Panopticon: Difference between revisions
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{{short description|Prison design}} |
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{{Other uses}} |
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{{Use British English|date=March 2015}} |
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{{Use dmy dates|date=November 2015}} |
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[[File:Panopticon.jpg|thumb|250px|Plan of Jeremy Bentham's panopticon prison, drawn by [[Willey Reveley]] in 1791]] |
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The '''panopticon''' is a type of institutional building and a system of control designed by the English [[philosopher]] and social theorist [[Jeremy Bentham]] in the 18th century. The concept of the design is to allow all prisoners of an institution to be observed by a single [[security guard]], without the inmates being able to tell whether they are being watched. |
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Although it is physically impossible for the single guard to observe all the inmates' cells at once, the fact that the inmates cannot know when they are being watched means that they are motivated to act as though they are being watched at all times. Thus, the inmates are effectively compelled to regulate their own behaviour. The [[architecture]] consists of a [[Rotunda (architecture)|rotunda]] with an [[inspection]] house at its centre. From the centre, the manager or staff of the institution are able to watch the inmates. Bentham conceived the basic plan as being equally applicable to [[hospitals]], [[schools]], [[Sanitorium| sanatoriums]], and [[psychiatric hospital|asylums]], but he devoted most of his efforts to developing a design for a panopticon prison. It is his prison that is now most widely meant by the term "panopticon". |
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== Conceptual history == |
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[[File:Panopticon Animation by Myles Zhang.webmhd.webm|thumb|right|320px|Virtual reality reconstruction of how Bentham’s panopticon would have appeared if built. Click to play.]] |
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[[File:Panopticon_Willey_Reveley_1791.png|thumb|350px|right|A drawing of a panopticon prison by Willey Reveley, circa 1791. The cells are marked with (H); a skylight (M) was to provide light and ventilation.<ref>{{cite book |title= Bentham Papers 119a/119 |publisher= UCL Press |pages= 137}}</ref>]] |
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[[File:Panopticon_Willey_Reveley_1791_elevated_view.png|thumb|right|200px|Elevated view of the panopticon prison, by Reveley 1791.<ref>{{cite book |title= Bentham Papers 119a/119 |publisher= UCL Press |pages= 139}}</ref>]] |
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The word ''panopticon'' derives from the Greek word for "all seeing" – ''panoptes''.<ref>{{cite book | author= Alan Briskin |title=Stirring of Soul in the Workplace |year=1998 |publisher= Berrett-Koehler Publishers |isbn= 9781605096162 |pages= 77}}</ref> In 1785, [[Jeremy Bentham]], an English social reformer and founder of [[utilitarianism]], travelled to [[Krychaw|Krichev]] in White Russia (modern [[Belarus]]) to visit his brother, [[Samuel Bentham|Samuel]], who accompanied [[Grigory Potemkin|Prince Potemkin]].<ref name="Correspondence">{{cite book | editor1-first= Timothy L. S. |editor1-last=Sprigge |editor2-first=J. H. |editor2-last=Burns |title=Correspondence of Jeremy Bentham, Volume 1: 1752 to 1776 |year=2017 |publisher= UCL Press |isbn= 9781911576051}}</ref>{{rp|xxxviii}} Bentham arrived in Krichev in early 1786<ref>{{cite book | author = Gillian Darley |title=Factory | url = https://archive.org/details/factoryobjekt00darl | url-access = limited |year=2003 |publisher= Reaktion Books |isbn= 9781861891556 |pages= [https://archive.org/details/factoryobjekt00darl/page/n53 52]}}</ref> and stayed for almost two years. While residing with his brother in Krichev, Bentham sketched out the concept of the panopticon in letters. Bentham applied his brother's ideas on the constant observation of [[worker]]s to prisons. Back in England, Bentham, with the assistance of his brother, continued to develop his theory on the panopticon.<ref name="Correspondence"/>{{rp|xxxviii}} Prior to fleshing out his ideas of a panopticon prison, Bentham had drafted a complete [[penal code]] and explored fundamental legal theory. While in his lifetime Bentham was a prolific letter writer, he published little and remained obscure to the public until his death.<ref name="Correspondence"/>{{rp|385}} |
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Bentham thought that the chief mechanism that would bring the manager of the panopticon prison in line with the duty to be humane would be [[publicity]]. Bentham tried to put his ''duty and interest junction principle'' into practice by encouraging a public debate on prisons. Bentham's ''inspection principle'' applied not only to the inmates of the panopticon prison, but also the manager. The unaccountable [[Prison officer|gaoler]] was to be observed by the general public and public officials. The apparently constant surveillance of the prison inmates by the panopticon manager and the occasional observation of the manager by the general public was to solve the age old philosophic question: "[[Quis custodiet ipsos custodes?|Who guards the guards?]]"<ref>{{cite book | author= James E. Crimmins |title=The Bloomsbury Encyclopedia of Utilitarianism |year=2017 |publisher= Bloomsbury Publishing |isbn= 9781350021686 |pages= 396}}</ref> |
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Bentham continued to develop the panopticon concept, as [[industrialisation]] advanced in [[England]] and an increasing number of workers were required to work in ever larger [[factories]].<ref>{{cite book | author= Alan Briskin |title=Stirring of Soul in the Workplace |year=1998 |publisher= Berrett-Koehler Publishers |isbn= 9781605096162 |pages= 78}}</ref> Bentham commissioned drawings from an architect, [[Willey Reveley]]. Bentham reasoned that if the prisoners of the panopticon prison could be seen but never knew when they were watched, the prisoners would need to follow the rules. Bentham also thought that Reveley's prison design could be used for [[factory|factories]], [[Psychiatric hospital|asylum]]s, [[hospitals]], and [[school]]s.<ref>{{cite book | author1-first= Joel |author1-last=Gold |author2-first=Ian |author2-last=Gold |title=Suspicious Minds: How Culture Shapes Madness |year=2015 |publisher= Simon and Schuster |isbn= 9781439181560 |pages= 210}}</ref> |
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Bentham remained bitter throughout his later life about the rejection of the panopticon scheme, convinced that it had been thwarted by the king and an aristocratic elite. It was largely because of his sense of injustice and frustration that he developed his ideas of ''sinister interest'' – that is, of the vested interests of the powerful conspiring against a wider public interest – which underpinned many of his broader arguments for reform.<ref>{{cite book | author=Philip Schofield |title=Bentham: a guide for the perplexed |year=2009 |place=London |publisher= Continuum |isbn= 978-0-8264-9589-1 |pages= 90–93}}</ref> |
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== Prison design == |
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{{quote |The Building circular – an iron cage, glazed – a glass lantern about the size of Ranelagh – The Prisoners in their Cells, occupying the Circumference – The Officers, the Centre. By Blinds, and other contrivances, the Inspectors concealed from the observation of the Prisoners: hence the sentiment of a sort of invisible omnipresence. – The whole circuit reviewable with little, or, if necessary, without any, change of place.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Pandaemonium 1660–1886: The Coming of the Machine as Seen by Contemporary Observers |author=Humphrey Jennings| publisher=Icon Books| year=2012| isbn=9781848315860}}</ref> |Jeremy Bentham (1791). ''Panopticon, or The Inspection House''}} |
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[[File:Millbank Prison Plan.jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.2|200px|Plan of [[Millbank Prison]]: six pentagons with a tower at the centre are arranged around a chapel.]] |
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[[File:Eastern State Penitentiary Annotated Floor Plan.jpg|thumb|200px|Annotated floor plan of Eastern State Penitentiary in 1836]] |
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[[File:J F A McNair, architectural drawing of a proposed prison at Outram, Singapore (1880s).jpg|200px|thumb|An 1880s architectural drawing by [[John Frederick Adolphus McNair]] depicting a proposed prison at [[Outram, Singapore]] that was never built.]] |
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[[File:Presidio Modelo.JPG|thumb|200px|The disused [[Presidio Modelo]] in Cuba, now a museum. Photo taken 2005.]] |
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[[File:Presidio-modelo2.JPG|thumb|200px|Inside one of the buildings of the Presidio Modelo.]] |
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Bentham's proposal for a panopticon prison met with great interest among British government officials not only because it incorporated the [[Pleasure principle (psychology)|pleasure-pain principle]] developed by the [[materialism|materialist]] philosopher [[Thomas Hobbes]], but also because Bentham joined the emerging discussion on [[political economy]]. Bentham argued that the confinement of the prison, "which is his punishment, preventing [the prisoner from] carrying the work to another market."{{clarify|post-text=– missing verb|date=August 2019}} Key to Bentham's proposals and efforts to build a panopticon prison in Millbank at his own expense, was the "means of extracting labour" out of prisoners in the panopticon.<ref name="Kelly 2017">{{cite book |title=Newgate Narratives |author= Gary Kelly|year=2017 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=9781351221405 }}</ref> In his 1791 writing ''Panopticon, or The Inspection House'', Bentham reasoned that those working fixed hours needed to be overseen.<ref>{{cite book | author = Gillian Darley |title=Factory | url = https://archive.org/details/factoryobjekt00darl | url-access = limited |year=2003 |publisher= Reaktion Books |isbn= 9781861891556 |pages= [https://archive.org/details/factoryobjekt00darl/page/n54 53]}}</ref> Also, in 1791 Jean Philippe Garran de Coulon presented a paper on Bentham's panopticon prison concepts to the [[National Legislative Assembly (France)|National Legislative Assembly]] in revolutionary France.<ref>{{cite book | author = Dan Edelstein |title = The Terror of Natural Right: Republicanism, the Cult of Nature, and the French Revolution |year=2010 |publisher= University of Chicago Press |isbn= 9780226184395 }}</ref> |
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In 1812 persistent problems with [[Newgate Prison]] and other London prisons prompted the British government to fund the construction of a prison in Millbank at the taxpayers' expense. Based on Bentham's panopticon plans, the [[Millbank Prison|National Penitentiary]] opened in 1821. Millbank Prison, as it became known, was controversial and failed in extracting valuable labour out of prisoners. Millbank Prison was even blamed for causing mental illness among prisoners. Nevertheless, the British government placed an increasing emphasis on prisoners doing meaningful work, instead of engaging in humiliating and meaningless kill-times.<ref name="Kelly 2017"/> Bentham lived to see Millbank Prison built and did not support the approach taken by the British government. His writings had virtually no immediate effect on the architecture of taxpayer-funded prisons that were to be built. Between 1818 and 1821 a small prison for women was built in Lancaster. It has been observed that the architect [[Joseph Gandy]] modelled it very closely on Bentham's panopticon prison plans. The K-wing near [[Lancaster Castle|Lancaster Castle prison]] is a semi-rotunda with a central tower for the supervisor and five storeys with nine cells on each floor.<ref name="Simon 2016 p43">{{cite book |title=Architecture and Justice: Judicial Meanings in the Public Realm |author=Jonathan Simon|year=2016 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=9781317179382 |page=43 }}</ref> |
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It was the [[Pentonville prison]], which was built in London after Bentham's death in 1832, that was to serve as a model for a further 54 prisons in [[Victorian Britain]]. Built between 1840 and 1842 according to the plans of [[Joshua Jebb]], Pentonville prison had a central hall with radial prison wings.<ref name="Simon 2016 p43"/> It has been claimed that Bentham's panopticon influenced the radial design of 19th-century prisons built on the principles of the "[[separate system]]", including [[Eastern State Penitentiary]] in [[Philadelphia]], which opened in 1829.<ref>{{cite book |last= Andrzejewski |first= Anna Vemer |title= Building Power: Architecture and Surveillance in Victorian America |place= Knoxville |publisher= University of Tennessee Press |year= 2008 |isbn= 978-1-57233631-5 |pages= 18–19}}</ref> But the Pennsylvania–Pentonville architectural model with its radial prison wings was not designed to facilitate constant surveillance of individual prisoners. Guards had to walk from the hall along the radial corridors and could only observe prisoners in their cells by looking through the cell door's [[peephole]].<ref>{{cite book | author= Jacqueline Z. Wilson |title= Prison: Cultural Memory and Dark Tourism |publisher= Peter Lang |year= 2008 |isbn= 9781433102790 |pages= 37}}</ref> |
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In 1925 [[Cuba]]'s president [[Gerardo Machado]] set out to build a modern prison, based on Bentham's concepts and employing the latest scientific theories on [[Rehabilitation (penology)|rehabilitation]]. A Cuban envoy tasked with studying [[US prisons]] in advance of the construction of [[Presidio Modelo]] had been greatly impressed with [[Stateville Correctional Center]] in [[Illinois]] and the cells in the new circular prison were too faced inwards towards a central guard tower. Because of the shuttered guard tower the guards could see the prisoners, but the prisoners could not see the guards. Cuban officials theorised that the prisoners would "behave" if there was a probable chance that they were under [[surveillance]] and once prisoners behaved they could be rehabilitated. |
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Between 1926 and 1931 the Cuban government built four such panopticons connected with tunnels to a massive central structure that served as a community centre. Each panopticon had five floors with 93 cells. In keeping with Bentham's ideas, none of the cells had doors. Prisoners were free to roam the prison and participate in workshops to learn a trade or become literate, the hope being that they would become productive [[citizen]]s. However, by the time [[Fidel Castro]] was imprisoned at [[Presidio Modelo]], the four circulars were packed with 6,000 men, every floor was filled with trash, there was no running water, food rations were meagre, and the government supplied only the bare necessities of life.<ref>{{cite book |title=Spycraft: The Secret History of the CIA's Spytechs, from Communism to Al-Qaeda |author1-first= Robert |author1-last=Wallace |author2-first=H. Keith |author2-last=Melton |author3-first=Henry R. |author3-last=Schlesinger|year=2008 |publisher=Penguin |isbn=9781440635304 |pages= 258–259 }}</ref> |
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In the Netherlands [[Koepelgevangenis (Breda)|Breda]], [[Koepelgevangenis (Arnhem)|Arnhem]] and [[Koepelgevangenis (Haarlem)|Haarlem penitentiary]] are cited as historic panopticon prisons. However, these circular prisons with their 400 or so cells fail as panopticons because the inwards-facing cell windows were so small that guards could not see the entire cell. The lack of surveillance that was actually possible in prisons with small cells and doors discounts many circular prison designs from being a panopticon as it had been envisaged by Bentham.<ref name="Horne 2014 pp28-29">{{cite book |title=The Inspection House: An Impertinent Field Guide to Modern Surveillance |author1-first=Tim |author1-last=Maly |author2-first=Emily |author2-last=Horne |year=2014 |publisher=Coach House Books |isbn=9781552453018 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/inspectionhousei0000horn/page/28 28–29] |url=https://archive.org/details/inspectionhousei0000horn/page/28 }}</ref> In 2006 one of the first digital panopticon prisons opened near Amsterdam. Every prisoner in the [[Lelystad Prison]] wears an [[Electronic tagging|electronic tag]] and by design, only six guards are needed for 150 prisoners instead of the usual 15 or more.<ref name="Horne 2014 pp28-29"/> |
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== Architecture of other institutions == |
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[[File:Bentham industry-house 1812.png|thumb|200px|right|Bentham's 1812 ''industry-house'' for 2000 persons.]] |
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[[Jeremy Bentham]]'s panopticon architecture was not original, as [[Rotunda (architecture)|rotundas]] had been used before, as for example in industrial buildings. However, Bentham turned the rotund architecture into a structure with a societal function, so that humans themselves became the object of control.<ref>{{cite book |title=Open Prison Architecture: Design Criteria for a New Prison Typology |author= Luigi Vessella |year=2017 |publisher=WITPress |isbn=9781784662479 |page=10 }}</ref> The idea for a panopticon had been prompted by his brother [[Samuel Bentham]]'s work in Russia and had been inspired by existing architectural traditions. Samuel Bentham had studied at the [[Ecole Militaire]] in 1751, and at about 1773 the prominent French architect [[Claude-Nicolas Ledoux]] had finished his designs for the [[Royal Saltworks at Arc-et-Senans]].<ref>{{cite book |title=Rethinking Art History: Meditations on a Coy Science |url=https://archive.org/details/rethinkingarthis00prez |url-access=registration |author= Donald Preziosi|year=1989 |publisher=Yale University Press |isbn= 9780300049831 |page=[https://archive.org/details/rethinkingarthis00prez/page/65 65-66] }}</ref> [[William Strutt]] in cooperation with his friend Jeremy Bentham built a round mill in [[Belper]], so that one supervisor could oversee an entire [[shop floor]] from the centre of the round mill. The mill was built between 1803 and 1813 and was used for production until the late 19th century. It was demolished in 1959.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Belper From Old Photographs|author=Adrian Farmer|publisher=Amberley Publishing Limited |year=2013|isbn=9781445619620|pages=155}}</ref> In Bentham's 1812 writing ''Pauper management improved: particularly by means of an application of the Panopticon principle of construction'', he included a building for an "industry-house establishment" that could hold 2000 persons.<ref>{{cite book |title=Architecture and Justice: Judicial Meanings in the Public Realm |author= Jonathan Simon |year=1989 |publisher=Routledge |isbn= 9781317179382 |page=44 }}</ref> In 1812 Samuel Bentham, who had by then risen to brigardier-general, tried to persuade the [[British Admiralty]] to construct an [[arsenal]] panopticon in Kent. Before returning home to London he had constructed a panopticon in 1807, near [[St Petersburg]], which served as a training centre for young men wishing to work in naval manufacturing.<ref>{{cite book | author = Gillian Darley |title=Factory | url = https://archive.org/details/factoryobjekt00darl | url-access = limited |year=2003 |publisher= Reaktion Books |isbn= 9781861891556 |pages= [https://archive.org/details/factoryobjekt00darl/page/n55 54]}}</ref> The panopticon, Bentham writes: |
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{{quote |will be found applicable, I think, without exception to all establishments whatsoever, in which within a space not too large to be covered or commanded by buildings, a number of persons are meant to be kept under inspections. No matter how different or even opposite the purpose.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Panopticon Or the Inspection House, Volume 2 |author=Jeremy Bentham| publisher=London| year=1791}}</ref> |Jeremy Bentham (1791). ''Panopticon, or The Inspection House''}} |
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[[File:Contrasted Residences for the Poor.jpg|thumb|200px|left|upright|A plate by Pugin.]] |
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Despite the fact that no panopticon was built during Bentham's lifetime, the principles he established on the panopticon prompted considerable discussion and debate. Shortly after [[Jeremy Bentham]]'s death in 1832 his ideas were criticised by [[Augustus Pugin]], who in 1841 published the second edition of his work ''[[Augustus Pugin#Contrasts|Contrasts]]'' in which one plate showed a "Modern Poor House". He contrasted an English [[Gothic architecture|medieval gothic town]] in 1400 with the same town in 1840 where broken [[spire]]s and factory [[chimney]]s dominate the skyline, with a panopticon in the foreground replacing the Christian [[hospice]]. Pugin, who went on to become one of the most influential 19th-century writers on [[architecture]], was influenced by [[Hegel]] and [[German idealism]].<ref>{{cite book |title=Architecture Re-assembled: The Use (and Abuse) of History |author= Trevor Garnham|year=2013 |publisher=Routledge |isbn= 9781134052998 |page=47 }}</ref> In 1835 the first annual report of the [[Poor Law Commission]] included two designs by the commission's architect [[Sampson Kempthorne]]. His Y-shape and cross-shape designs for [[workhouse]] expressed the panopticon principle by positioning the master's room as central point. The designs provided for the segregation of occupants and maximum visibility from the centre.<ref>{{cite book |title=Familiar Past?: Archaeologies of Later Historical Britain |author1-first= Sarah |author1-last=Tarlow |author2-first=Susie |author2-last=West|year=2002 |publisher=Routledge|isbn=9781134660346 |page=131 & 134 }}</ref> Professor [[David Rothman]] came to the conclusion that Bentham's panopticon prison did not inform the architecture of early [[Psychiatric hospital|asylums]] in the United States.<ref>{{cite book |title=The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic |author= David Rothman|year=2017 |publisher=Routledge|isbn=9781351483643 |page=xliv }}</ref> |
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== Criticism and use as metaphor == |
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In 1965 the conservative historian [[Shirley Robin Letwin]] traced the [[Fabian Society|Fabian]] zest for [[social planning]] to early utilitarian thinkers. She argued that Bentham's pet gadget, the panopticon prison, was a device of such monstrous efficiency that it left no room for humanity. She accused Bentham of forgetting the dangers of unrestrained power and argued that "in his ardour for reform, Bentham prepared the way for what he feared". Recent [[Libertarian]] thinkers began to regard Bentham's entire philosophy as having paved the way for [[totalitarian state]]s.<ref name="Semple 1993 pp3-4">{{cite book |title=Bentham's Prison: A Study of the Panopticon Penitentiary |first=Janet |last=Semple|year=1993 |publisher= Clarendon Press|isbn=9780191590818 |pages=3–4 }}</ref> In the late 1960s, the American historian [[Gertrude Himmelfarb]], who had published ''The Haunted House of Jeremy Bentham'' in 1965, was at the forefront of depicting Bentham's mechanism of surveillance as a tool of oppression and social control.<ref>{{cite book |first=Gertrude |last= Himmelfarb |author-link=Gertrude Himmelfarb |chapter=The Haunted House of Jeremy Bentham |editor1-first= Richard |editor1-last= Herr |editor2-first=Harold T. |editor2-last=Parker |title=Ideas in History: essays presented to Louis Gottschalk by his former students |chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/ideasinhistoryes0000herr |chapter-url-access=registration |publisher=Duke University Press |place=Durham, North Carolina |year= 1965}}</ref><ref name="Semple 1993 pp3-4"/> David John Manning published ''The Mind of Jeremy Bentham'' in 1986, in which he reasoned that Bentham's fear of instability caused him to advocate ruthless [[Social engineering (political science)|social engineering]] and a society in which there could be no [[privacy]] or [[Toleration|tolerance]] for the deviant.<ref name="Semple 1993 pp3-4"/> |
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In the mid-1970s, the panopticon was brought to the wider attention by the French psychoanalyst [[Jacques-Alain Miller]] and the French philosopher [[Michel Foucault]].<ref>{{cite book |title=An Utterly Dark Spot: Gaze and Body in Early Modern Philosophy |first=Miran |last=Božovič |year=2000 |publisher= University of Michigan Press|isbn=9780472111404 |page=95 }}</ref> In 1975 Foucault used the panopticon as metaphor for the modern disciplinary society in ''[[Discipline and Punish]]''. He argued that the disciplinary society had emerged in the 18th century and that discipline are techniques for assuring the ordering of human complexities, with the ultimate aim of docility and utility in the system.<ref name="Fontana-Giusti 2013 pp89-92">{{cite book |title=Foucault for Architects |first=Gordana |last=Fontana-Giusti|year=2013 |publisher=Routledge|isbn= 9781135010096 |page=89–92 }}</ref> Foucault first came across the panopticon architecture when he studied the origins of [[clinical medicine]] and hospital architecture in the second half of the 18th century. He argued that discipline had replaced the pre-modern society of kings, and that the panopticon should not be understood as a building, but as a mechanism of power and a diagram of political technology.<ref name="Fontana-Giusti 2013 pp89-92"/> |
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Foucault argued that discipline had crossed the technological threshold already in the late 18th century, when the right to observe and accumulate knowledge had been extended from the prison to hospitals, schools, and later factories.<ref name="Fontana-Giusti 2013 pp89-92"/> In his historic analysis, Foucault reasoned that with the disappearance of [[public executions]] pain had been gradually eliminated as [[punishment]] in a society ruled by reason.<ref name="Fontana-Giusti 2013 pp89-92"/> The modern prison in the 1970s, with its corrective technology, was rooted in the changing legal powers of the state. While acceptance for [[corporal punishment]] diminished, the state gained the right to administer more subtle methods of punishment, such as to observe.<ref name="Fontana-Giusti 2013 pp89-92"/> The French sociologist [[Henri Lefebvre]] studied [[urban space]] and Foucault's interpretation of the panopticon prison, arriving at the conclusion that [[Three-dimensional space|spatiality]] is a social phenomenon. Lefebvre contended, that [[architecture]] is no more than the relationship between the panopticon, people, and objects. In [[urban studies]], academics such as [[Marc Schuilenburg]] now argue that a different self-consciousness arises among humans who live in an urban area.<ref>{{cite book |title=Mediapolis: Popular Culture and the City |author1-first= Alex |author1-last=de Jong |author2-first=Marc |author2-last=Schuilenburg|year=2006 |publisher= 010 Publishers |isbn=9789064506284 |page=146 }}</ref> |
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[[File:BigBrother.jpg|right|thumb|Wall of an industrial building in Donetsk, Ukraine]] |
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In 1984 [[Michael Radford]] gained international attention for the cinematographic panopticon he had staged in the film [[Nineteen Eighty-Four (1984 film)|''Nineteen Eighty-Four'']]. Of the [[telescreen]]s in the landmark surveillance narrative ''[[Nineteen Eighty-Four]]'' (1949), [[George Orwell]] said: "there was of course no way of knowing whether you were being watched at any given moment ... you had to live ... in the assumption that every sound you made was overheard, and, except in darkness, every movement scrutinised".<ref>{{Cite book | first = George | last = Orwell | title = Nineteen Eighty-Four | orig-year = 1949 | pages = 4, 5 | publisher = Penguin | year = 1989}}</ref> In Radford's film the telescreens were bidirectional and in a world with an ever increasing number of telescreen devices the citizens of Oceania were spied on more than they thought possible.<ref>{{cite book |title=Surveillance on Screen: Monitoring Contemporary Films and Television Programs |first=Sebastien |last=Lefait |year=2013 |publisher=Rowman & Littlefield |isbn=9780810885905 |page=[https://archive.org/details/surveillanceonsc0000lefa/page/24 24] |url=https://archive.org/details/surveillanceonsc0000lefa/page/24 }}</ref> In ''The Electronic Eye: The Rise of Surveillance Society'' (1994) the sociologist [[David Lyon (sociologist)|David Lyon]] concluded that "no single metaphor or model is adequate to the task of summing up what is central to contemporary surveillance, but important clues are available in ''Nineteen Eighty-Four'' and in Bentham's panopticon".<ref>{{cite book |title=The Electronic Eye: The Rise of Surveillance Society |url=https://archive.org/details/electroniceyeris0000lyon |url-access=registration |first=David |last=Lyon |year=1994 |publisher=University of Minnesota Press |isbn=9781452901732 |page= [https://archive.org/details/electroniceyeris0000lyon/page/78 78]}}</ref> |
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The French philosopher [[Gilles Deleuze]] shaped the emerging field of surveillance studies with the 1990 essay ''Postscript on the Societies of Control''.<ref name="Ball & Haggerty 2012">{{cite book |title=Routledge Handbook of Surveillance Studies |author1-first=Kirstie |author1-last=Ball |author2-first=David |author2-last=Lyon |author3-first=Kevin D. |author3-last=Haggerty|year=2012 |publisher=Routledge|isbn=9780415588836 }}</ref>{{rp|21}} Deleuze argued that the society of control is replacing the discipline society. With regards to the panopticon, Deleuze argued that "enclosures are moulds ... but controls are a modulation". Deleuze observed that technology had allowed physical enclosures, such as schools, factories, prisons and office buildings, to be replaced by a self-governing machine, which extends [[surveillance]] in a quest to manage production and consumption. Information circulates in the control society, just like products in the modern economy, and meaningful objects of surveillance are sought out as forward-looking profiles and simulated pictures of future demands, needs and risks are drawn up.<ref name="Ball & Haggerty 2012"/>{{rp|27}} |
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In 1997 [[Thomas Mathiesen]] in turn expanded on Foucault's use of the panopticon metaphor when analysing the effects of [[mass media]] on society. He argued that mass media such as [[broadcast television]] gave many people the ability to view the few from their own homes and gaze upon the lives of [[reporters]] and [[celebrities]]. Mass media has thus turned the discipline society into a viewer society.<ref>{{cite book |title=The Evolution and Social Impact of Video Game Economics |editor= Casey B. Hart|year=2017 |publisher=Lexington Books|isbn= 9781498543422 |page=57 }}</ref> In the 1998 satirical science fiction film ''[[The Truman Show]]'', the protagonist eventually escapes the OmniCam Ecosphere, the [[reality television]] show that, unknown to him, broadcasts his life around the clock and across the globe. But in 2002 [[Peter Weibel]] noted that the [[entertainment industry]] does not consider the panopticon as a threat or punishment, but as "amusement, liberation and pleasure". With reference to the [[Big Brother (franchise)|''Big Brother'']] television shows of [[Endemol Entertainment]], in which a group of people live in a container studio apartment and allow themselves to be recorded constantly, Weibel argued that the panopticon provides the masses with "the pleasure of power, the pleasure of sadism, voyeurism, exhibitionism, scopophilia, and narcissism". In 2006, [[Shoreditch TV]] became available to residents of the [[Shoreditch]] in London, so that they could tune in to watch CCTV footage live. The service allowed residents "to see what's happening, check out the traffic and keep an eye out for crime".<ref>{{cite book |title=Toward a Ludic Architecture: The Space of Play and Games |first=Steffen P. |last=Walz|year=2010 |publisher=Lulu|isbn=9780557285631 |page=258 }}</ref> |
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In their 2004 book ''Welcome to the Machine: Science, Surveillance, and the Culture of Control'', [[Derrick Jensen]] and George Draffan called Bentham "one of the pioneers of modern surveillance" and argued that his panopticon prison design serves as the model for modern [[Supermax prison|supermaximum security prison]]s, such as [[Pelican Bay State Prison]] in California.<ref>{{cite book |title=Welcome to the Machine: Science, Surveillance, and the Culture of Control |url=https://archive.org/details/welcometomachine00jens |url-access=limited |author1-first=Derrick |author1-last=Jensen |author2-first=George |author2-last=Draffan|year=2004 |publisher=Chelsea Green Publishing |isbn=9781931498524 |pages= [https://archive.org/details/welcometomachine00jens/page/n13 8]–9 }}</ref> In the 2015 book ''Dark Matters: On the Surveillance of Blackness'', [[Simone Browne (sociologist)|Simone Browne]] noted that Bentham travelled on a ship carrying [[slaves]] as cargo while drafting his panopticon proposal. She argues that the structure of chattel slavery haunts the theory of the panopticon. She proposes that the 1789 plan of the [[slave ship]] ''[[Brookes (ship)|Brookes]]'' should be regarded as the paradigmatic blueprint.<ref>{{cite book |first=Simone |last=Browne |author-link=Simone Browne (sociologist) |title=Dark Matters: On the Surveillance of Blackness |publisher=Duke University Press |place=Durham, North Carolina|year=2015 |isbn=9780822359197 }}</ref> Drawing on [[Didier Bigo]]'s [[Banopticon]], Brown argues that society is ruled by exceptionalism of power, where the [[state of emergency]] becomes permanent and certain groups are excluded on the basis of their future potential behaviour as determined through [[Offender profiling|profiling]].<ref>{{cite book |title=Handbook on the Geographies of Power |author1-first=Mat |author1-last=Coleman |author2-first=John |author2-last=Agnew|year=2012 |publisher=Edward Elgar Publishing|isbn=9781785365645 |page=77 }}</ref> |
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=== Surveillance technology === |
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[[File:THE CENTRAL POLICE CONTROL STATION, MANNED 24 HOURS A DAY CONTROLS ALL TRAFFIC LIGHTS, RECEIVES REMOTE TV INPUTS FROM... - NARA - 551905.tif|thumb|200px|Closed circuit TV monitoring at the Central Police Control Station, Munich, 1973.]] |
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[[File:Bansky one nation under cctv.jpg|200px|thumb|right|[[Graffiti]] about video surveillance.]] |
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The metaphor of the panopticon prison has been employed to analyse the social significance of [[surveillance]] by [[closed-circuit television]] (CCTV) cameras in public spaces. In 1990, [[Mike Davis (scholar)|Mike Davis]] reviewed the design and operation of a [[shopping mall]], with its centralised control room, CCTV cameras and security guards, and came to the conclusion that it "plagiarizes brazenly from Jeremy Bentham's renowned nineteenth-century design". In their 1996 study of CCTV camera installations in British cities, [[Nicholas Fyfe]] and [[Jon Bannister]] called central and local government policies that facilitated the rapid spread of CCTV surveillance a dispersal of an "electronic panopticon". Particular attention has been drawn to the similarities of CCTV with Bentham's prison design because CCTV technology enabled, in effect, a central observation tower, staffed by an unseen observer.<ref name="Lyon 2003">{{cite book |title=Surveillance as Social Sorting: Privacy, Risk, and Digital Discrimination |first=David |last=Lyon|year=2003 |publisher=Psychology Press |isbn= 9780415278737 }}</ref>{{rp|249}} |
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=== Employment and management === |
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[[Shoshana Zuboff]] used the metaphor of the panopticon in her 1988 book ''In the Age of the Smart Machine: The Future of Work and Power'' to describe how computer technology makes work more visible. Zuboff examined how computer systems were used for [[employee monitoring]] to track the behavior and output of workers. She used the term 'panopticon' because the workers could not tell that they were being spied on, while the manager was able to check their work continuously. Zuboff argued that there is a collective responsibility formed by the hierarchy in the ''information panopticon'' that eliminates subjective opinions and judgements of managers on their employees. Because each employee's contribution to the production process is translated into objective data, it becomes more important for managers to be able to analyze the work rather than analyze the people.<ref>{{Cite book |title = In the Age of the Smart Machine: The Future of Work and Power | first = Shoshana | last = Zuboff |year= 1988 | publisher = Basic Books | url = https://courses.lis.illinois.edu/pluginfile.php/227065/mod_resource/content/1/zuboff_info_panopticon.pdf |pages = 315–361}}</ref> |
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[[File:Callcentreterminal.JPG|thumb|200px|A call centre worker at his workstation.]] |
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Foucault's use of the panopticon metaphor shaped the debate on workplace surveillance in the 1970s. In 1981 the sociologist [[Anthony Giddens]] expressed scepticism about the ongoing surveillance debate, criticising that "Foucault's 'archaeology', in which human beings do not make their own history but are swept along by it, does not adequately acknowledge that those subject to the power ... are knowledgeable agents, who resist, blunt or actively alter the conditions of life."<ref name="Lyon 2003"/>{{rp|39}} The [[social alienation]] of workers and management in the industrialised production process had long been studied and theorised. In the 1950s and 1960s, the emerging [[behavioural science]] approach led to [[Psychometrics|skills testing]] and [[Recruitment|recruitment processes]] that sought out employees that would be organisationally committed. [[Fordism]], [[Taylorism]] and bureaucratic management of factories was still assumed to reflect a mature industrial society. The [[Hawthorne effect|Hawthorne Plant experiments]] (1924–1933) and a significant number of subsequent empirical studies led to the reinterpretation of alienation: instead of being a given power relationship between the worker and management, it came to be seen as hindering progress and modernity.<ref>{{cite book |title=Strategic Human Resource Development |url=https://archive.org/details/strategichumanre00grie |url-access=limited |first=Jim |last=Grieves |year=2003 |publisher=SAGE |isbn= 9781412932288 |page=[https://archive.org/details/strategichumanre00grie/page/n26 18] }}</ref> The increasing employment in the [[service industries]] has also been re-evaluated. In ''Entrapped by the electronic panopticon? Worker resistance in the call centre'' (2000), Phil Taylor and Peter Bain argue that the large number of people employed in [[call centres]] undertake predictable and monotonous work that is badly paid and offers few prospects. As such, they argue, it is comparable to factory work.<ref name="Taska & Barnes 2012">{{cite book |title= Rethinking Misbehavior and Resistance in Organizations |author1-first= Lucy |author1-last= Taska |author2-first= Alison |author2-last= Barnes |year= 2012 |publisher= Emerald Group Publishing |isbn= 9781780526621 |page= [https://archive.org/details/rethinkingmisbeh0000unse/page/15 15] |url= https://archive.org/details/rethinkingmisbeh0000unse/page/15 }}</ref>{{rp|15}} |
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The panopticon has become a symbol of the extreme measures that some companies take in the name of efficiency as well as to guard against employee theft. ''Time-theft'' by workers has become accepted as an output restriction and [[theft]] has been associated by management with all behaviour that include avoidance of work. In the past decades "unproductive behaviour" has been cited as rationale for introducing a range of surveillance techniques and the vilification of employees who resist them.<ref name="Taska & Barnes 2012"/>{{rp|x}} In a 2009 paper by Max Haiven and Scott Stoneman entitled ''[[Walmart|Wal-Mart]]: The Panopticon of Time''<ref>{{Cite web | url = https://www.salon.com/2014/02/23/worse_than_wal_mart_amazons_sick_brutality_and_secret_history_of_ruthlessly_intimidating_workers/ | first = Simon | last = Head | date = 23 February 2014 |title= Worse than Wal-Mart: Amazon's sick brutality and secret history of ruthlessly intimidating workers | work = Salon }}</ref> and the 2014 book by Simon Head ''Mindless: Why Smarter Machines Are Making Dumber Humans'', which describes conditions at an [[Amazon (company)|Amazon]] depot in [[Augsburg]], it is argued that catering at all times to the desires of the customer can lead to increasingly oppressive corporate environments and [[production quota|quotas]] in which many warehouse workers can no longer keep up with demands of management.<ref>{{cite book |first= Simon |last=Head |chapter= Walmart and Amazon |editor= Tim Bartlett |title= Mindless: Why Smarter Machines Makes Dumber Humans |publisher= Basic Books |year= 2014 |isbn= 9780465018444}}</ref> |
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=== Social media === |
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The concept of panopticon has been referenced in early discussions about the impact of [[social media]]. The notion of ''dataveillance'' was coined by Roger Clarke in 1987, since then academic researchers have used expressions such as ''superpanopticon'' ([[Mark Poster]] 1990), ''panoptic sort'' ([[Oscar H. Gandy Jr.]] 1993) and ''electronic panopticon'' ([[David Lyon (sociologist)|David Lyon]] 1994) to describe social media. Because the controlled is at the center and surrounded by those who watch, early surveillance studies treat social media as a reverse panopticon.<ref name="Romele et al 2015 pp377-378">{{cite book |title=Technologies of Voluntary Servitude (TovS): A Post-Foucauldian Perspective on Social media |author1-first=Alberto |author1-last=Romele |author2-first=Camilla |author2-last=Emmenegger |author3-first=Francesco |author3-last=Gallino |author4-first=Daniel |author4-last=Gorgone |editor1-first=Paula |editor1-last=Peres |editor2-first=Anabela |editor2-last=Mesquita|series=ECSM2015-Proceedings of the 2nd European Conference on Social Media 2015: ECSM 2015|year=2015 |publisher=Academic Conferences Limited |isbn=9781910810316 |pages=377–378}}</ref> |
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In modern academic literature on social media, terms like ''lateral surveillance'', ''social searching'', and ''social surveillance'' are employed to critically evaluate the effects of social media. However, the sociologist [[Christian Fuchs (sociologist)|Christian Fuchs]] treats social media like a classical panopticon. He argues that the focus should not be on the relationship between the users of a medium, but the relationship between the users and the medium. Therefore, he argues that the relationship between the large number of users and the sociotechnical [[Web 2.0]] platform, like [[Facebook]], amounts to a panopticon. Fuchs draws attention to the fact that use of such platforms requires identification, classification and assessment of users by the platforms and therefore, he argues, the definition of [[privacy]] must be reassessed to incorporate stronger [[consumer protection]] and protection of citizens from [[corporate surveillance]].<ref name="Romele et al 2015 pp377-378"/> |
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== The arts and literature == |
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[[File:The_Royal_Panopticon_of_Science_and_Art_1854.png|150px|thumb|right|A drawing of the [[interior design]], when [[The Royal Panopticon of Science and Art]] opened in 1854.]] |
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According to professor [[Donald Preziosi]], the panopticon prison of Bentham resonates with the ''memory theatre'' of [[Giulio Camillo]], where the sitting observer is at the centre and the phenomena are categorised in an [[Array data structure|array]], which makes comparison, distinction, contrast and variation legible.<ref>{{cite book |title=Rethinking Art History: Meditations on a Coy Science |url=https://archive.org/details/rethinkingarthis00prez |url-access=registration |author= Donald Preziosi|year=1989 |publisher=Yale University Press |isbn= 9780300049831 |page=[https://archive.org/details/rethinkingarthis00prez/page/66 66] }}</ref> Among the architectural references Bentham quoted for his panopticon prison was [[Ranelagh Gardens]], a London [[pleasure garden]] with a [[dome]] built around 1742. At the center of the [[rotunda (architecture)|rotunda]] beneath the dome was an elevated platform from which a [[360 degrees]] [[panorama]] could be viewed, illuminated through [[skylight]]s.<ref>{{cite book |title=Open Prison Architecture: Design Criteria for a New Prison Typology |author= Luigi Vessella |year=2017 |publisher=WITPress |isbn=9781784662479 |page=10 }}</ref> Professor [[Nicholas Mirzoeff]] compares the panopticon with the 19th-century [[diorama]], because the architecture is arranged so that the ''seer'' views [[Prison cell|cells]] or galleries.<ref>{{cite book |title=The Visual Culture Reader |author= Nicholas Mirzoeff|year=2002 |publisher=Psychology Press |isbn= 9780415252225 |page=403 }}</ref> |
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[[File:Diorama diagram.jpg|left|thumb|150px|Ground-plan of the Diorama Building, London 1823.]] |
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In 1854 the work on the building that was to house the [[Royal Panopticon of Science and Art]] in [[London]] was completed. The rotunda at the centre of the building was encircled with a 91 meter procession. The interior reflected the taste for religiously meaningless ornament and emerged out of the contemporary taste for recreational learning. Visitors of the Royal Panopticon of Science and Art could view changing exhibits, including [[vacuum flask]]s, a [[pin]] making [[machine]] and a [[Improved cookstove|cook stove]]. However, a competitive [[entertainment industry]] emerged in London<ref>{{Cite book|title=The Orient on the Victorian Stage |author= Edward Ziter| publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=2003 |isbn=9780521818292 | pages=119}}</ref> and despite the varying music, the large fountains, interesting experiments and opportunities for [[shopping]],<ref>{{Cite book|title=Charlotte Brontë: The Imagination in History |url=https://archive.org/details/charlottebrontei00glen |url-access=limited |author= Heather Glen| publisher= Oxford University Press |year=2002 |isbn= 9780198187615 | pages=[https://archive.org/details/charlottebrontei00glen/page/n225 213]}}</ref> two years after opening the amateur science panopticon project closed.<ref>{{Cite book|title=The Orient on the Victorian Stage |author= Edward Ziter| publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=2003 |isbn=9780521818292 | pages=119}}</ref> |
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Panopticon principle lies as the central idea in the plot of [[We (novel)]] (Russian: Мы, romanized: My), a dystopian novel by Russian writer [[Yevgeny Zamyatin]], written 1920–1921. Zamyatin goes beyond a concept of a single prison and projects panopticon principles to the whole society where people live in buildings with fully transparent walls. |
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Foucault's theories positioned Bentham's panopticon prison in the social structures of 1970s Europe. This led to the widespread use of the panopticon in literature, comic books, computer games, and TV series.<ref>{{cite book |title=David Mitchell's Post-Secular World: Buddhism, Belief and the Urgency of Compassion |author= Rose Harris-Birtill |year=2019 |publisher= Bloomsbury Publishing |isbn= 9781350078604 |page=120 }}</ref> In ''[[Doctor Who]],'' an abandoned panopticon was featured.<ref>Doctor Who, The Deadly Assassin, Season 14, Serial 3; November 1976</ref> In the 1981 the novella ''[[Chronicle of a Death Foretold]]'' by [[Gabriel García Márquez]] on the murder of [[Santiago Nasar]], chapter four is written with a view on the characters through the panopticon of [[Riohacha]].<ref>{{cite book |title= Gabriel García Márquez |author= Stephen Hart |year=2013 |publisher= Reaktion Books |isbn= 9781780232423 |page=121 }}</ref> [[Angela Carter]], in her 1984 novel'' [[Nights at the Circus]],'' linked the panopticon of ''Countes P'' to a "perverse honeycomb" and made the character the [[matriarchal]] [[queen bee]].<ref>{{cite book |title= Angela Carter: Surrealist, Psychologist, Moral Pornographer |author= Scott Dimovitz |year=2016 |publisher= Routledge |isbn= 9781317181125 |page=165 }}</ref> In the 2011 [[TV series]], ''[[Person of Interest (TV series)|Person of Interest]]'', Foucault's panopticon is used to grasp the pressure under which the character [[Harold Finch (Person of Interest)|Harold Finch]] suffers in the post-[[9/11]] United States of America.<ref>{{cite book |title= Crime, Deviance and Popular Culture: International and Multidisciplinary Perspectives | author = Dimitris Akrivos & Alexandros K. Antoniou |year=2019 |publisher= Springer |isbn= 9783030049126 |page=77–78 }}</ref> |
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{{clear}} |
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== See also == |
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{{wikisource|Panopticon or the Inspection-House}} |
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{{Div col|colwidth=20em}} |
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* [[Atrium (architecture)]] |
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* [[Architecture]] |
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* [[Consumerism]] |
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* [[Landscapes of power]] |
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* [[Mass surveillance]] |
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* [[PRISM (surveillance program)]] |
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* [[Right to privacy]] |
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* [[Social facilitation]] |
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* [[Sousveillance]] |
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* [[Urban planning]] |
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* [[Total institution]] |
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* [[Torture]] |
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{{Div col end}} |
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== References == |
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{{reflist}} |
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{{Conformity}} |
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{{Privacy}} |
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{{Online social networking}} |
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[[Category:18th-century philosophy]] |
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[[Category:Jeremy Bentham]] |
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[[Category:Prisons]] |
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[[Category:Surveillance]] |
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Revision as of 18:36, 23 July 2021
torra