer of Actualidad Española and published later in the press. On March 4 Don Javier, accompanied by Sixte, Françoise Marie and a number of Spanish Traditionalists, visited a Paris notary to issue a declaration and followig a brief interview with an envoy from Actualidad Española, he withdrew to Granville. At the same time Hugues, unaware of his father’s whereabouts, alerted the police, which found Don Javier in good shape the following day. On March 5 and accompanied by Hugues, he was placed in the Hopital Americain de Neuilly. On March 7 he left the hospital accompanied by Cécile, allegedly to attend the morning mass. In fact accompanied by Hugues he visited another notary to make another statement and returned to the hospital, while his wife issued a declaration charging Hugues with abducion. Transliteration of material published in Actualidad Española available here
- Canal 2000, p. 380; before her own death, the widow barred Hugues, Marie-Thérèse, Cécile and Marie des Neiges from the Ligniéres castle (the castle of Bostz had already been property of Françoise Marie and her husband) and banned them from attending her own funeral, García Riol 2015, p. 382
- the Spanish press noted him as taking part in the Sixtus Affair, as engaged in lawsuit over Chambord, and as protagonist of aristocratic high life
- Don Javier provided many reasons to be considered a Frenchman. Also in the late 1940s, for 10 years a Carlist regent, he published brief historical accounts in which he referred to "our troops", "our interests" etc, all clearly pointing to "French troops" or "French interests", compare Les Accords Secrets Franco-Anglais de decembre de 1940, Paris 1949, and La Republique de Tout le Monde, Paris 1946, referred after Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 40. One of the books claimed also that "he is French and speaks French, the Frenchman of the Capet family, so profundly linked to France", Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 97. The 1960 wedding of his oldest daughter was arranged and commented almost exclusively as related to France; Don Javier has explitictly asked the Spanish Carlists not to attend, Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 64
- except the Portuguese Braganzas and his own family, Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 630. Despite a number of intermarriages with many European royal or ducal houses, most of them tended to support the Alfonsist claimant Don Juan
- a contemporary scholar lists 7 defecting groups: Carloctavistas (1943), Estorilos (1957), Renace (1958), Tradicionalistas del Movimiento (1966-1968), Integristas (1968), Tradicionalistas Puros (1972) and Tradicionalistas Dinasticos (1975), García Riol 2015, p. 350. In fact, the last defection took place in 1976-77, Canal 2000, p. 382, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 278-9
- MacClancy 2000, p. 199
- Marie des Neiges settled as an ornithologist and was engaged in protecting the Extremadura nature, Cecile specialized in theology and archives. Neither has married and neither maintained public profile, except attending family feasts and some events related to Parma, Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 150
- specialising in Arab and Third World issues, teaching at Complutense and Harvard; she was also the author of a few books: Cambios en Mexico, Madrid 1990, ISBN 9788430918591, Magreb, el nuestro poniente proximo, Madrid 1994, ISBN 9788476833308, Desde Tanger la transición que viene, Madrid 1999, ISBN 9788483740774, La tradicion desde el frente exterior, Madrid 2001, ISBN 9788475603001, Asi fueron, asi son, Barcelona 2009, ISBN 9788408088967
- like Jaser Arafat and Hugo Chavez , Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 150. She remains active until today, see espaciocarlista service, available here
- compare e.g. S.A.R. Don Sixto Enrique de Borbón preside los actos por la festividad de Mártires de la Tradición, [in:] Comunión Tradicionalista service, 16.05.16, available here
- in a 2016 interview he recognized Don Felipe as the king of Spain, compare La Vanguardia 11.10.16, available here His few Spanish followers consider him "rey de los carlistas". Don Sixto does not recognize the rights of his nephew, Carlos Javier, current head of the Bourbon-Parma family; he maintains that Carlos Javier is deprived of so-called legitimacy of execution, noting also that his marriage is morganatic, García Riol 2015, p. 237
- officially named first Cellules Solidaires Anarchos Royalistes and now Organisation Georges Bernanos
- Charles-Xavier de Bourbon, notre roi de France pour demain, [in:] Lys Noir 2015
- Le Monde 23.10.13, available here
- see secretdefiance service, available here
- official Partido Carlista representatives co-organized homage session to Don-Javier, which took place during the 2002 Montejurra gathering. However, they made clear that did not support Carlos Hugo, who since the late 1990s vaguely resumed his royal claim. On the other hand, Carlos Hugo and followers of the Bourbon-Parmas made clear that they should not be confused with Partido Carlista, Heras y Borrero 2010, pp. 163-167
- e.g. his taking part in the conspiracy of May–July 1936 is presented as an effort to avert civil war, Clemente 1977, pp. 96-97. Others note that he was firmly anti-Nazi already in the mid-1930s - Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 257-8; Don Javier’s term in Dachau is usually highlighted as proof of his stand against authoritarian, anti-democratic regimes
- see works of Clemente, Perez-Nievas, Cubero and the Borbón-Parmas
- Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 576: "supuesto talante subversivo y revolucionario que de hallaba en las antipodas de la verdadera personalidad del Principe Javier". A somewhat similar summary is suggested by a current Traditionalist pundit, who considers Don Javier "último gran príncipe de la Cristiandad" and "tradicionalista di ferro", but also "demasiado delicado de alma y dubitativo de cabeza", Miguel Ayuso, El carlismo y su signo (a los 175 años), [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada 14 (2008), pp. 122-123
- some note that though generally Don Javier preferred to avoid conflicts, especially personal ones, at times he was able of adopting a fairly confrontational stand, even towards old friends, like it was the case of the Baleztena family. In 1971 he wrote: "es muy triste para mí la actitud tomada por la familia Baleztena, amigos de tantos ańos… Esa familia es víctima de jóvenes ambiciosos de mentalidad opuesta a los ancianos y han formado un núcleo de traidores", García Riol 2015, p. 270
- see Raimundo de Miguel, La deserción de la dinastía, [in:] Portal Avant! 10.06.11, available here
- see opinions quoted in García Riol 2015, pp. 296-7
- Aproximación biográfica 2002. Actually, his brother Sixte is currently half-way to sanctity, in 2004 beatified by the Roman Catholic Church for his 1916 efforts to secure peace
- Edvard op de Beeck, Z. K. H. Prins Xavier de Bourbon-Parma: Biografisch Essai, Aarschot 1970, Ignacio Romero Raizabal, El prisionero de Dachau 156.270, Santander 1972, María Teresa de Borbón Parma, Josep Carles Clemente, Joaquín Cubero Sánchez, Don Javier: una vida al servicio de la libertad, Barcelona 1997, ISBN 9788401530180, Javier Onrubia Rebuelta, El pensamiento cristiano de Don Javier de Borbón Parma, Pamplona 1997, Josep Carles Clemente, Aproximación biográfica a un rey carlista: Don Javier de Borbón y Parma, Sevilla 2008, ISBN 9788495735362
- Martorell Pérez 2009
- however, the author is careful to present the process not as a change but as a continuity, or rather as purging the Carlist orthofoxy from alien intrusions. "fue en estos meses de formación en los que Carlos Hugo entró en contacto con las diferentes sensibilidades que conformaban el espectro del carlismo “javierista”, en el que se reflejaba la citada continuidad ideológica, jugando un papel preeminente, respecto a otras obras teóricas del tradicionalismo, los postulados vertidos por Rafael Gambra", Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 487
- Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997
- the peculiar position in question consisted of playing down own role combined with general support for the changes, perhaps conditioned by transformation in the Church, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 358
- García Riol 2015 and Rodón Guinjoan 2015. Also other scholars consider Don Javier "contradictorio como siempre", Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 98
- it is noted that DonJavier systemetically took part in homages to Vendee insurgents and to Charles X, García Riol 2015, p. 420. He also spoke in favor of Algérie francaise and opposed the 1962 referendum, see dynastiecapetienne service, available here
- Rodón Guinjoan 2015, pp. 636-637
- Don Javier is by some presented as blinded by total faith in his son. When challenged by the Traditionalists, he usually veered the discussion from ideological to generational issues, pointing to youth and hot-temper of his son, García Riol 2015, p. 266
- "se convirtió a buen seguro, a sus 77 años en 1966, en un instrumento de legitimación en manos de su heredero Carlos Hugo hacia una deriva ideológica de inciertas consecuencias", García Riol 2015, p. 421; Carlos Hugo and his sisters "lo manjaban y instrumentalizaban con mucha facilidad", Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 565
- even some Francoist officials were sure that Don Javier imagined his own future as a somewhat symbolic Carlist leader, a "standard bearer", Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 100-101. For the same scholarly opinion see Rodón Guinjoan 2015, pp. 628-9
- Sacred Military Constantinian Order of St. George service, available here
- Clemente 1977, p. 95
- Clemente 1977, p. 95
- Le Galouis 29.06.16, available here
- René Baret, Un Saint ami, le prince Xavier de Bourbon, duc de Parme, s.l. 1984
- Edvard op de Beeck, Z. K. H. Prins Xavier de Bourbon-Parma: Biografisch Essai, Aarschot 1970
- Wolfdieter Bihl, Marianne Walle, La mission de médiation des princes Sixte et Xavier de Bourbon-Parme en faveur de la paix, [in:] Guerres mondiales et conflits contemporains 170 (1993), pp. 31–75
- María Teresa Borbón Parma, Josep Carles Clemente, Joaquín Cubero Sánchez, Don Javier: una vida al servico de la libertad. Barcelona 1997, ISBN 9788401530180
- María Teresa Borbón Parma, Asi fueron, asi son, Barcelona 2009, ISBN 9788408088967
- Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997; ISBN 9788431315641
- Josep Carles Clemente, Aproximación biográfica a un rey carlista: Don Javier de Borbón y Parma, Sevilla 2008, ISBN 9788495735362
- Joaquín Cubero Sánchez, Don Javier de Borbón Parma en el exilio: El carlismo contra el fascismo, Madrid 2017 [no ISBN]
- Daniel Jesús García Riol, La resistencia tradicionalista a la renovación ideológica del carlismo (1965-1973) [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2015
- J. Pelluard, La familie de Bourbon-Parma, Chambord, enjeu d’un procés de famille, [in:] Memoires de la Societe des sciences et lettres de Loir-et-Cher 37 (1982), pp. 53–61
- Tamara Griesser-Pečar, Die Mission Sixtus: Österreichs Friedensversuch im Ersten Weltkrieg. München 1988, ISBN 3850022455
- Francisco Manuel Heras y Borrero, Carlos Hugo el Rey que no pudo ser, Madrid 2010, ISBN 9788495009999
- Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis UNED], Valencia 2009
- Javier Onrubia Rebuelta, El pensamiento cristiano de Don Javier de Borbón Parma, Pamplona 1997
- Javier Onrubia Rebuelta (ed.), El pensamiento político de Don Javier de Borbón Parma (1968-1977), Sevilla 2006, ISBN 9788495735201
- Ignacio Romero Raizabal, El prisionero de Dachau 156.270, Santander 1972
- Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015
- Gaston Schmitt, Les accords secrets franco-britanniques de novembre-décembre 1940. Histoire de ou Mystification, Paris 1957
- Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957-1967), Madrid 2016, ISBN 9788416558407
- official Borbon-Parma website
- Le Souvenir Vendéen website
- Puchheim castle gallery website
- Por Dios y por España; contemporary Carlist propaganda
Prince Xavier of Bourbon-Parma
Cadet branch of the House of CapetBorn: 25 May 1889 Died: 7 May 1977
|Titles in pretence|
|— TITULAR —
Duke of Parma
Reason for succession failure:
Annexed by Kingdom of Sardinia
Carlos Hugo I
Sixtus Henry of Bourbon
Alfonso Carlos I
|— TITULAR —
King of Spain
Carlist claimants to the throne of Spain
1936–1952 as regent
1952–1977 as king