Environmental racism in the United States: Difference between revisions

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====== Tribal outreach ======
====== Tribal outreach ======
USDA has had a role in implementing [[Michelle Obama]]'s ''[[Let's Move]]'' campaign in tribal areas by increasing [[Bureau of Indian Education]] schools' participation in federal nutrition programs, by developing community gardens on tribal lands, and developing tribal food policy councils.<ref name="ftn38">USDA, Strategic Plan at 6.</ref> This is combined with measures to provide Rural Development funding for community infrastructure in Indian Country.<ref name="ftn68">Holmes interview.</ref> The [[U.S. Forest Service]] (USFS) is working to update its policy on protection and management of Native American Sacred Sites, an effort that has included listening sessions and government-to-government consultation.<ref name="ftn78">USDA, Strategic Plan at 10, http://www.dm.usda.gov/hmmd/FinalUSDAEJSTRATScan_1.pdf {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120226184928/http://www.dm.usda.gov/hmmd/FinalUSDAEJSTRATScan_1.pdf|date=2012-02-26}} Plan.</ref> The Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service (APHIS) has also consulted with Tribes regarding management of reintroduced species where tribes may have a history of subsistence-level hunting of those species. Meanwhile, the Agricultural Marketing Service (AMS) is exploring a program to use meat from bisons raised on tribal land to supply AMS food distribution programs to tribes.<ref name="ftn68" /> The Intertribal Technical Assistance Network works to improve access of tribal governments, communities and individuals to USDA technical assistance programs.<ref name="ftn50">USDA, Progress Report at 8, http://www.dm.usda.gov/hmmd/FinalEJImplementationreport_1.pdf {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120226175225/http://www.dm.usda.gov/hmmd/FinalEJImplementationreport_1.pdf|date=2012-02-26}} Report.</ref>
The [[United States Environmental Protection Agency|US EPA]] holds annual conferences, such as the Tribal Leaders Environmental Forum (TLEF), with Native American tribal leaders; [[United States Environmental Protection Agency|EPA]] employees and tribal representatives meet in issue-based listening sessions and exchange environmental policy suggestions.<ref>{{Cite web|last=US EPA|first=OA|date=2021-08-10|title=EPA Announces 11th Annual Tribal Lands and Environment Forum|url=https://www.epa.gov/newsreleases/epa-announces-11th-annual-tribal-lands-and-environment-forum|access-date=2021-12-07|website=www.epa.gov|language=en}}</ref> The USDA has had a role in implementing [[Michelle Obama]]'s ''[[Let's Move]]'' campaign in tribal areas by increasing [[Bureau of Indian Education]] schools' participation in federal nutrition programs: they develop community gardens on tribal lands, build tribal food policy councils,<ref name="ftn38">USDA, Strategic Plan at 6.</ref> and provide Rural Development funding for community infrastructure in Indian Country.<ref name="ftn68">Holmes interview.</ref> The [[U.S. Forest Service]] (USFS) is working to update its policy on protection and management of Native American Sacred Sites, an effort that has included listening sessions and government-to-government consultation.<ref name="ftn78">USDA, Strategic Plan at 10, http://www.dm.usda.gov/hmmd/FinalUSDAEJSTRATScan_1.pdf {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120226184928/http://www.dm.usda.gov/hmmd/FinalUSDAEJSTRATScan_1.pdf|date=2012-02-26}} Plan.</ref> The Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service (APHIS) has also consulted with Tribes regarding management of reintroduced species where tribes may have a history of subsistence-level hunting of those species. Meanwhile, the Agricultural Marketing Service (AMS) is exploring a program to use meat from bisons raised on tribal land to supply AMS food distribution programs to tribes.<ref name="ftn68" /> The Intertribal Technical Assistance Network works to improve access of tribal governments, communities and individuals to USDA technical assistance programs.<ref name="ftn50">USDA, Progress Report at 8, http://www.dm.usda.gov/hmmd/FinalEJImplementationreport_1.pdf {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120226175225/http://www.dm.usda.gov/hmmd/FinalEJImplementationreport_1.pdf|date=2012-02-26}} Report.</ref> Federally recognized tribes are also eligible to apply for "Treatment as State" (TAS) status with the [[United States Environmental Protection Agency|EPA]], which gives the tribe jurisdictional authority to enforce their own environmental programs, regulations, and quality standards over nearby polluters or over the state in which they reside.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Diver|first=Sibyl|last2=Ahrens|first2=Daniel|last3=Arbit|first3=Talia|last4=Bakker|first4=Karen|date=2019-08-01|title=Engaging Colonial Entanglements: “Treatment as a State” Policy for Indigenous Water Co-Governance|url=https://doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00517|journal=Global Environmental Politics|volume=19|issue=3|pages=33–56|doi=10.1162/glep_a_00517|issn=1526-3800}}</ref>


====== Technical and financial assistance ======
====== Technical and financial assistance ======

Revision as of 20:49, 10 December 2021

Environmental racism is the concept that minority and low-income communities experience environmental harms, such as pollution and natural disasters, at a disproportionately high rate.[1]

Some scholars have coined environmental racism as the "New Jim Crow". Like Jim Crow laws, environmental racism systematically disenfranchises black people. It causes devastating impacts on the physical and mental health of African Americans, and creates disparities in many different spheres of life, such as transportation, housing, infrastructure, health, and economic opportunity.[2] Epidemiologists Joel Kaufman and Anjum Hajat argue that, “discriminatory policies and practices that constitute environmental racism have disproportionately burdened communities of color, specifically African-Americans, Native Americans, Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, and Hispanic populations.”[3]

Communities of color are more likely to be located next to pollution sources, such as landfills, power plants, and incinerators. There is evidence that exposure to pollution can result in a higher prevalence of disease.[4] Additionally, low-income communities of color are more likely to have polluted water. An analysis of EPA data found that unequal access to safe drinking water is strongly correlated with race.[5]

Natural disasters also tend to have unequal impacts on communities of color. The extent of poverty within a region can often have a much stronger effect on the scale of a natural disaster’s impact than the severity of the disaster itself.[6] Affluent, white communities tend to be located on higher ground, so they are less vulnerable to floods than communities of color. Moreover, disaster prevention and recovery plans are often biased against minorities in low-income areas.[7]

History

The true origins of the environmental justice movement are unclear. Throughout the twentieth century, victims of environmental racism and unjust land use have held protests and filed lawsuits against industry polluters and inattentive governments.[8] These efforts were scattered and did not become coordinated until the late 1900s. In 1968, grassroots environmental activists from several tribal nations met in Minnesota and formed an organization known as the American Indian Movement (AIM), which has since risen to prominence staging sit-ins and protests against the building of oil pipelines through indigenous lands.[9][10] The 1982 North Carolina PCB Protest is also widely recognized as spurring the modern and widely-publicized environmental justice movement.[11] In 1982, North Carolina state officials decided to place a landfill with highly toxic PCB-contaminated soil in the small town of Afton in Warren County, North Carolina. Afton was about 84% African American. This decision sparked the first national protest against the location of a hazardous waste facility. Organized by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, residents of Warren County, along with local civil rights and political leaders, gathered in opposition to the placement of the landfill site. Over 500 protesters were arrested.[12] In response, two major studies were published: the US General Accounting Office 1983, and the United Church of Christ 1987. Both studies found that there was a strong relationship between race and the location of hazardous waste facilities.[13]

The US General Accounting Office study conducted a survey of the locations of hazardous-waste facilities, and found that these facilities were more likely to be located in minority and low-income communities.[14] The United Church of Christ Commission for Racial Justice (CRJ) study found that three of the largest hazardous waste facilities were located in primarily Black areas, and accounted for 40% of the hazardous-waste landfill capacity in the United States.[15] The study also found that the strongest predictor of the placement of hazardous waste facilities was race, surpassing both household income and home values. An additional study conducted by the CRJ found that three out of five African and Hispanic Americans lived in communities with hazardous waste sites.[12]

Pollution

A protest at Crawford Coal Plant

Hazardous waste facilities

Recent studies show that hazardous waste facilities are more likely to be placed in communities of color and low-income neighborhoods.[16] In fact, communities with a high concentration of racial minorities are nine times more likely to be exposed to environmentally hazardous facilities than communities with a low concentration of minorities.[17] A study in Massachusetts by sociologists Daniel R. Faber and Eric J. Krieg found racially-based biases in the placement of 17 industrial waste facilities.[15] Residential segregation is correlated with higher cancer risk; as segregation increases, cancer incidence is higher.[18][19] A 2018 study by the American Journal of Public Health found that Black people are exposed to 54% more particulate matter than the average American.[4] In Los Angeles, minority children have the highest risk of being exposed to air pollution at school. Environmental health scientists Rachel Morello-Frosch and Manuel Pastor, Jr. found that “at schools ranked in the bottom fifth for air quality, the children were 92% minority.” They also found that air pollution is associated with decreased achievement in school.[20] The United States Environmental Protection Agency and United States Census Bureau found that, in the mid-Atlantic and Northeastern regions of the US, minorities are exposed to 66% more particulate matter from vehicles than white Americans.[21]

Water pollution

Through the 1940s and 1950s, the US Military responded to wartime industry by erecting uranium mines in the southwestern deserts.[22] The nearest residents were almost exclusively Native American tribal members, who make up just 4% of today's US population and are among the most affected racial minorities in terms of environmental racism.[23] Navajo and Hopi drinking water supply in Nevada, Arizona, and New Mexico continues to this day to be affected by runoff and pollution from neighboring mines.[24]

A more recent, highly publicized example of water pollution's disproportionate effect on racial minorities is the Flint Water Crisis. In 2014, Flint, Michigan, a city with a 57% Black population, switched its drinking water to the Flint River, which led to complaints about the water’s taste and color.[25] Studies found that the water was contaminated with lead from aging pipes.[26] As of 2015, the US government had spent $80 million in addressing the Flint Water Crisis.[27]

Also in 2015, the Gold King Mine spill contaminated 3 million gallons of water in the Colorado River, which served as a primary source of drinking water for the Navajo and Hopi nations downstream. The Navajo and Hopi subsequently recorded dangerously high levels of arsenic and lead in their water supply. Through the following litigative proceedings, the US EPA appropriated just $156,000 in reparations to those affected by the Gold King Mine spill.[28]

The Environmental Integrity Project and Earthjustice reviewed data from 4,600 groundwater monitoring wells at coal fired power plants. 91 percent of coal plants that are required to monitor groundwater near their coal ash dumps show unsafe levels of coal ash components in nearby groundwater. The report also found that 52 percent of plants had unsafe levels of cancer-causing arsenic and 60 percent showed unsafe levels of lithium in nearby groundwater.[29]

Health effects

Environmental pollution has been found to cause physical and mental disabilities, cancer, and asthma. Exposure to industrial chemicals have correlated with increased cancer rates, learning disabilities, and neurobehavioral disorders.[30] Some industrial chemicals have been identified as endocrine disruptors, which means they interfere with the functioning of hormones. Endocrine disrupters have been linked to attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, Parkinson's disease, Alzheimer's disease, metabolic disorders, diabetes, cardiovascular disease, obesity, and infertility.[31] There is a strong link between cancer and childhood exposure to pesticides, solvents, and other toxic substances.[30]

Non-white populations, especially Black Americans, are exposed to a higher concentration of harmful chemicals than white populations. High-emissions in majority-Black areas may be the explanation for higher prevalence of conditions such as cardiovascular disease mortality and asthma in Black populations.[32]

A row of industrial plants in Louisiana has now been dubbed “Cancer Alley” due to the high prevalence of cancer cases in the surrounding communities. This area is about 50% African-American, and has a 20.7% poverty rate.[33] One study found that rates of stomach cancer, diabetes, and heart disease were significantly higher in Cancer Alley, and in Louisiana, than the United States overall.[34]

Since the 1700s, power companies have dumped coal ash into pits and ponds, especially in the Southeast. Coal ash is mostly composed of lead, arsenic, selenium, and mercury. Each of these minerals individually are unsafe for the human body, but scientists are unsure of how harmful the components are combined. Mercury, for example, can damage reproductive health. Lead causes developmental disorders, arsenic can lead to rashes and lesions. Kristina Zierold, an environmental health scientist and epidemiologist, concluded that there are clusters of cancer around coal ash sites where workers are exposed. However, scientists have not been able to prove a direct link between coal ash and cancer. Measuring coal ash’s impact on a control group would be dangerous and unethical, so researchers have had to extrapolate based on their current knowledge of toxins. Researchers have observed that the placement of a coal ash dump near a community causes dramatic increases in cancer rates and neurological issues among children.[35]

Low-income households and people of color are often unable to afford adequate healthcare to treat pollution-related health problems. One study found that 34% of adults live without health care coverage in a primarily African-American, low-income neighborhood in Chicago.[36] This results in the compounding of health issues within these communities, and exacerbates a cycle of poverty; sickness eats up money, often forcing families to sell assets to pay off medical debt and/or quit a job to take care of family members. It also results in less money to pass down to children or share with local organizations, such as schools.[35]

Natural disasters

A house crushed by flooding from a breached levee in the Ninth Ward, New Orleans, due to Hurricane Katrina

Natural disasters have historically had a larger impact on poor African Americans than wealthy whites. For example, Black people were disproportionately affected by Hurricane Katrina.[37] Predominantly Black communities were more likely to be located in low-lying areas that were more vulnerable to flooding.[38] Evacuation plans were insufficient for populations without access to a car. At the time, over a third of New Orleans' African-American residents did not have cars. The city also only had one-quarter the number of buses that would have been necessary to evacuate all car-less residents, and many buses were lost during the flooding.[6] The disorganized response to the storm and flooding also disproportionately affected Black victims. Michael D. Brown, the head of the Federal Emergency Management Agency, was not aware of starving crowds at the New Orleans Convention Center until he heard about it on the news. Deliveries of supplies to the convention center did not arrive until four days after Katrina hit.[39]

Another example is the 1928 Okeechobee hurricane, the first category 5 hurricane officially recorded in the Atlantic. The storm devastated much of the southern coast of Florida, but hit low-lying, Black migrant-worker communities particularly hard. In fact, over 75% of the 3000 recorded deaths were Black migrant workers. Most Black bodies were burned or buried in mass graves. The towns of Belle Glade, Pahokee, and South Bay were "virtually wiped off the map".[6]

Natural disasters have also been used as an opportunity to oppress African Americans. For example, During the Great Mississippi Flood of 1927, whites were evacuated, while African Americans were placed into disaster-relief "concentration camps" and forced to work while being held at gunpoint.[6]

Policy responses

Five cities, including Seattle, Portland, Baltimore, Chicago, and Oakland, have passed ordinances banning fossil fuel storage and infrastructure expansion.[40]

Federal agencies

Background

In 1994, President Clinton issued Executive Order 12898, "Federal Actions to Address Environmental Justice in Minority Populations and Low-Income Populations", which required environmental justice to be part of each federal agency's mission. Under Executive Order 12898 federal agencies must:

  1. enforce all health and environmental statutes in areas with minority and low-income populations;
  2. ensure public participation;
  3. improve research and data collection relating to the health and environment of minority and low-income populations; and
  4. identify differential patterns of consumption of natural resources among minority and low-income populations.

EO 12898 established an Interagency Working Group on Environmental Justice that is chaired by the EPA Administrator and heads of 17 departments, agencies, and several White House offices in order to collectively promote and advance environmental justice principals all across the United States.[41]

Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 also forbids federal agencies from providing grants or funding opportunities to discriminatory programs.

U.S. Environmental Protection Agency

See also: United States Environmental Protection Agency

The Office of Environmental Justice (OEJ) was created in 1992 and has coordinated efforts of the EPA to meet environmental justice goals. The Office of Environmental Justice provides technical and financial assistance to communities working to address environmental justice issues.[42] The National Environmental Justice Advisory Council (NEJAC) provides independent advice and recommendations to the EPA Administrator that crosses various environmental justice issues. The Tribal Consultation & Indigenous People’s Engagement works with federally recognized tribes and other indigenous peoples to prioritize their environmental and public health issues.[43]

Tools and direct support

OEJ provides financial resources for creating healthy, sustainable and equitable communities through the Environmental Justice Small Grants Program and the Collaborative Problem-Solving Cooperative Agreement Program. As of 2016, more than $36 million of financial assistance has been given to nearly 1,500 community-based organizations.

The Technical Assistance Services for Communities program provides a way for communities to gain better understanding of the decision-making process as well as assist to understand the science, regulations, and policies that impact environmental issues and EPA actions.[43]

The EPA website on environmental justice has various resources such as EJSCREEN, a mapping tool and screening tool, Guidance on Considering Environmental Justice During the Development of an Action, Technical Guidance for Assessing Environmental Justice in Regulatory Analysis, trainings and workshops, and the Legal Tools Development document.[44]

Emergency Planning and Right to Know Act of 1986

After the Bhopal disaster, where a Union Carbide plant released forty tons of methyl isocyanate into the atmosphere in a village just south of Bhopal, India, the U.S. government passed the Emergency Planning and Right to Know Act of 1986.[45] Introduced by Henry Waxman, the act required all corporations to report their toxic chemical pollution annually, which was then gathered into a report known as the Toxics Release Inventory (TRI).[46][47]

Corporate Toxics Information Report

The Corporate Toxics Information Project (CTIP)[48][49] provides information and analysis on corporate pollution and its consequences for communities. The project develops corporate rankings, regional reports, industry reports based on industrial sectors, and presents this data in a web-based resource open to the public. The data is collected by the EPA[50] and then analyzed and disseminated by the PERI institute.[51]

Since 2004, the CTIP has also published an index of the top 100 corporate air polluters in the United States.[52] The list is based on the EPA's Risk Screening Environmental Indicators (RSEI), which "assesses the chronic human health risk from industrial toxic releases", as well as the TRI. The Toxic 100 has been updated five times, with the latest update in 2016.

U.S. Department of Agriculture

See also: United States Department of Agriculture § Environmental justice initiatives

The US Department of Agriculture (USDA) is the executive agency responsible for federal policy on food, agriculture, natural resources, and quality of life in rural America.[53] The USDA has more than 100,000 employees and delivers over $96.5 billion in public services to programs worldwide.[54] In its 2012 environmental justice strategy, the USDA stated a desire to integrate environmental justice into its core mission and operations. USDA does fund programs with social and environmental equity goals; however, it has no staff dedicated solely to EJ.

2012 Environmental Justice Strategy

On February 7, 2012, the USDA released a new Environmental Justice Strategic Plan identifying goals and performance measures beyond what USDA identified in a 1995 EJ strategy that was adopted in response to E.O. 12898.[55] Generally, USDA believes its existing technical and financial assistance programs provide solutions to environmental inequity, such as its initiatives on education, food deserts, and economic development in impacted communities.

EJ Initiatives in Marginalized Communities
Tribal outreach

The US EPA holds annual conferences, such as the Tribal Leaders Environmental Forum (TLEF), with Native American tribal leaders; EPA employees and tribal representatives meet in issue-based listening sessions and exchange environmental policy suggestions.[56] The USDA has had a role in implementing Michelle Obama's Let's Move campaign in tribal areas by increasing Bureau of Indian Education schools' participation in federal nutrition programs: they develop community gardens on tribal lands, build tribal food policy councils,[57] and provide Rural Development funding for community infrastructure in Indian Country.[58] The U.S. Forest Service (USFS) is working to update its policy on protection and management of Native American Sacred Sites, an effort that has included listening sessions and government-to-government consultation.[59] The Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service (APHIS) has also consulted with Tribes regarding management of reintroduced species where tribes may have a history of subsistence-level hunting of those species. Meanwhile, the Agricultural Marketing Service (AMS) is exploring a program to use meat from bisons raised on tribal land to supply AMS food distribution programs to tribes.[58] The Intertribal Technical Assistance Network works to improve access of tribal governments, communities and individuals to USDA technical assistance programs.[60] Federally recognized tribes are also eligible to apply for "Treatment as State" (TAS) status with the EPA, which gives the tribe jurisdictional authority to enforce their own environmental programs, regulations, and quality standards over nearby polluters or over the state in which they reside.[61]

Technical and financial assistance

The NRCS Strike Force Initiative has identified impoverished counties in Mississippi, Georgia and Arkansas to receive increased outreach and training regarding USDA assistance programs. USDA credits this increased outreach with generating a 196 percent increase in contracts, representing more than 250,000 acres of farmland, in its Environmental Quality Incentives Program.[60] In 2001, NRCS funded and published a study, "Environmental Justice: Perceptions of Issues, Awareness and Assistance," focused on rural, Southern "Black Belt" counties and analyzing how the NRCS workforce could more effectively integrate environmental justice into impacted communities.[62]

The Farm Services Agency in 2011 devoted $100,000 of its Socially Disadvantaged Farmers and Ranchers program budget to improving its outreach to counties with persistent poverty.[63] USDA's Risk Management Agency has initiated education and outreach to low-income farmers regarding use of biological controls, rather than pesticides, for pest control.[58] The Rural Utilities Service administers water and wastewater loans, including SEARCH Grants that are targeted to financially distressed, small rural communities and other opportunities specifically for Alaskan Native villages.[64][65]

Mapping

USFS has established several Urban Field Stations, to research urban natural resources' structure, function, stewardship, and benefits.[66] By mapping urban tree coverage, the agency hopes to identify and prioritize EJ communities for urban forest projects.[66]

Another initiative highlighted by the agency is the Food and Nutrition Service and Economic Research Service's Food Desert Locator.[67] The Locator provides a spatial view of food deserts, defined as a low-income census tract where a substantial number or share of residents has low access to a supermarket or large grocery store. The mapped deserts can be used to direct agency resources to increase access to fresh fruits and vegetables and other food assistance programs.[68]

See also

References

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