The COINTELPRO Papers
The COINTELPRO Papers: Documents from the FBI's Secret Wars Against Dissent in the United States is a book by Ward Churchill and Jim Vander Wall, first published in 1990. It is a history of the FBI's COINTELPRO efforts to disrupt dissident political organizations within the United States, and reproduces many original FBI memos.
In this detailed review of the subversive activities of the national political police over many years, the authors show that the commitment to undermine free association and independent thought is deeply rooted in national policy and subject to only superficial challenge. Their harrowing and extensively documented study lends much credibility to their supposition that "COINTELPRO lives on," and efforts to organize poor and oppressed people and dissident movements will be targeted for destruction by state power.— Noam Chomsky, on back cover
South End Press released the 'Classics Series' second edition in 2002.
- Forward by John Trudell
- Preface by Brian Glick — The Face of COINTELPRO
- Guide to the Documents by Chip Berlet and Brian Glick
- Preface to the Second Edition
- Introduction: A Glimpse Into the Files of America's Secret Police
- 1. Understanding Deletions in FBI Documents
- 2. COINTELPRO — CP, USA
- 3. COINTELPRO — SWP
- 4. COINTELPRO — Puerto Rican Independence Movement
- 5. COINTELPRO — Black Liberation Movement
- 6. COINTELPRO — New Left
- 7. COINTELPRO — AIM
- 8. Conclusion: COINTELPRO Lives On
Preface to the Classics Edition
This additional new preface recounts some of the controversial events that occurred after the first edition was published in 1990. It provides some of the authors' views of those events and their implications, and "affords an opportunity to summarize this new information at the outset, offering readers thereby a broader and more current contextualization of what follows."
The COINTELPRO Papers: More Relevant Than Ever
In 1990, Dhoruba bin Wahad was freed, upon evidence "that the FBI ... had conspired to withhold clearly exculpatory evidence" in his 1973 conviction, after spending nineteen years in maximum security prisons, including eight years in solitary confinement. His incarceration is said to have been "...for acts those responsible had known all along he'd not committed. It is hard to imagine a clearer confirmation of the fact that false prosecutions —frame–ups as it were— serve as a weapon in the tactical arsenal used by America's 'agents of repression' to 'neutralize' those they target as 'key activists' or 'agitators.'" In 1997, the conviction of Geronimo ji Jaga (Pratt) was overturned when it was shown that an FBI operative "had perjured himself". His 27 years in maximum security prisons also included eight years in solitary confinement, deemed to be "a result of the authorities' ongoing desire to neutralize his effectiveness as a political organizer". Johnny Spain, "ostensibly involved in George Jackson's ill-fated 1971 San Quentin 'insurrection'", was freed, as was Robert King Wilkerson of the Angola Three, who cumulatively spent over a century "in solitary confinement as a result of their dubious 1972 convictions". Puerto Rican independistas released in 2001 include Alejandrina Torres, Carmen Valentín, Ida Luz Rodríguez, Dylcia Pagán and several others.
"Worse are the scores of men and women who continue to languish in various states of confinement, many of them after decades behind the walls of America's ever more proliferate penal system..." Although not as well known as Leonard Peltier and Mumia Abu-Jamal, Mondo We Langa and Ed Poindexter are said to have been "railroaded into prison" in 1970 "after a trial as fraught with signs of COINTELPRO manipulation every bit as pronounced as any of their better-known counterparts." Also mentioned are Marshall "Eddie" Conway, Russell "Maroon" Shoats, Hugo Pinell, Sundiata Acoli, Sekou Odinga, Anthony Bottom and others, "the list seems all but endless...".
Revelations of government corruption include protests by whistleblower FBI Agent Frederic Whitehurst, which established that FBI forensic analysts had "systematically falsified evidence..." and conspired to "make the evidence fit the crime...". "The effects have been obvious, most especially in the several recent cases where it was revealed that 'star' pathologists had introduced evidence against literally hundreds of defendants which was tailored to police/prosecution specifications and thus marked by 'rampant fraud and falsification.'..." In 2001, forensic specialist Joyce Gilchrist was exposed for sending many to death row and "scores of others to prison for long periods, through perjured testimony and falsification/suppression of evidence."
More to the point, there has been no discernable inclination on the part of police or police–affiliated forensic specialists to equivocate their often contradictory or completely erroneous findings in the least. On the contrary they all but invariably lard their presentations ... with an aura of "scientific certainty." Hence, prosecutorial perjury has become truly ubiquitous. "[D]amning evidence is presented against the wrong person" in approximately one in every five felony trials in the U.S., according to David Grieve, editor of the Journal of Forensic Identification. Other experienced observers have placed the proportion much higher still.— op.cit., page xxxii
The Rampart scandal is attributed partly to "the time–honored, generally conceded, and not infrequently documented tendency of street cops and detectives to plant evidence..." The unmasking of corrupt FBI Agent John Connolly is noted, as well as a lawsuit over the 1990 bombing of Earth First! activists Judi Bari and Darryl Cherney, which eventually demonstrated misconduct by the FBI and police.
"Another trend that has become ever more pronounced since 1990 has been militarization of the police." Previous incidents were the "pyrotechnic assault" against an SLA house in 1974, the Wounded Knee incident in 1973, and the 1985 MOVE incident, apparently involving explosives provided by the FBI. "The police had ordered firemen to 'let it burn,' standing aside as not only the MOVE house but two city blocks were consumed by the flames, an entire inner city neighborhood rendered homeless." In 1992, the Ruby Ridge incident occurred when federal agencies "laid siege" to the cabin of Randy Weaver, "wanted only for failure to appear on a minor weapons charge —of which he was later acquitted." FBI sniper Lon Horiuchi apparently operated under a "shoot to kill order" said to have been "approved by FBI headquarters".
The 1993 Waco siege, directed against Branch Davidians led by David Koresh, was "to all appearances conceived purely as a publicity stunt", involving "76 SWAT personnel supported by three helicopters, all on the pretext of 'serving a warrant' which had been fraudulently obtained, which they failed to bring along, and which in any event the Davidians had repeatedly offered to peacefully accept." Evidence indicates the use of military ordnance, including "military–issue" CS tear gas and "an exotic 40mm. 'flash–bang' grenade peculiar to the Army Special Forces", and that "the 'remarkable patience' supposedly exhibited by the FBI in conducting protracted negotiations to achieve a peaceful resolution of the standoff was belied by documents showing that the Bureau had deliberately and consistently sabotaged its own efforts in this regard."
During a meeting conducted in mid–April, military advisors warned that introducing CS to the enclosed space of Mt. Carmel at the levels envisioned by FBI planners ran a clear risk of inducing fatalities among the younger kids inside. Nonetheless, during the assault, far more CS was used than had been planned. Indeed, the assault teams expended all 400 of the CS "Ferret" rounds with which they had been supplied by the Pentagon —raising gas concentrations within the building to about twice those necessary to asphyxiate full–grown adults— and then called for more. Additionally, a very substantial quantity of liquid CS was sprayed into the building —quite a bit of it directly into a tornado shelter known as the "vault" or the "pit," into which the FBI knew the Davidian children and their mothers had been sent for safety once the assault began— in an aerosol form. ... There were three more such "injections," the last "by attacking a smaller area, [producing] the highest concentrations of all." Small wonder that "nine persons in the vault were later found dead of asphyxia, without signs of smoke inhalation —meaning they died of asphyxia before the fire."— op.cit., page xli
The onus of suspicion concerning who, exactly, comprised the active sniper team at Mt. Carmel has always rested squarely upon the FBI... In this instance, however, the Bureau's denials may be accurate or at least partially so. Among the Waco–related documents divulged by the Defense Department in 1997 was one mentioning what was termed the "Praetor Guide." "Praetor," it turns out, refers to a previously secret —and still exceedingly murky— protocol under which the Army is charged with committing personnel from its ultra–élite Delta Force commandos in U.S. domestic settings. It has been acknowledged that "Delta," as the unit is usually called, assigned advisors to work with the FBI in planning the final assault. It was also conceded after 1997 that Delta provided most of the exotic ordnance and equipment used by FBI SWAT teams throughout the siege. ... From there, it is but a short step to Delta personnel engaging in a direct combat role —comprising the lethal sniper team at the rear of Mt. Carmel, for instance— even impersonating FBI personnel in the process. If they did, a precedent for their performance will be found during the 1987 insurrection of Cuban detaineees in the Atlanta Federal Prison. ... In any event, whatever "services" the Delta commandos provided during the FBI's Waco operation, they required clearance from the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Beyond that, the relevant information has been withheld under an extraordinarily stringent "National Security" classification. ... Irrespective of what the Delta men did at Mt. Carmel —or Atlanta, for that matter— their participation in such "civil disturbances" was on its face illegal under provision of the 1877 Posse Comitatus Act... According to an FBI internal document, Delta's involvement in putting down the Atlanta revolt was predicated upon President Ronald Reagan's having "signed a waiver of the Posse Comitatus Act, which proscribed the use of the military for civilian law enforcement purposes." Among other problems with this notion, which has become increasingly common in describing the scope of presidential prerogative, is that the chief executive holds no constitutional authority to "waive" any statute.
— op.cit., page xliv
The Church Committee is described as "an exercise in damage control and containment...". The pardon of agents W. Mark Felt and Edward S. Miller, "the only FBI officials ever convicted on COINTELPRO charges", is noted. The 'Bail Reform Act of 1984' "was quickly converted into a basis for imposing preventive detention upon selected political targets...". The FBI "mounted a concerted effort to disrupt and discredit the entirely legitimate" political activity of CISPES, Palestinian student groups, Amnesty International, ACT-UP, the sanctuary movement, and others. The Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 "served to license almost the full range of repressive techniques which had been quietly continued after COINTELPRO was supposedly terminated...", "explicitly allowing groups and individuals to be targeted ... because of their association with other groups or individuals...", while "terrorism" "can be construed as anything officials wish to say it is...", such as the classification of devout pacifists of Plowshares as "terrorists".
Yet, as was made abundantly clear on September 11, 2001, none of this —not the lavish funding increases, nor the virtually unlimited latitude granted law enforcement agencies to engage in politically repressive activities during the 1990s— yielded the least effect in terms of protecting anyone from the ravages of bona fide terrorist attacks. Indeed, there is every indication that, like the "counterterrorism investigations" of CISPES and other organizations during the 1980s, they were never really intended to accomplish such results. Instead, they seem more than anything to have represented a final drive towards consummation of the kind of antidemocratic (re)ordering of American society described quite eloquently by Robert Justin Goldstein in both the opening and the closing pages of his magisterial study, Political Repression in Modern America. The so-called USA Patriot Act... rushed into effect in the wake of 9–11 simply adds the finishing touches, mandating not only another massive infusion of cash but an overt horizontal/vertical integration of the FBI/CIA/military/police apparatus in an manner imaginable to only the most "irresponsible" students of the subject only two short years ago.— op.cit., page liii
The means are now in place by which the complete pacification not of "terrorists" but of the American body politic can finally be accomplished. ... All things considered, the ghosts of J. Edgar Hoover and his COINTELPRO specialists of yesteryear must be positively beaming with delight. This was, to be sure, exactly what they had in mind.
— The COINTELPRO Papers, page liv
opere citato — selected notes
- note 2: Robert J. Boyle, "COINTELPRO: The 19-Year Ordeal of Dhoruba Bin-Wahad", Covert Action Information Bulletin, No.36, 1990; Winston A. Grady-Willis, "The Black Panther Party: State Repression and Political Prisoners", in Charles Earl Jones, ed., The Black Panther Party Reconsidered (Black Classic Press, 1998) pp. 180−3.
- n3 ... On... the FBI's "Security Index" (now captioned the "Administrative Index" or "ADEX") known as the "Key Activist Index", "Rabble Rouser Index", and/or "Agitator Index", see Sanford J. Ungar, FBI: An Uncensored Look Behind the Walls (Little, Brown and Company, 1976) pp.128-9; Richard Gid Powers, Secrecy and Power: The Life of J. Edgar Hoover (Free Press, 1987) p. 432; Curt Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover: The Man and His Secrets (W. W. Norton & Company, 1991) pp. 212−3,244.
- n5 Jack Olsen, Last Man Standing: The Tragedy and Triumph of Geronimo Pratt (Doubleday, 2000) pp. 253−66. For further details on the nature of ji Jaga's frame-up, see M. Wesley Swearingen FBI Secrets: An Agent's Exposé (South End Press, 1995) pp. 84−7; Johnnie Cochran with Tim Rutten, Journey to Justice (Ballantine Books, 1996) pp.128-48.
- n21 For summaries of the cases of the individuals named, and numerous others, see Can't Jail the Spirit: Political Prisoners in the U.S. (2002 ed.) as well as Green Anarchy, No.8, Spring 2002. ...
- n27 ... U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General, The FBI Laboratory: An Investigation into Laboratory Practices and Alleged Misconduct in Explosives-Related and Other Cases (Washingtoon, DC: Dept. of Justice, Apr. 1997...) pp. 108,104.
- n70 David L. Grieve, "The Possession of the Truth", Journal of Forensic Identification, * Vol.46, No.5, 1996.
- n71 ...William Kunstler once explained... that the very refusal of government forensic witnesses to qualify their findings before juries is inherently antiscientific and therefore, since it's presented as science, false by definition. Hence, in his estimation, perjury is committed virtually every time a forensic witness takes the stand for the prosecution.
- n95 Margo Harry, "Attention MOVE! This is America!" ([Banner Press (?)], 1987)
- n97 Michael Boyette with Randi Boyette, "Let It Burn!" The Philadelphia Tragedy (Contemporary Books, 1989) pp. 193−5, 205.
- n107 ... Alan W. Bock, Ambush at Ruby Ridge (The Dickinson Press, 1995) pp. 173−5. The federal documents in question include the Attorney General's 751 page Report Regarding Internal Investigation of Shootings at Ruby Ridge (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, June 1994) and U.S. House of Representatives, Intelligence Committee, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Technology and Government Information, The Federal Raid on Ruby Ridge (Washington, D.C.: 105th Cong., 1st Sess., 1997). For the clearest assessment of the probability that Horiuchi's action added up to murder, see John F. Kelly & Phillip K. Wearne, Tainting Evidence: Inside The Scandals At The FBI Crime Lab (Simon & Schuster, 1998) pp. 157−8.
- n111 The BATF was at the time under severe pressure, including a very real prospect of being abolished, because of an ultimately successful suit brought by over 200 black agents on the basis of blatant racial discrimination, as well as allegations of sexual harassment publicly aired by female staff on 60 Minutes in January 1993. "One solution to the ATF's unenviable predicament would be to carry out a spectacular raid —a raid that would make it evident to the White House and key supporters in Congress that the ATF was indeed carrying out important work, work that far outweighed its institutional problems— that despite these problems, it needed to be supported with increased funding, not punished for in-house peccadilloes"; David T. Hardy with Rex Kimball, This Is Not an Assault (Xlibris, 2001) p. 178. "Televised film of the raid —'a dynamic entry', the ATF called it— would, at the very least, establish a counterpoint to the... bad publicity... Dramatic footage of the raid might even air in a documentary serial like Cops"; Dick J. Reavis, The Ashes of Waco: An Investigation (Syracuse University Press, 1995) p. 32.
- n113 In the affidavit he prepared to support the BATF's request for a warrant, agent Davy Aguilera misrepresented the Davidians' acquisition of a large number of entirely legal weapons —e.g., 104 AR-15 semiautomatic rifles— as well as dummy hand grenades, black powder and other chemicals, in combination with the fact that a machine shop was known to exist at Mt. Carmel, as amounting to evidence that they were illegally manufacturing unregistered machineguns and explosive devices. In reality, the rifles were purchased as an investment, given the probability that their value would rapidly appreciate in the wake of then anticipated federal legislation restricting their manufacture (indeed, the price of an AR-15 more than doubled —rising from roughly $600 to more than $1400— in 1994, the year of the law's passage). There is no indication that the Davidians were modifying the rifles rather than holding them for resale on Feb. 28, 1993: indeed, the BATF's own investigation had failed to turn up evidence that they'd acquired the parts necessary to do so. As to the dummy grenades, they were being used as adornments on customized hunting vests manufactured at Mt. Carmel and marketed at gun shows under the brand name "David Koresh Survival Vest." Aguilera spiced up his allegation with the observation that Davidian leader Koresh (Vernon Wayne Howell) subscribed to a "clandestine periodical" entitled Shotgun News —actually an entirely above–ground publication with 145,000 subcribers— and that he'd recently shown his followers a video which the agent considered "hostile to the BATF"; Dick J. Reavis, The Ashes of Waco: An Investigation (Syracuse University Press, 1995) pp. 34−38. Also mentioned in the affidavit are allegations of child abuse —which is not a federal offense— with no reference to the fact that "the case was closed on April 30, 1992, with no evidence of [such] abuse"; Carol Moore, The Davidian Massacre (Gun Owners Association, 1995) pp. 60−61. As to the legality of individual citizens possessing unlimited numbers of otherwise unproscribed weapons see § 26 of the 1986 Firearm Owners Protection Act: also see U.S. v. Anders (885 F.2nd 1248(5th Cir.,1989)). Black powder and the other chemicals at issue —all of which are widely used to reload ammunition— were/are also entirely legal in the quantities the Davidians acquired them; Title 18 U.S.C. §§ 841 et seq., Title 26 U.S.C. §§ 5845(f). The situation is summed up by the 1978 United States Supreme Court opinion rendered in Franks v. Delaware, that a search warrant is invalid if the party requesting it has lied to or otherwise misled the issuing judge.
- n114 Title 18 U.S.C. § 3109 specifically requires that —other than under special circumstances where 'no knock' entry is judicially authorized, which it wasn't at Mt. Carmel— a law enforcement officer must "give notice of his legal authority" and state his purpose before entering a premises. Service of a search or arrest warrant —which cannot be done if the warrant is not in hand— is the usual means to this end. Among other things, such a procedure affords those to be searched or arrested an opportunity to voluntarily comply. That the BATF assault force didn't bother to take along a warrant on Feb. 28, and included no provision for Davidian cooperation in their plan for "Showtime", plainly demonstrates how little they were concerned with either the legality of their operation or a peaceful outcome. This was an especially dicey proposition in Texas, to which state's statutory code the Davidians might reasonably have presumed themselves bound to comply, where "the use of deadly force to resist arrest or search is justified [under the law] if, before the actor offers any resistance, the peace officer ... uses or attempts to use greater force than is necessary to make the arrest or search"; Dick J. Reavis, The Ashes of Waco: An Investigation (Syracuse University Press, 1995) p. 281. In effect, given the BATF's launching of a sudden and unannounced assault upon them, the Davidians would've been well within their legal rights if they'd simply shot every agent involved. That they didn't —that they may in fact have injured no agents at all— should be taken as a indication of their restraint.
- n115 Subsequent court testimony revealed that Koresh had offered to allow Agent Aguilera to "come on out and look" at the Davidians' "arsenal" at any time and without prior notice. Aguilera declined to do so; "Koresh to Agents: Should've Called Me", Washington Times, May 26, 1993. Koresh had, contrary to claims later made by the BATF, voluntarily submitted to arrest and searches on several prior occasions; Carol Moore, The Davidian Massacre (Gun Owners Association, 1995) pp. 19–80. As former local district attorney Vic Feazell observed at the time, "If [the BATF] had called and talked to them, the Davidians would have given them what they wanted"; Roy Bragg, "Ex-Prosecutor Laments Agents' 'Storm Trooper' Tactics", Houston Chronicle, Mar. 2, 1993. Or as it was put by a Justice Department consultant, "David Koresh asked why they did not serve him a warrant directly rather than through an armed assault... The question is [indeed] why"; Dr. Robert Cancro, in Recommendation of Experts for Improvements in Federal Law Enforcement After Waco (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Oct. 8. 1993) p. 2.
- n148 The casings of the flash–bangs, designed to be fired from an M-79 grenade launcher, were stamped NICO, a German armaments manufacturer. The Texas Rangers later ascertained that the rounds in question, intended to penetrate buildings, had been produced in a small lot for the U.S. Army during the 1980s; David T. Hardy with Rex Kimball, This Is Not an Assault (Xlibris, 2001) pp. 90−91.
- n155 Lee Hancock, "FBI Missteps Doomed Siege Talks, Memos Say", Dallas Morning News, Dec. 30, 1999; Lee Hancock "FBI was Warned Noise Broadcasts Would Backfire if Used Against Sect", Dallas Morning News, Dec. 30, 1999; ... .
- n162 ... There was, in fact, a case recorded in the literature of a toddler exposed to CS in a concentration far smaller than that planned for the Davidian children —and for about a third the time the Davidian were ultimately exposed. The child went into respiratory failure and had to be placed on a respirator and required 28 days of intensive care; Sungmin Park and Samuel Giammona, "Toxic Effects of Tear Gas on an Infant Following Prolonged Exposure," American Journal of the Disabled Child, No.123, 1972. ...
- n163 The manufacturer of Ferrets ... gives formulae for calculating the correct amount —generally ... 1–2 Ferrets for a small room, and 2–3 for a very large one"; David T. Hardy with Rex Kimball, This Is Not an Assault (Xlibris, 2001) p. 271, citing Manufacturing Assembly, Inc., Summaries of Risk Assessment Reports of AAI Corporation's MGP CS Powdered Gas Dispensing System and Ferret Liquid Tear Gas Dispensing System (undated). Aside from "the pit" —an underground tornado shelter where the Davidian children and their mothers were quite predictably sent for "safety" on April 19— there were the equivalent of 20 small, two large and one very large rooms on the ground floor of the Mt. Carmel complex, another 22 small rooms on the second floor; see layout in Carol Moore The Davidian Massacre (Gun Owners Association, 1995) pp. 24–25. Applying the manufacturer's "maximum safe dosage" formulation, the FBI should have fired not more than 100 Ferret rounds into the building. The number actually fired thus produces a concentration four times the "safe" level —or about twice the lethal threshold level— for adults. It should also be noted that CS powder is heavier than air and thus tends to settle in low places. Concentrations in the pit, where the children were clustered, were thus —again, quite predictably— much higher than is indicated by the preceding data.
- n165 This was delivered from Ispara gas injectors, each containing about five pounds of liquid CS, fitted to a pair of Combat Engineering Vehicles (CEVs) loaned to the FBI by the military (one CEV was rigged to carry two Isparas, the other, four); David T. Hardy with Rex Kimball, This Is Not an Assault (Xlibris, 2001) pp. 269–70. Based on the number of times the videotapes show CEVs ramming into Mt. Carmel during the assault —punching holes in the walls so that CS could be sprayed into the building's interior— it can be estimated that about 300 pounds were dispersed in this manner, doubling the already lethal concentration inside.
- n168 David T. Hardy with Rex Kimball, This Is Not an Assault (Xlibris, 2001) p. 276.
- n189 This is in part because the FBI is known to have considered using snipers to "eliminate" David Koresh, and perhaps other "key" Davidians, at least a week before the assault; Lee Hancock, "No Easy Answers: Law Authorities Puzzle Over Methods to End Branch Davidians Siege", Dallas Morning News, Apr. 15, 1993. On snipers' suspected identity, see Carol Moore, The Davidian Massacre (Gun Owners Association, 1995) pp. 392–4; David T. Hardy with Rex Kimball, This Is Not an Assault (Xlibris, 2001) p. 273.
- n190 David T. Hardy with Rex Kimball, This Is Not an Assault (Xlibris, 2001) p. 85.
- n191 On the unit's origins and mission, see Col. Charles Alvin Beckwith (Ret.) and Donald Knox, Delta Force (Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1983). For more recent information, see Terry Griswold and D.M. Giangreco, Delta: America's Elite Counterterrorist Force (MotorBooks International, 1992). For further background on the "Praetor" concept, see John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard: The U.S. Role in the New World Order (South End Press, 1991) esp.pp. 104–13.
- n246 "[T]he Act reintroduces to federal law the principle of 'guilt by association' that defined the McCarthy era. People can be punished, the Act says, not for what they do or abet, but for supporting the wholly lawful acts of disfavored groups. If the law had been on the books in the 1980s, it would have been a crime to give money to the African National Congress during Nelson Mandela's speaking tours here, for the State Department routinely listed the ANC as a 'terrorist group'"; James X. Dempsey & David D. Cole, Terrorism and the Constitution: Sacrificing Civil Liberties in the Name of National Security (The New Press, 2002) p. 118.
- n269 For background, see Noam Chomsky, 9-11: Was There An Alternative? (Seven Stories Press, 2001).
- n270 Robert Justin Goldstein, Political Repression in Modern America (University of Illinois Press, [2nd ed.] 2001) pp.xxi−xxxii, 569−74. ...
- Publisher webpage: The COINTELPRO Papers
- Preface by Brian Glick: The Face of COINTELPRO
- More excerpts are here: Google Books
- Online review (September 27, 2002) of Agents of Repression and The COINTELPRO Papers by Elizabeth Schulte at the Socialist Worker (US): Chronicling the FBI’s history of dirty tricks