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== Parallel activation of both languages in bilinguals ==
== Parallel activation of both languages in bilinguals ==
It has been found that a bilingual's two languages are simultaneously active during language use.<ref name=":32">{{Cite journal|last=Kroll|first=Judith F.|last2=Dussias|first2=Paola E.|last3=Bice|first3=Kinsey|last4=Perrotti|first4=Lauren|date=2015-01-01|title=Bilingualism, Mind, and Brain|url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-linguist-030514-124937|journal=Annual Review of Linguistics|volume=1|issue=1|pages=377–394|doi=10.1146/annurev-linguist-030514-124937}}</ref><ref name=":14">{{Cite journal|title = Understanding the Consequences of Bilingualism for Language Processing and Cognition|journal = Journal of Cognitive Psychology |date = 2013-01-01|issn = 2044-5911|pmc = 3820916|pmid = 24223260|volume = 25|issue = 5|pages = 497–514|doi = 10.1080/20445911.2013.799170|first = Judith F.|last = Kroll|first2 = Ellen|last2 = Bialystok}}</ref> It makes sense that a person's dominant language (L1) is active when using the less dominant language (L2), however, it is striking that L2 is also activated when using L1. This happens once the individual is adequately proficient in the L2.<ref name=":15">{{Cite book|title = Models of bilingual representation and processing.|vauthors=Kroll JF, Tokowicz N |publisher = |year = 2005 |isbn = |location = |pages = 531–53}}</ref> They are both active when listening to speech, reading words in either language or even planning speech in either language.<ref name=":32"/><ref name=":16">{{Cite journal|url = |title = Competing activation in bilingual language processing: within- and between language competition.|vauthors=Marian V, Spivey M |date = 2003|journal = Biling. Lang. Cogn. |volume=6|pages=97–115|doi = 10.1017/s1366728903001068|pmid = }}</ref><ref name=":17">{{Cite book|title = Bilingual word recognition and lexical access.|last = Dijkstra T.|publisher = |year = 2005|isbn = |location = |pages = 179–201}}</ref><ref name=":5">{{Cite journal|url = |title = Language selectivity is the exception, not the rule: arguments against a fixed locus of language selection in bilingual speech.|vauthors=Kroll JF, Bobb SC, Wodniecka Z |date = 2006|journal = Biling. Lang. Cogn. |volume=9 |pages=119–35|doi = 10.1017/s1366728906002483|pmid = }}</ref> Also surprisingly, both languages are activated even when only language is needed by the user.<ref name=":5" /><ref name=":18">{{Cite book|title = Speech planning in two languages: what bilinguals tell us about language production. In The Oxford Handbook of Language Production|last = Kroll JF, Gollan TH., ed. V Ferreira, M Goldrick, M Miozzo,|publisher = Oxford Univ. Press|year = 2014|isbn = |location = |pages = 165–81.}}</ref> Bilingualism studies have mostly looked at Spanish-English or Dutch-English bilinguals. All these share the Roman alphabet, where there are many cognates (words which have the same linguistic deviation e.g. 'piano' is the same in all 3 languages. Cross-language activation therefore seems more plausible. However, cross-language activation has also been reported in bilinguals where their two languages have different script (alphabet) and lexical form e.g. Chinese and English. A study by Hoshino & Kroll (2008)<ref>{{Cite journal|title = Cognate effects in picture naming: does cross-language activation survive a change of script?|journal = Cognition|date = 2008-01-01|issn = 0010-0277|pmid = 17367774|pages = 501–511|volume = 106|issue = 1|doi = 10.1016/j.cognition.2007.02.001|first = Noriko|last = Hoshino|first2 = Judith F.|last2 = Kroll}}</ref> demonstrated that Japanese-English and Spanish-English bilinguals performed similarly in picture naming tasks even though the cognate names of words for Spanish-English bilinguals shared phonological and orthographic (spelling and letters) information whereas the Chinese cognate names were only phonologically similar. Although the words were spelt and presented differently for Chinese-English bilinguals, this did not affect the simultaneous activation of both their languages.
It has been found that a bilingual's two languages are simultaneously active during language use.<ref name=":32">{{Cite journal|last=Kroll|first=Judith F.|last2=Dussias|first2=Paola E.|last3=Bice|first3=Kinsey|last4=Perrotti|first4=Lauren|date=2015-01-01|title=Bilingualism, Mind, and Brain|url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-linguist-030514-124937|journal=Annual Review of Linguistics|volume=1|issue=1|pages=377–394|doi=10.1146/annurev-linguist-030514-124937}}</ref><ref name=":14">{{Cite journal|title = Understanding the Consequences of Bilingualism for Language Processing and Cognition|journal = Journal of Cognitive Psychology |date = 2013-01-01|issn = 2044-5911|pmc = 3820916|pmid = 24223260|volume = 25|issue = 5|pages = 497–514|doi = 10.1080/20445911.2013.799170|first = Judith F.|last = Kroll|first2 = Ellen|last2 = Bialystok}}</ref> It makes sense that a person's dominant language (L1) is active when using the less dominant language (L2), however, it is striking that L2 is also activated when using L1. This happens once the individual is adequately proficient in the L2.<ref name=":15">{{Cite book|title = Models of bilingual representation and processing.|vauthors=Kroll JF, Tokowicz N |publisher = |year = 2005 |isbn = |location = |pages = 531–53}}</ref> They are both active when listening to speech, reading words in either language or even planning speech in either language.<ref name=":32"/><ref name=":16">{{Cite journal|url = |title = Competing activation in bilingual language processing: within- and between language competition.|vauthors=Marian V, Spivey M |date = 2003|journal = Biling. Lang. Cogn. |volume=6|pages=97–115|doi = 10.1017/s1366728903001068|pmid = }}</ref><ref name=":17">{{Cite book|title = Bilingual word recognition and lexical access.|last = Dijkstra T.|publisher = |year = 2005|isbn = |location = |pages = 179–201}}</ref><ref name=":5">{{Cite journal|url = |title = Language selectivity is the exception, not the rule: arguments against a fixed locus of language selection in bilingual speech.|vauthors=Kroll JF, Bobb SC, Wodniecka Z |date = 2006|journal = Biling. Lang. Cogn. |volume=9 |pages=119–35|doi = 10.1017/s1366728906002483|pmid = }}</ref> Also surprisingly, both languages are activated even when only language is needed by the user.<ref name=":5" /><ref name=":18">{{Cite book|title = Speech planning in two languages: what bilinguals tell us about language production. In The Oxford Handbook of Language Production|last = Kroll JF, Gollan TH., ed. V Ferreira, M Goldrick, M Miozzo,|publisher = Oxford Univ. Press|year = 2014|isbn = |location = |pages = 165–81.}}</ref> Bilingualism studies have mostly looked at Spanish-English or Dutch-English bilinguals. All these share the Roman alphabet, where there are many cognates (words which have the same linguistic deviation e.g. 'piano' is the same in all 3 languages. Cross-language activation therefore seems more plausible. However, cross-language activation has also been reported in bilinguals where their two languages have different script (alphabet) and lexical form e.g. Chinese and English. A study by Hoshino & Kroll (2008)<ref name=":19">{{Cite journal|title = Cognate effects in picture naming: does cross-language activation survive a change of script?|journal = Cognition|date = 2008-01-01|issn = 0010-0277|pmid = 17367774|pages = 501–511|volume = 106|issue = 1|doi = 10.1016/j.cognition.2007.02.001|first = Noriko|last = Hoshino|first2 = Judith F.|last2 = Kroll}}</ref> demonstrated that Japanese-English and Spanish-English bilinguals performed similarly in picture naming tasks even though the cognate names of words for Spanish-English bilinguals shared phonological and orthographic (spelling and letters) information whereas the Chinese cognate names were only phonologically similar. Although the words were spelt and presented differently for Chinese-English bilinguals, this did not affect the simultaneous activation of both their languages.


On the other hand, the fact that both languages are constantly activated means that they potentially compete for cognitive resources; bilinguals need to acquire a way to control or regulate the competition, so as to not use the wrong language at the wrong time or equally, not lose fluency in each language. It has been demonstrated that bilinguals show better executive control than monolinguals matched in age and other background factors (e.g. social-economic status).<ref name=":6">{{Cite journal|title = Bilingualism, aging, and cognitive control: evidence from the Simon task|journal = Psychology and Aging|date = 2004-06-01|issn = 0882-7974|pmid = 15222822|pages = 290–303|volume = 19|issue = 2|doi = 10.1037/0882-7974.19.2.290|first = Ellen|last = Bialystok|first2 = Fergus I. M.|last2 = Craik|first3 = Raymond|last3 = Klein|first4 = Mythili|last4 = Viswanathan}}</ref><ref name=":7">{{Cite journal|title = Cognitive control and lexical access in younger and older bilinguals|journal = Journal of Experimental Psychology. Learning, Memory, and Cognition|date = 2008-07-01|issn = 0278-7393|pmid = 18605874|pages = 859–873|volume = 34|issue = 4|doi = 10.1037/0278-7393.34.4.859|first = Ellen|last = Bialystok|first2 = Fergus|last2 = Craik|first3 = Gigi|last3 = Luk}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{Cite journal|title = Bilingualism aids conflict resolution: evidence from the ANT task|journal = Cognition|date = 2008-01-01|issn = 0010-0277|pmid = 17275801|pages = 59–86|volume = 106|issue = 1|doi = 10.1016/j.cognition.2006.12.013|first = Albert|last = Costa|first2 = Mireia|last2 = Hernández|first3 = Núria|last3 = Sebastián-Gallés}}</ref><ref name=":8">{{Cite journal|title = Effects of bilingualism and aging on executive function and working memory|url = http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0037254|journal = Psychology and Aging|pmc = 4274603|pmid = 25244487|pages = 696–705|volume = 29|issue = 3|doi = 10.1037/a0037254|first = Ellen|last = Bialystok|first2 = Gregory|last2 = Poarch|first3 = Lin|last3 = Luo|first4 = Fergus I. M.|last4 = Craik|year = 2014}}</ref> Executive control supports activities such as high-level thought, multi-tasking, sustained attention, working memory and inhibition.<ref>{{Cite journal|title = The unity and diversity of executive functions and their contributions to complex "Frontal Lobe" tasks: a latent variable analysis|journal = Cognitive Psychology|date = 2000-08-01|issn = 0010-0285|pmid = 10945922|pages = 49–100|volume = 41|issue = 1|doi = 10.1006/cogp.1999.0734|first = A.|last = Miyake|first2 = N. P.|last2 = Friedman|first3 = M. J.|last3 = Emerson|first4 = A. H.|last4 = Witzki|first5 = A.|last5 = Howerter|first6 = T. D.|last6 = Wager}}</ref> Inhibition refers to being able to ignore irrelevant information and therefore not be distracted by non-target stimuli. For example, a test that is widely used to assess this executive function is the Stroop task, where the word of a colour is printed in a different colour to the name (e.g. the word 'red' printed in blue ink). This causes interference and distraction; reaction times are measured to see how distracted the individual is by the incongruent word and colour. Bilinguals compared to monolinguals have shown an advantage at this task, suggesting that bilinguals have a more developed inhibition process, due to the constant inhibition of their non-target language.<ref name=":7" /><ref name=":8" /><ref>{{Cite journal|title = Bilingualism influences inhibitory control in auditory comprehension|url = http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0010027710002490|journal = Cognition|date = 2011-02-01|pmc = 3582323|pmid = 21159332|pages = 245–257|volume = 118|issue = 2|doi = 10.1016/j.cognition.2010.10.012|first = Henrike K.|last = Blumenfeld|first2 = Viorica|last2 = Marian}}</ref>
On the other hand, the fact that both languages are constantly activated means that they potentially compete for cognitive resources; bilinguals need to acquire a way to control or regulate the competition, so as to not use the wrong language at the wrong time or equally, not lose fluency in each language. It has been demonstrated that bilinguals show better executive control than monolinguals matched in age and other background factors (e.g. social-economic status).<ref name=":6">{{Cite journal|title = Bilingualism, aging, and cognitive control: evidence from the Simon task|journal = Psychology and Aging|date = 2004-06-01|issn = 0882-7974|pmid = 15222822|pages = 290–303|volume = 19|issue = 2|doi = 10.1037/0882-7974.19.2.290|first = Ellen|last = Bialystok|first2 = Fergus I. M.|last2 = Craik|first3 = Raymond|last3 = Klein|first4 = Mythili|last4 = Viswanathan}}</ref><ref name=":7">{{Cite journal|title = Cognitive control and lexical access in younger and older bilinguals|journal = Journal of Experimental Psychology. Learning, Memory, and Cognition|date = 2008-07-01|issn = 0278-7393|pmid = 18605874|pages = 859–873|volume = 34|issue = 4|doi = 10.1037/0278-7393.34.4.859|first = Ellen|last = Bialystok|first2 = Fergus|last2 = Craik|first3 = Gigi|last3 = Luk}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{Cite journal|title = Bilingualism aids conflict resolution: evidence from the ANT task|journal = Cognition|date = 2008-01-01|issn = 0010-0277|pmid = 17275801|pages = 59–86|volume = 106|issue = 1|doi = 10.1016/j.cognition.2006.12.013|first = Albert|last = Costa|first2 = Mireia|last2 = Hernández|first3 = Núria|last3 = Sebastián-Gallés}}</ref><ref name=":8">{{Cite journal|title = Effects of bilingualism and aging on executive function and working memory|url = http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0037254|journal = Psychology and Aging|pmc = 4274603|pmid = 25244487|pages = 696–705|volume = 29|issue = 3|doi = 10.1037/a0037254|first = Ellen|last = Bialystok|first2 = Gregory|last2 = Poarch|first3 = Lin|last3 = Luo|first4 = Fergus I. M.|last4 = Craik|year = 2014}}</ref> Executive control supports activities such as high-level thought, multi-tasking, sustained attention, working memory and inhibition.<ref>{{Cite journal|title = The unity and diversity of executive functions and their contributions to complex "Frontal Lobe" tasks: a latent variable analysis|journal = Cognitive Psychology|date = 2000-08-01|issn = 0010-0285|pmid = 10945922|pages = 49–100|volume = 41|issue = 1|doi = 10.1006/cogp.1999.0734|first = A.|last = Miyake|first2 = N. P.|last2 = Friedman|first3 = M. J.|last3 = Emerson|first4 = A. H.|last4 = Witzki|first5 = A.|last5 = Howerter|first6 = T. D.|last6 = Wager}}</ref> Inhibition refers to being able to ignore irrelevant information and therefore not be distracted by non-target stimuli. For example, a test that is widely used to assess this executive function is the Stroop task, where the word of a colour is printed in a different colour to the name (e.g. the word 'red' printed in blue ink). This causes interference and distraction; reaction times are measured to see how distracted the individual is by the incongruent word and colour. Bilinguals compared to monolinguals have shown an advantage at this task, suggesting that bilinguals have a more developed inhibition process, due to the constant inhibition of their non-target language.<ref name=":7" /><ref name=":8" /><ref name=":20">{{Cite journal|title = Bilingualism influences inhibitory control in auditory comprehension|url = http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0010027710002490|journal = Cognition|date = 2011-02-01|pmc = 3582323|pmid = 21159332|pages = 245–257|volume = 118|issue = 2|doi = 10.1016/j.cognition.2010.10.012|first = Henrike K.|last = Blumenfeld|first2 = Viorica|last2 = Marian}}</ref>


Inhibition has been suggested as the executive control system that allows successful linguistic selection even when both languages are co-activated in bilinguals. De Groot & Christofells<ref>{{Cite journal|url = |title = Language control in bilinguals: monolingual tasks and simultaneous interpreting.|vauthors=De Groot AM, Christoffels IK |date = 2006|journal = Bilingualism: Language and Cognition |volume=9 |pages=189–201|doi = 10.1017/s1366728906002537|pmid = }}</ref>(2006) proposed a distinction between two types of inhibition that may occur; global inhibition and local inhibition. Global inhibition refers to suppression of an entire language system, e.g. inhibiting Spanish when speaking English, and local inhibition refers to inhibition of a more specific competing vocabulary, e.g. the translation of the same word or phrase. Local inhibition mostly affects linguistic performance whereas global inhibition affects both linguistic and cognitive performance. Linguistic outcomes of inhibition are reduced speech and fluency of lexical access for bilinguals.<ref>{{Cite journal|title = Effects of bilingualism and aging on executive function and working memory|journal = Psychology and Aging|date = 2014-09-01|issn = 1939-1498|pmc = 4274603|pmid = 25244487|pages = 696–705|volume = 29|issue = 3|doi = 10.1037/a0037254|first = Ellen|last = Bialystok|first2 = Gregory|last2 = Poarch|first3 = Lin|last3 = Luo|first4 = Fergus I. M.|last4 = Craik}}</ref>
Inhibition has been suggested as the executive control system that allows successful linguistic selection even when both languages are co-activated in bilinguals. De Groot & Christofells<ref>{{Cite journal|url = |title = Language control in bilinguals: monolingual tasks and simultaneous interpreting.|vauthors=De Groot AM, Christoffels IK |date = 2006|journal = Bilingualism: Language and Cognition |volume=9 |pages=189–201|doi = 10.1017/s1366728906002537|pmid = }}</ref>(2006) proposed a distinction between two types of inhibition that may occur; global inhibition and local inhibition. Global inhibition refers to suppression of an entire language system, e.g. inhibiting Spanish when speaking English, and local inhibition refers to inhibition of a more specific competing vocabulary, e.g. the translation of the same word or phrase. Local inhibition mostly affects linguistic performance whereas global inhibition affects both linguistic and cognitive performance. Linguistic outcomes of inhibition are reduced speech and fluency of lexical access for bilinguals.<ref>{{Cite journal|title = Effects of bilingualism and aging on executive function and working memory|journal = Psychology and Aging|date = 2014-09-01|issn = 1939-1498|pmc = 4274603|pmid = 25244487|pages = 696–705|volume = 29|issue = 3|doi = 10.1037/a0037254|first = Ellen|last = Bialystok|first2 = Gregory|last2 = Poarch|first3 = Lin|last3 = Luo|first4 = Fergus I. M.|last4 = Craik}}</ref>
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=== Parallel activation of both languages ===
=== Parallel activation of both languages ===
It has been found that a bilingual's two languages are simultaneously active, both phonologically and semantically, during language use. <ref name=":32" /><ref name=":14" />This activation is indicated by [[Electrophysiology|electrophysiological]] measures of performance. Not only is a person's dominant language (L1) active when using the less dominant language (L2), but their L2 is also activated when using L1. This happens once the individual is adequately proficient in the L2.<ref name=":15" />They are both active when listening to speech, reading words in either language or even planning speech in either language.<ref name=":32" /><ref name=":16" /><ref name=":17" /><ref name=":5" /> Also, both languages are activated even when only one language is needed by the user.<ref name=":5" /><ref name=":18" />
It has been found that a bilingual's two languages are simultaneously active, both phonologically and semantically, during language use. <ref name=":32" /><ref name=":14" />This activation is indicated by [[Electrophysiology|electrophysiological]] measures of performance. Not only is a person's dominant language (L1) active when using the less dominant language (L2), but their L2 is also activated when using L1. This happens once the individual is adequately proficient in the L2.<ref name=":15" />They are both active when listening to speech, reading words in either language or even planning speech in either language.<ref name=":32" /><ref name=":16" /><ref name=":17" /><ref name=":5" /> Also, both languages are activated even when only one language is needed by the user.<ref name=":5" /><ref name=":18" />

Bilingualism studies have mostly looked at Spanish-English or Dutch-English bilinguals. All these share the Roman alphabet, and there are many cognates (words which have the same linguistic deviation e.g. 'piano' is the same in all 3 languages. Cross-language activation therefore seems less surprising. However, cross-language activation has also been reported in bilinguals where their two languages have different script (alphabet) and lexical form (e.g. Japanese and English). A study by Hoshino & Kroll (2008)<ref name=":19" /> demonstrated that Japanese-English and Spanish-English bilinguals performed similarly in picture naming tasks even though the cognate names of words for Spanish-English bilinguals shared phonological and orthographic (spelling and letters) information whereas the Japanese cognate names were only phonologically similar. Although the words were spelt and presented differently for Japanese-English bilinguals, this did not affect the simultaneous activation of both their languages.

In 2011, Wu and Thierry<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Wu|first=Yan Jing|last2=Thierry|first2=Guillaume|date=2011-01-01|title=Event-Related Brain Potential Investigation of Preparation for Speech Production in Late Bilinguals|url=http://journal.frontiersin.org/article/10.3389/fpsyg.2011.00114/abstract|journal=Frontiers in Psychology|language=English|volume=2|doi=10.3389/fpsyg.2011.00114|issn=1664-1078|pmc=PMC3108551|pmid=21687468}}</ref> conducted a study where Chinese-English bilinguals were shown picture pairs. Participants were asked to name the second picture in the pair when it was shown and then were asked to judge whether the word pairs corresponding to the pictured objects rhymed or not. Word pairs were designed so that they either rhymed in both L1 and L2 or only in one of the two languages. Electrophysiological measures (see [[Event-related potential]]) of the effect ([[Priming (psychology)|priming]]) of the sound repetition induced by the rhyming of the word pairs showed that even though the participants were performing the task in L2, they showed a priming effect (albeit delayed) when those L2 words rhymed in L1. This suggested that in regards to language use, both L1 and L2 are accessed and compete for selection during L2 production. 

In 2012, Hoshino and Thierry<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Hoshino|first=Noriko|last2=Thierry|first2=Guillaume|date=2012-02-02|title=Do Spanish–English Bilinguals have Their Fingers in Two Pies – or is It Their Toes? An Electrophysiological Investigation of Semantic Access in Bilinguals|url=http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3270302/|journal=Frontiers in Psychology|volume=3|doi=10.3389/fpsyg.2012.00009|issn=1664-1078|pmc=PMC3270302|pmid=22347197}}</ref> conducted a study where Spanish-English bilingual participants were shown word pairs in English, their L2, and asked to judge whether the word pairs were related. Sometimes, things presented would be "interlingual homographs," or words that sound the same in both languages but have a different meaning in each. These pairs would be primed by things relating to one of the meanings or to neither, and the effects of this priming were measured electrophysiologically. Participants judged whether the words in the pairs were related, and electrophysiological results revealed that semantic priming (facilitation of processing of the words) occurred when the words in the pairs were related to each other whether the meaning was interpreted in English or Spanish.

The two most immediately preceding studies conclude that both languages of an individual are constantly unconsciously active and interfering with one another. The results, in regard to word processing, can help demonstrate how bilinguals have advantages over their monolingual peers when it comes to this area of study.

The fact that both languages are constantly activated means that they potentially compete for cognitive resources; bilinguals need to acquire a way to control or regulate the competition, so as to not use the wrong language at the wrong time. Inhibition refers to being able to ignore irrelevant information and therefore not be distracted by non-target stimuli. For example, a test that is widely used to assess this executive function is the [[Stroop task]], where the word for a colour is printed in a different colour than the name (e.g. the word 'red' printed in blue ink). This causes interference and distraction; reaction times are measured to see how distracted the individual is by the incongruent word and colour. Bilinguals compared to monolinguals have shown an advantage at this task, suggesting that bilinguals have a more developed inhibition process, potentially due to the constant inhibition of their non-target language.<ref name=":7" /><ref name=":8" /><ref name=":20" />


Bialystok makes a distinction between two types of processing that aid children in language development; analysis, which involves the ability to represent and understand abstract information, and control, which involves the ability to selectively attend to specific aspects of structures whilst ignoring irrelevant information.<ref name="BialystokMet">{{cite book |author= Bialystok E. | editor =Pratt C. |editor2=Garton, A. |title= Systems of representation in children: Development and use |publisher=Wiley & Sons |year=1993 |pages=211–233 |chapter= Metalinguistic awareness: The development of children's representations of language}}</ref> The literature concludes that it is in the aspect of control that bilinguals have been found to have an advantage over their monolingual peers when it comes to cognitive abilities.
Bialystok makes a distinction between two types of processing that aid children in language development; analysis, which involves the ability to represent and understand abstract information, and control, which involves the ability to selectively attend to specific aspects of structures whilst ignoring irrelevant information.<ref name="BialystokMet">{{cite book |author= Bialystok E. | editor =Pratt C. |editor2=Garton, A. |title= Systems of representation in children: Development and use |publisher=Wiley & Sons |year=1993 |pages=211–233 |chapter= Metalinguistic awareness: The development of children's representations of language}}</ref> The literature concludes that it is in the aspect of control that bilinguals have been found to have an advantage over their monolingual peers when it comes to cognitive abilities.

Revision as of 03:34, 18 April 2017

A bilingual can traditionally be defined as an individual that is exposed to two languages simultaneously from a young age (under 3),[1] but this definition may vary depending on the studies being presented and their sample selection processes. Some other aspects of the definition have been given in the literature for bilingualism, for example, either individuals that are learners of another language irrespective of proficiency, or individuals that are equally proficient in both languages.

Being bilingual has been linked to a number of cognitive benefits. Research has studied how a bilingual individual's first language (L1) and second language (L2) interact, and it has been shown that both languages have an influence on the function of one another, and on cognitive function outside of language. Research on executive functions such as linguistic development, perception, and attentional and inhibitory control, has suggested that bilinguals can benefit from significant cognitive advantages over monolingual peers in various settings. There are also age-related benefits, which seem to help older adults on the battle against cognitive decline.

Throughout the history of research into the cognitive advantages of bilingualism, views have shifted from a subtractive to an additive perspective;[2] that is from believing that being bilingual detracts from one's abilities, to believing that being bilingual adds to an individual's abilities.

There is, however, some disagreement over how findings on this subject should be interpreted. A systematic review of studies carried out between 1999 and 2012 found that the evidence for cognitive advantages is mixed and that reporting may be subject to publication bias, which has therefore given a distorted view of the evidence.[3]

History

Over the course of the past few years, the prevalence of bilinguals in the United States has increased dramatically. While the United States Census Bureau does not directly poll for bilingualism, they do poll for what languages are used in an individual's home, and if it is a language other than English, they then poll for how well that same individual speaks English. In 2012, Francois Grosjean, a professor of Linguistics from the University of Neuchâtel, interpreted the results from the Census Bureau as follows: 11% of the population was bilingual in 1980, 14% in 1990, and 20% in 2012.[4] This positive increase matches with the historical development of beliefs on the cognitive advantages of bilingualism.

Before the 1960s, research on bilingual individuals was varied. There was a specific pattern of conclusions, namely that being bilingual was detrimental to a child's linguistic and cognitive development, and that it put the individual at a disadvantage compared to monolingual peers. The general opinion was that bilinguals would have smaller vocabularies, stunted cognitive abilities and that children learning two languages from a young age would be spending too much of their energy differentiating and building the two languages to become competent in either one.[5][6] Studies referred to the topic as the "problem of bilingualism" or the "handicapping influence of bilingualism"[7] and reported that bilinguals performed worse in IQ tests and suffered in most aspects of language development.[6][8]

These studies suffered from several methodological problems that undermined the soundness of their conclusions. They employed unstandardized and subjective definitions of bilingualism and of a bilingual individual (e.g., labeling a person as bilingual or monolingual through assumptions based on the national origin of that person's parents or even based on that person's family name), raising the concern that there is no way of determining whether their samples were truly representative of a bilingual population. They also did not control for socioeconomic status (SES) and many of them administered verbal-intelligence tests to non-proficient speakers of a second language in that second language.[8][9]

In 1962, Peal and Lambert published a study highlighting the importance of controlling for such factors as age, sex, and SES, as well as of having a standardized measure for bilingualism when selecting a sample of bilinguals to be studied. In their study they carefully matched bilingual to monolingual participants, and they found that the bilinguals showed significant advantages over the monolinguals in both verbal and non-verbal tests, especially in non-verbal tests that required more mental flexibility.[10]

Since then, the literature has consistently found advantages of bilinguals over matched monolingual peers in several aspects of language development and ability, as well as in more general areas of aptitude such as perception and executive functioning.

Parallel activation of both languages in bilinguals

It has been found that a bilingual's two languages are simultaneously active during language use.[11][12] It makes sense that a person's dominant language (L1) is active when using the less dominant language (L2), however, it is striking that L2 is also activated when using L1. This happens once the individual is adequately proficient in the L2.[13] They are both active when listening to speech, reading words in either language or even planning speech in either language.[11][14][15][16] Also surprisingly, both languages are activated even when only language is needed by the user.[16][17] Bilingualism studies have mostly looked at Spanish-English or Dutch-English bilinguals. All these share the Roman alphabet, where there are many cognates (words which have the same linguistic deviation e.g. 'piano' is the same in all 3 languages. Cross-language activation therefore seems more plausible. However, cross-language activation has also been reported in bilinguals where their two languages have different script (alphabet) and lexical form e.g. Chinese and English. A study by Hoshino & Kroll (2008)[18] demonstrated that Japanese-English and Spanish-English bilinguals performed similarly in picture naming tasks even though the cognate names of words for Spanish-English bilinguals shared phonological and orthographic (spelling and letters) information whereas the Chinese cognate names were only phonologically similar. Although the words were spelt and presented differently for Chinese-English bilinguals, this did not affect the simultaneous activation of both their languages.

On the other hand, the fact that both languages are constantly activated means that they potentially compete for cognitive resources; bilinguals need to acquire a way to control or regulate the competition, so as to not use the wrong language at the wrong time or equally, not lose fluency in each language. It has been demonstrated that bilinguals show better executive control than monolinguals matched in age and other background factors (e.g. social-economic status).[19][20][21][22] Executive control supports activities such as high-level thought, multi-tasking, sustained attention, working memory and inhibition.[23] Inhibition refers to being able to ignore irrelevant information and therefore not be distracted by non-target stimuli. For example, a test that is widely used to assess this executive function is the Stroop task, where the word of a colour is printed in a different colour to the name (e.g. the word 'red' printed in blue ink). This causes interference and distraction; reaction times are measured to see how distracted the individual is by the incongruent word and colour. Bilinguals compared to monolinguals have shown an advantage at this task, suggesting that bilinguals have a more developed inhibition process, due to the constant inhibition of their non-target language.[20][22][24]

Inhibition has been suggested as the executive control system that allows successful linguistic selection even when both languages are co-activated in bilinguals. De Groot & Christofells[25](2006) proposed a distinction between two types of inhibition that may occur; global inhibition and local inhibition. Global inhibition refers to suppression of an entire language system, e.g. inhibiting Spanish when speaking English, and local inhibition refers to inhibition of a more specific competing vocabulary, e.g. the translation of the same word or phrase. Local inhibition mostly affects linguistic performance whereas global inhibition affects both linguistic and cognitive performance. Linguistic outcomes of inhibition are reduced speech and fluency of lexical access for bilinguals.[26]

Executive functions

Executive function is the domain of high-level cognitive processes that assist in goal-oriented tasks, such as problem solving, mental flexibility, attentional control, inhibitory control, and task switching. A great deal of research has been committed to investigating a potential connection between bilingualism and enhanced executive function. Many researchers have asserted that bilinguals show better executive control than monolinguals matched in age and other background factors (e.g. social-economic status), suggesting an interaction between being bilingual and demonstrating honed executive functions. [19] [20][21][22][27] Moreover, the ability to better attend to or inhibit irrelevant information has been found to persist into adulthood with bilingual adults (that have been bilingual since childhood) who show better controlled processing than monolingual peers,[19] and has even been linked to slowing age-related cognitive decline (see age-related effects section below).[28]

 In support of a connection:

Ellen Bialystok has done extensive research[29][30][31] into the cognitive advantages of bilingualism. In several studies, she has shown that bilinguals outperformed their peers in tasks measuring executive function, suggesting that being bilingual gives the individual an advantage of better control of attention and therefore facilitates processing and functioning in several cognitive tasks.

Bialystok makes a distinction between two types of processing that aid children in language development; analysis, which involves the ability to represent and understand abstract information, and control, which involves the ability to selectively attend to specific aspects of structures whilst ignoring irrelevant information.[32] The literature concludes that it is in the aspect of control that bilinguals have been found to have an advantage over their monolingual peers when it comes to cognitive abilities.

In one study,[30] Bialystok administered a non-linguistic card-sorting task to her participants that required flexibility in problem solving, inhibiting irrelevant information, as well as recognizing the constancy of certain variables in the face of changes in the rules. She found that bilingual children significantly outperformed their monolingual peers in this task, suggesting early development of inhibitory function that aids solving problems which require the ability to selectively focus attention.

In a following study, Bialystok and Martin[31] aimed to determine what gave bilinguals an advantage in solving the card-sorting task (and generally an advantage in problem solving situations). Though the groups were equivalent in their ability to represent the stimuli (reflecting Worrall's findings, described below[33]), and both were equally able to inhibit learned motor responses, bilinguals showed a firm advantage in the task requiring conceptual inhibition; the ability to inhibit previous associations and create new mental representations of the stimulus according to task changes.

Possible explanations

Green offered an explanation for this phenomenon with her "inhibitory control model." Proposed in 1998, this model references a bilingual's constant need to suppress one language while using another. Because this task requires suppressing a source of distraction, this kind of control is then applied to other tasks. This assertion was bolstered by a study of unimodal bilinguals (bilinguals who communicated with two spoken languages) and bimodal bilinguals (bilinguals who used one spoken language and sign languaginguals who did not frequently switch did not. However, this study did not control for similarity between the languages (languages that are more similar might require more attention to keep straight). When Verreyt, Woumans, Vandelanotte, Szmalec, and Duyck ran a similar study but with all participants having the same languages, they replicated the results of Prior and Gallan. Additionally, because their study looked at tasks measuring inhibition even though language switching should directly affect switching tasks, they argued that the effects of language-switching carry over multiple facets of executive control.

Bialystok[31] and others [34] have echoed this idea that the greater ability of bilinguals to selectively attend to important conceptual attributes of a stimulus may stem from the bilinguals' constant need to inhibit competing labels in their two languages for one object according to the currently relevant language. Bilinguals have different representations in each language for similar concepts and therefore need to constantly be aware of which language they are using and what the appropriate word is to be used in that context. This culminates in an advantage of cognitive control, since the ability to switch between languages and select the appropriate word for use is directly linked to the ability to better attend to relevant, or inhibit irrelevant, information.[35] A further explanation refers to bilinguals' unique experience with using two languages in the same modality (spoken), differentiating them from monolingual peers, and requiring them to make the decision about how best to respond to a situation, as well as have better control over what they select.[36]

Is bilingualism or executive control the causative force?

Hakuta and Diaz,[6] addressed the chicken and egg question concerning bilinguals and their enhanced cognitive abilities; do children with greater cognitive abilities tend to learn more than one language, or is it knowing more than one language that enhances cognitive ability? They administered a set of non-verbal tests that are designed to measure cognitive ability (Raven's Progressive Matrices) to a bilingual sample of children. They found a high correlation with the degree of bilingualism (how proficient the individuals were in each of their languages) of their sample and scores on the test, as well as bilingualism did in fact predict performance (and therefore cognitive ability). However, an important point to note, is that most native bilinguals haven't learnt a second language because they are more intelligent. In most cases, they have grown up in a family where use of the two languages is necessary and therefore it is unlikely that the child's intelligence will allow them to learn the second language.

Against a connection

Not all researchers agree that bilingualism contributes to enhanced executive function.

Some take issue with methodology. Virginal Valian asserts that the correlations between bilingualism and executive function are inconsistent, largely due to the fact that different tasks contribute to executive function. Because some of these tasks are available to monolinguals and bilinguals may similarly participate in these tasks to varying degrees, she argues that bilinguals cannot be assumed superior to monolinguals in executive function. She also cites that bilinguals are not consistently better at all executive function tasks.[37]

ing. They assess their sample as similar in confounding variables and found that not only was there not evidence supporting an advantage for bilinguals, but that if anything, the evidence would argue against this.[38]

Parallel activation of both languages

It has been found that a bilingual's two languages are simultaneously active, both phonologically and semantically, during language use. [11][12]This activation is indicated by electrophysiological measures of performance. Not only is a person's dominant language (L1) active when using the less dominant language (L2), but their L2 is also activated when using L1. This happens once the individual is adequately proficient in the L2.[13]They are both active when listening to speech, reading words in either language or even planning speech in either language.[11][14][15][16] Also, both languages are activated even when only one language is needed by the user.[16][17]

Bilingualism studies have mostly looked at Spanish-English or Dutch-English bilinguals. All these share the Roman alphabet, and there are many cognates (words which have the same linguistic deviation e.g. 'piano' is the same in all 3 languages. Cross-language activation therefore seems less surprising. However, cross-language activation has also been reported in bilinguals where their two languages have different script (alphabet) and lexical form (e.g. Japanese and English). A study by Hoshino & Kroll (2008)[18] demonstrated that Japanese-English and Spanish-English bilinguals performed similarly in picture naming tasks even though the cognate names of words for Spanish-English bilinguals shared phonological and orthographic (spelling and letters) information whereas the Japanese cognate names were only phonologically similar. Although the words were spelt and presented differently for Japanese-English bilinguals, this did not affect the simultaneous activation of both their languages.

In 2011, Wu and Thierry[39] conducted a study where Chinese-English bilinguals were shown picture pairs. Participants were asked to name the second picture in the pair when it was shown and then were asked to judge whether the word pairs corresponding to the pictured objects rhymed or not. Word pairs were designed so that they either rhymed in both L1 and L2 or only in one of the two languages. Electrophysiological measures (see Event-related potential) of the effect (priming) of the sound repetition induced by the rhyming of the word pairs showed that even though the participants were performing the task in L2, they showed a priming effect (albeit delayed) when those L2 words rhymed in L1. This suggested that in regards to language use, both L1 and L2 are accessed and compete for selection during L2 production. 

In 2012, Hoshino and Thierry[40] conducted a study where Spanish-English bilingual participants were shown word pairs in English, their L2, and asked to judge whether the word pairs were related. Sometimes, things presented would be "interlingual homographs," or words that sound the same in both languages but have a different meaning in each. These pairs would be primed by things relating to one of the meanings or to neither, and the effects of this priming were measured electrophysiologically. Participants judged whether the words in the pairs were related, and electrophysiological results revealed that semantic priming (facilitation of processing of the words) occurred when the words in the pairs were related to each other whether the meaning was interpreted in English or Spanish.

The two most immediately preceding studies conclude that both languages of an individual are constantly unconsciously active and interfering with one another. The results, in regard to word processing, can help demonstrate how bilinguals have advantages over their monolingual peers when it comes to this area of study.

The fact that both languages are constantly activated means that they potentially compete for cognitive resources; bilinguals need to acquire a way to control or regulate the competition, so as to not use the wrong language at the wrong time. Inhibition refers to being able to ignore irrelevant information and therefore not be distracted by non-target stimuli. For example, a test that is widely used to assess this executive function is the Stroop task, where the word for a colour is printed in a different colour than the name (e.g. the word 'red' printed in blue ink). This causes interference and distraction; reaction times are measured to see how distracted the individual is by the incongruent word and colour. Bilinguals compared to monolinguals have shown an advantage at this task, suggesting that bilinguals have a more developed inhibition process, potentially due to the constant inhibition of their non-target language.[20][22][24]

Bialystok makes a distinction between two types of processing that aid children in language development; analysis, which involves the ability to represent and understand abstract information, and control, which involves the ability to selectively attend to specific aspects of structures whilst ignoring irrelevant information.[32] The literature concludes that it is in the aspect of control that bilinguals have been found to have an advantage over their monolingual peers when it comes to cognitive abilities.

In one study,[30] Bialystok administered a non-linguistic card-sorting task to her participants that required flexibility in problem solving, inhibiting irrelevant information, as well as recognizing the constancy of certain variables in the face of changes in the rules. She found that bilingual children significantly outperformed their monolingual peers in this task, suggesting early development of inhibitory function that aids solving problems that require the ability to selectively focus attention.

In a following study, Bialystok and Martin[31] aimed to determine what gave bilinguals an advantage in solving the card-sorting task (and generally an advantage in problem solving situations). Though the groups were equivalent in their ability to represent the stimuli (reflecting back to Worrall's findings[33]), and both were equally able to inhibit learned motor responses, bilinguals showed a firm advantage in the task requiring conceptual inhibition; the ability to inhibit previous associations and create new mental representations of the stimulus according to task changes.

An explanation offered by Bialystok[31] and others[34] for this greater ability of bilinguals to selectively attend to important conceptual attributes of a stimulus, is that it may stem from the bilinguals' constant need to inhibit competing labels in their two languages for one object according to the currently relevant language. Bilinguals have different representations in each language for similar concepts and therefore need to constantly be aware of which language they are using and which the appropriate word is to be used in that context. This culminates in an advantage of cognitive control, since the ability to switch between languages and select the appropriate word for use is directly linked to the ability to better attend to relevant, or inhibit irrelevant, information.[35] A further explanation refers to bilinguals' unique experience with using two languages in the same modality (spoken), differentiating them from monolingual peers, and requiring them to make the decision about how best to respond to a situation, as well as have better control over what they select.[36]

Ellen Bialystok has done extensive research[29][30][31] into the cognitive advantages of bilingualism. In several studies she has shown that bilinguals outperformed their peers in tasks measuring executive function, suggesting that being bilingual gives the individual an advantage of better control of attention and therefore facilitates processing and functioning in several cognitive tasks. Moreover, the ability to better attend to or inhibit irrelevant information has been found to persist into adulthood with bilingual adults (that have been bilingual since childhood) who show better controlled processing than monolingual peers,[41] and has even been linked to slowing age-related cognitive decline.[28]

Benefits in older age

There has been a surge in interest in the benefits of bilingualism against age-related cognitive decline.[42] Klein & Viswanathan[42] found that the normal decrease in attention control observed in older adults was reduced in bilinguals, suggesting that bilingualism may be protective against the effects of cognitive aging. Elderly bilinguals have also been shown to be better at switching between tasks, ignoring irrelevant information and resolving conflicting cognitive alternatives.[43] Bilingualism may be one of the environmental factors which contributes to 'cognitive reserve'.[44] Cognitive reserve is the idea that engagement in stimulating physical or mental activity can act to maintain cognitive functioning in healthy aging and postpone the onset of symptoms in those suffering from dementia.[45] Factors that contribute to this also include education, occupational status, higher socioeconomic class, and the continuing involvement in physical, intellectual and social activities.[46][47][48]

To test the protection of bilingualism against Alzheimer's disease (AD), Bialystok et al. (2007)[49] examined the hospital records of monolingual and bilingual patients who had been diagnosed with various types of dementia. After controlling for various cognitive and other factors, found that bilinguals experienced the onset of symptoms and were diagnosed approximately 3–4 years later on average than monolinguals. This was replicated with patients all diagnosed with AD.[50] It is important to stress however that the studies did not show that bilingualism directly prevents one from having AD, but rather enables functional cognition for a longer period of time; it delays the onset of symptoms for those with the disease. This was confirmed by the finding that when monolingual and bilingual Alzheimer's patients' brains were scanned, bilinguals actually had more pathology (signs of disease) and damage than the monolingual patients.[51] This suggests that active use of the two languages protects against the symptoms of the disease; areas of the brain that enable cognitive control may have benefited from the bilingual experience and so improve cognitive function in older age. 

The finding that bilingualism contributes to cognitive reserve has also been replicated by several other studies [52] For example, Abutalebi et al. (2015)[53] tested 19 bilingual (8 Cantonese-Mandarin and 11 Cantonese-English, age range 55-75) and 19 monolinguals (Italian speakers, age range 49-75) who had been matched for education level, performance on the Flanker Task (a cognitive response test,) and socioeconomic status. It is important to remember that this is a relatively small sample size; however, the results did confirm previous studies. According to the research, the bilinguals outperformed the monolinguals on all experimental tasks, and the researchers found that monolinguals' neural imaging showed higher signs of age-related effects on performance of tasks and decreased gray matter density. Meanwhile, the bilinguals' neural imaging showed higher levels of gray matter along the anterior cingulate cortex.[53] Because of these results, the investigators concluded that bilingualism aids in protection against cognitive decline.[53]

The bilingual advantage in cognitive function has been demonstrated especially in children and older adults,[42][54][55] however the advantage in young adults has been rather variable.[56][57] Suggestions for this finding may be that young adults are at their peak cognitive function, so it may be difficult to show any bilingual advantages beyond that peak level, especially in simple executive function tasks.[11][56] It is thought that the benefits may be particularly beneficial to individuals at points in their lives when they are more vulnerable, for example in early development[58] and later in life, when ordinary cognitive processes decline.

Age of acquisition

A debate within the linguistic community is whether the age of acquiring one's L2 has effects on the cognitive advantages.[52] A study on native bilingual vs late bilingual vs monolingual children in the USA revealed an overall bilingual advantage.[59][60] Furthermore, native bilingual children demonstrated better performance on a selection of executive function tasks compared with their late bilingual and monolingual counterparts. Participants were controlled for age, verbal ability, and socioeconomic status (indicated by parent education level). However, there are various methodological outcomes which may question the validity of these results. Firstly, a small sample size was used, with only 12 children in the bilingual group, 21 in the late bilingual group, and 17 in the monolingual group. 'Late bilingual' in this study was classified as a monolingual child who had been in a bilingual school for 6 months (where half the lessons were in English and half in Spanish or Japanese). This may be a poor representation of 'late bilinguals,' as 6 months may not be enough time for cognitive changes and adaptations to the brain to have taken place, and these children will unlikely already be 'proficient' in the L2, therefore this may not an appropriate group sample to support the claims being made. In addition, the effect sizes on all the individual executive function tests were all small to moderate effect sizes (ƞ2= 0.01à 0.2). In combination with the lack of power due to small sample size, strong conclusions cannot be drawn from this data.

Another study, Kapa and Columbo (2013) investigated the attentional control of monolingual children, Spanish-English bilingual children who had learned both languages before the age of 3, and Spanish-English children who had learned English after age 3.[61] Attentional control is a cognitive skill in which one can ignore unnecessary or impertinent information to the task at hand. Children were tested using an Attention Network Test. Although all groups obtained the same accuracy rates, the researchers found that early L2 learners (those who learned both languages before the age of 3) had the fastest reaction time.[61] The late learners and monolinguals did not significantly differ on response time, illustrating that early L2 acquisition could be a decisive factor in executive control levels.

Perception

A review of the literature suggests that bilingualism has an additive effect on an individual's creativity, by enhancing their mental flexibility, their ability to solve problems, and to perceive situations in different ways and the ability to maintain or manipulate these perceptions to suit the task at hand, all in ways that matched monolingual peers do not exhibit.[33][62][27]

One study addressed a less explored field of cognitive advantages bilingual children may exhibit, in the use of creativity to solve of mathematical problems.[63] Participants were presented with problems that were either mathematical in nature (arranging two sets of bottle caps to be equal according to instruction) or non-mathematical (a common household problem represented in pictures) and were asked to provide solutions, while being rated on scales of creativity, flexibility and originality. The results of the study confirmed that the bilingual children were more creative in their problem solving than their monolingual peers. One attribution for this trait could be bilinguals' increased metalinguistic awareness, which creates a form of thinking that is more open and objective, resulting in increased awareness and flexibility.

This enhanced mental flexibility that develops in bilinguals influences more than their problem solving or linguistic skills. Language appears to change the way the world is perceived between individuals that speak different languages, and it has been shown to influence the perception of color[64] as well as the categorisation of objects.[65]

Thierry et al.[64] studied how having different words for different colors in one language might affect the perception of that color as compared to a language that does not discriminate between those colors. In Greek, "light blue" is distinguished from "blue", not simply as a different shade but as a whole different category of color. In this study, bilingual and monolingual Greek/English participants were shown different shades of blue and light blue as well as green and light green (for which a distinction is not made in Greek) and ERPs were recorded. Electrophysiological measures showed a distinct pattern for the bilinguals indicating that they were perceiving the two colors as completely separate.

Cook et al. explored the fact that Japanese speakers are more likely than English ones to categorize objects according to their material as opposed to their shape. In their study,[65] they found that the preferences of Japanese monolinguals learning English changed; the more proficient they became in English, the more their object categorization results matched those of English monolinguals.

Language

Language Use

As one of the pioneers to the study of child language and bilingualism, Werner F. Leopold often used his daughter, Hildegard, to record his observations on this subject.[66] In his studies, he observed that Hildegard had "loose connections" between the (phonetic) structure of words and their semantics (meaning) because of her frequent substitutions of English words with German words and vice versa. This was noted in her everyday speech and well-rehearsed songs or rhymes. He noted that she had a greater flexibility in the use of language that was unobserved in monolingual children of her age. Leopold considered that perhaps this loose connection between the meaning and form of a word could result in more abstract thinking or greater mental flexibility for bilingual children.[67] Following this study, several others were formed to test similar things and find out more about the mental abilities of bilinguals with relation to their languages.

Semantic Development

Anita Ianco-Worrall, author of Bilingualism and Cognitive Development[68], designed a study to test Leopold's[67] observations and was able to replicate them. She tested two groups of monolingual and bilingual children at ages 4–6 and 6–9. These participants were given tasks to assess whether they showed a semantic or phonetic preference when categorizing words. An example of one task given in the study was to decide which of the two words, either can or hat, was more similar to the word cap. The semantic choice would be hat while the phonetic choice would be can. Other tasks were designed to provide a choice between semantic and phonetic interpretation of objects. For instance, in a hypothetical situation, could you call a cow a dog and if you did, would this dog bark?

The results of Ianco-Worrall's study showed that although both monolingual and bilingual children had no differences in the way they understood the words used, 54% of the younger bilingual children consistently showed a semantic preference in contrast to their monolingual peers. In monolingual children, semantic preference increased with age, suggesting that bilingual children reach a stage of semantic development 2–3 years earlier than their monolingual peers.[68] This finding is in stark contrast to the early research and claims about bilingualism, which warned that bilingualism stunts children's linguistic development.

Langauge Structure and Awareness

In their book In Other Words, Ellen Bialystok and Kenji Hakuta, both professors studying bilingualism, examined the idea that "the knowledge of two languages is greater than the sum of its parts." They argued that the linguistic benefits of being bilingual are more than simply being able to speak two languages. For instance, if a child is learning two languages whose structures and rules are significantly different from each other, this would require the child to think in more complicated ways. Take for example the arbitrariness of labels for objects, or distinguishing between and use two different grammatical or syntactical structures.[69] These areas would be quite difficult for a child to learn, but would increase the understanding of the structure of language and help gain a greater awareness of meaning. This greater awareness of meaning for bilinguals is what is referred to as metalinguistic awareness.[70][71]

Reading Ability

Bilinguals have also been found to outperform monolinguals in reading ability, as seen in another study by Bialystok. To analyze this area of bilingualism, Bialystok discussed the representational principle, which refers to the symbolic representation of spoken language, or the connection between spoken and written language systems. Understanding this principle would help one with acquiring literacy. For the testing of this principle, she gave children a "Moving Word Task" where the child had to appropriately match the written word to the object on a card. If they could correctly match the two after some rearranging of the cards, it was agreed that they could understand written words as representations of specific words whose meanings cannot change.[72] The study was taken further in order to see when bilinguals grasped this principle in comparison to monolinguals. The results showed that bilingual children were correct on their "Moving Word Task" over 80% of the time, which is a percentage equal to that of monolinguals who were one year older than the bilinguals being tested. Overall, the bilinguals seemed to understand the representational principle earlier than monolinguals, meaning they were earlier prepared for literacy acquisition.[73]

In another study done by Durgunoglu, Nagy, and Hancin-Bhatt, this same concept for bilinguals' reading abilities was also studied. For this specific study, native Spanish speaking children who were learning to read English were tested. The researchers observed these bilinguals to find that their levels of phonological awareness and word recognition in Spanish could predict how well they would be able to recognize words in English. Basically, the results showed that the phonological awareness skills established in one language could be transferred to the reading ability in another language.[74][75] Again, bilinguals seem to be more advanced than monolinguals when it comes to reading ability.

Vocabulary

It is a well-replicated finding that bilinguals have a smaller vocabulary size than their monolinguals counterparts.[76][77][78][79][59] Given that bilinguals accumulate vocabulary from both their languages, when taking both languages into account, they have a much larger vocabulary than monolinguals. However, within each language bilinguals have a smaller vocabulary size and take longer to name pictures as seen in standardized vocabulary tests, such as the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test and Boston Naming task. A possible explanation may be that the frequency of use of words is related to increased lexical accessibility, meaning that words that are used more frequently are accessed more quickly.[59][80][81] Therefore, bilinguals may be 'less proficient' relative to monolinguals, purely because they use one sole language less frequently than monolinguals, who use the same language all the time. In addition, the need to select the appropriate language system makes ordinary linguistic processing more effortful. The simple act of retrieving a common word is more effortful for bilinguals than monolinguals due to the competition of the two languages.[59]

Other things to consider in this area of a bilingual's language were pointed out in Bialystok, Luk, Peets, and Yang's study from 2010. They mentioned how certain tests could cause disparities for bilingual children based on their living situation. For example, this group of researchers found that a subset of 6-year-olds in their study, whether monolingual or bilingual, had similar scores on words that were associated with schooling. However, when the words were associated with the home, the scores were significantly lower for all children. This finding made sense because the monolingual and bilingual children were equally exposed to the school context in the same language (English), but English was not commonly used in the home environments of the bilingual children. Therefore, the bilingual kids do not seem to show any disadvantage as compared to the monolingual children who do receive English input at home. Overall, this argues for a greater vocabulary size in bilinguals because when the vocabulary deficit is present for home words in English, the bilingual children have the ability to use the words in their non-English language to fulfill this area.[82]

Effects on L1 from prolonged exposure to L2

It has been suggested that prolonged naturalistic exposure to L2 affects how L2 is processed, but it may also affect how the L1 is processed. For example, in immersion contexts, the individual experiences reduced access to L1 and extensive contact with L2, which affects and facilitates processing of L2.[83][84] However, this may also consequently affect processing of their L1, such as with increased difficulty in naming objects and phonology.[85][86]

To test this hypothesis, Dussias & Sagarra (2007)[87] investigated how individuals interpreted temporarily ambiguous phrases. For example, 'Alguien disparó al hijo de la actriz que estaba en el balcón' = 'Someone shot the son of the actress who was on the balcony'. When asked the question, '¿Quien estaba en el balcón?' = 'Who was on the balcony?', monolingual Spanish speakers will typically answer 'el hijo' = 'the son' as they have a high attachment preference, meaning they attach the modifier to the "higher" verb phrase [shot the son]. This differs from monolingual English speakers who will typically answer 'the actress' as they have a low attachment preference, meaning they attach the modifier to the "lower" verb phrase [the actress who was on the balcony].[11][88] The researchers found that Spanish-English bilinguals in a Spanish-speaking environment showed preference for the typical Spanish high-attachment strategy. However, Spanish-English bilinguals in an English-speaking environment showed preference for the typical English low-attachment strategy, even when reading the phrase in Spanish, their dominant language. This may be because they have more exposure to English constructions, making it more available to them.[11] But altogether, this supports the idea that the L2, English in this case, is affecting the way the native Spanish speakers use their L1.

See also

References

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