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==MORE THAN MEETS THE EYE==
==MORE THAN MEETS THE EYE==


In 1924 the Dogra Sabha in Jammu and Hindu Yuyak Sabha in Kashmir were agitating against the employment of non Kashmiris in government services as they felt that it was responsible for creating unemployment among the educated youth of their communities. Gwash Lal Koul the fire brand leader of Hindu Yuvak Sabha was threatening the government with dire consequences if it did not agree to their demands.This was a period when Maharajah Partap Singh had been effectively divested of his power and power was transferred to a council headed by the Prime Minister Raja Hari Singh (who later became the Maharaja on the death of Partap Singh) but was still unsure of his power.These factors along with the allegations of corruption in the Silk Factory have to be considered in assessing the reasons for the unwarranted show of force by the administration for it would have weakened the case of Hari Singh for appointment as the next Maharajah.
In 1924 the Dogra Sadar Sabha in Jammu and Hindu Yuyak Sabha in Kashmir were agitating against the employment of non Kashmiris in government services as they felt that it was responsible for creating unemployment among the educated youth of their communities.<ref>Ravinderjit Kaur (2006) Political Awakening In Kashmir,p40</ref> Gwash Lal Koul the fire brand leader of Sanatan Dharam Youngman's Association a few months later threatened the government with dire consequences if it did not agree to their demands.<ref> Jammu and Kashmir Archives(1925) File No 334</ref>.This was a period when Maharajah Partap Singh had been effectively divested of his power and power was transferred to a council headed by the Prime Minister Raja Hari Singh (who later became the Maharaja on the death of Partap Singh) but was still unsure of his power.These factors along with the allegations of corruption in the Silk Factory have to be considered in assessing the reasons for the unwarranted show of force by the administration for it would have weakened the case of Hari Singh for appointment as the next Maharajah.


==THE RESIDENT’S VIEW==
==THE RESIDENT’S VIEW==
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Sir John Wood the then British Resident in Kashmir refused to buy the police view that the agitation was of a communal nature. In his letter to the Political Secretary to Government of India he wrote:
Sir John Wood the then British Resident in Kashmir refused to buy the police view that the agitation was of a communal nature. In his letter to the Political Secretary to Government of India he wrote:


'''“It will be desirable to remedy any real grievances and to promote some of the educated Musalman workers to posts of responsibility”'''''(Johnwood to J.P.Thompson 4th August 1924,National Archives of India,Home Department,Political,1924,File No:25,Fortnightly Report for Second half of August)''
'''“It will be desirable to remedy any real grievances and to promote some of the educated Musalman workers to posts of responsibility”'''<ref>Johnwood to J.P.Thompson 4th August 1924,National Archives of India,Home Department,Political,1924,File No:25,Fortnightly Report for Second half of August)</ref>


Thus the Resident was of the view that to prevent future unrest the grievances regarding corruption should be addressed and the lopsided policy of the State Ruler in appointing only Non Muslims to responsible posts should be rectified by appointing educated workers of the Silk Factory to responsible posts.
Thus the Resident was of the view that to prevent future unrest the grievances regarding corruption should be addressed and the lopsided policy of the State Ruler in appointing only Non Muslims to responsible posts should be rectified by appointing educated workers of the Silk Factory to responsible posts.
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t was also the first time when the police tried to give a communal color to the workers agitation by trying to show it as a Hindu Muslim conflict but this allegation could never stand up in a court of law and indeed was so unfounded that the police kept it out of public view in their secret files.
t was also the first time when the police tried to give a communal color to the workers agitation by trying to show it as a Hindu Muslim conflict but this allegation could never stand up in a court of law and indeed was so unfounded that the police kept it out of public view in their secret files.


While the agitation was suppressed the pent up resentment remained simmering below the surface as there was no educated lleader among the laborers who could lead the agitation to a proper conclusion.Seven years later in 1931 a group of highly educated Muslim leaders including Molvi Abdul Rahim M.A.(Phil)LL.B,Sheikh Abdullah M.Sc.(Chemistry) and Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas B.A.LL.B chanellized this discontent to lead an uprising demanding greater empowerment for the people of the State. Again on the 13th of July 1931 many protestors were killed in police firing and the police again tried to give it a communal color but this time the attempt was thwarted by the abovementioned leaders who established a political party the Muslim Conference and forced the government to set up a greviances commission under the presidentship of J.B. Glancy which not only opened up the doors of education and employment to Muslims but also led to the first ever establishment of an elected legislative assembly the Praja Sabha.
While the agitation was suppressed the pent up resentment remained simmering below the surface as there was no educated lleader among the laborers who could lead the agitation to a proper conclusion.Seven years later in 1931 a group of highly educated Muslim leaders including Molvi Abdul Rahim M.A.(Phil)LL.B,Sheikh Abdullah M.Sc.(Chemistry) and Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas B.A.LL.B chanellized this discontent to lead an uprising demanding greater empowerment for the people of the State.<ref>Syed Taffazull Hussain(2009):Sheikh Abdullah-A Biography:The Crucial Period 1905-1939.Chapter 5 The Confrontation</ref> Again on the 13th of July 1931 many protestors were killed in police firing and the police again tried to give it a communal color<ref>ibid</ref> but this time the attempt was thwarted by the above mentioned leaders (who later established a political party the Muslim Conference<ref>ibid Chapter13,Dawn of A New Age</ref>) who forced the government to set up a Grieviances Commission under the presidentship of J.B. Glancy <ref>ibid Chapter 10,The Glancy Commission </ref>which not only opened up the doors of education and employment to Muslims but also led to the first ever establishment of an elected legislative assembly the Praja Sabha.<ref>ibid,Chapter15,Praja Sabha:Kashmir's First Legislative Assembly</ref>
Thus the 21st of July deserves to be celebrated along with the 13th of July as a landmark in the struggle of the people of Jammu and Kashmir State for greater empowerment and Democracy.
Thus the 21st of July deserves to be celebrated along with the 13th of July as a landmark in the struggle of the people of Jammu and Kashmir State for greater empowerment and Democracy.



Revision as of 10:48, 20 January 2014

Template:Unreviewed SILK FACTORY WORKERS AGITATION is mentioned by the Kashmiri leader Sheikh Abdullah in "Atish-e-Chinar as one of the important influences that motivated him to struggle for the democratic rights of the people of Jammu and Kashmir State under Dogra rule[1]

BACKGROUND OF THE SILK FACTORY AGITATION

The agitation of the workers of the Government Silk Factory which so affected Sheikh Abdullah deserves a closer look. Ravinderjit Kaur has made an in depth study of the files of that period[2] and material on record in the files reveals how the police and the District Administration twisted facts to justify the massacre of innocent boys as young as eight to ten years old employed in the factory all of whom were Muslims(In those days young boys were sent out to work as children in general and Muslim children in particular had little opportunity to go to school). The workers of the factory had first gone on strike on the 26th of March 1920 and had submitted this representation to the Chief Minister Raja Hari Singh(who became the Maharajah on the death of Maharaja Partap Singh in 1926).


“By the direction of the late Director and by the Governor of His Highness Maharaja Sahib Bahadur and his Minister our daily rates had been increased upto annas four and now owing to the scarcity of all things we were in great hope, that we shall get progress in the rate as deceased,Incharge Director was efforting about this.Now-a-days when public coolies are getting high rates and all officers and common servants of the State are granted high rates and all officers and common servants of the State are granted allowances by the State for the famine, we are the unlucky employees of the Silk Factory to whom instead of increasing rates decreased by the present Incharge Director,for which we submitted him a request,he answered that ‘ I will beat you,if you will come to my office,for this case and I will close the factory for ever’… If the State will not decide our case,we shall be obliged to leave the work of this factory praying for your long life and prosperity”[3]


From the above representation it seems that because of the efforts of a former Director the wages of the workers had been increased to four annas per diem but after his (sudden) death some person whom the workers detested was appointed as an Incharge Director.The repeated use of the term Incharge Director shows that the workers considered him unfit for the post and it also appears that he was a bully and as per another representation(see below) was also corrupt as the workers complained of being forced to pay bribes to officers of the Factory out of their meager wages.


On July 19 1924 the Deputy Director Sericulture lodged a complaint with the District Magistrate in which he alleged that “The labourers gave out open threats that they would set fire to the houses of some officers of the Department and would not spare their persons too if they could catch hold of them.”He further alleged that ”All Communications of the office with outside were cut off and it became impossible even to send a message to the District Magistrate or the Police.”[4]

Following the complaint and taking into view the urgency of taking action as requested by the Deputy Director Sericulture military troops were ordered to be moved to the Silk Factory on 20th of July. The Colonel Commandant was requested to place the Infantry and Cavalry in immediate charge of the factory.Twenty five of the total of twenty seven persons who seem to have been involved in this crisis were arrested and four of them were lodged in Police station Shergarhi while the rest were taken to Central Jail. .Next day on the 21st of July about two thousand persons gathered outside Shergarhi Police Station demanding release of the arrested persons. The police on the pretext that these protestors were trying to force their way into the police station opened fire on them killing ten of them on the spot and injuring twenty as per the official version. The wounded were taken to the mission hospital by the local people while the dead bodies of those killed were taken away by the police in a lorry.[5]

Some people even sent two telegrams to the Viceroy clarifying that the protest was against bribes demanded by the officials of the factory from the poor laborers (Because of the lopsided employment policy of the State Government the laborers were all Muslims and the employees Hindus as Muslims were practically excluded from government jobs. Thus the word Hindus in the telegrams refers to government officials and Muslims/Mussulmans to laborers). The two telegrams stated that:

1.Kashmiri Silk Factory Mussalman coolies(meaning laborers) approached of bribery of Hindus.Instead of consideration about thirty imprisioned,rest marshaled out.Deaths yet unknown,wounded about sixty. Maharaja tries to hush up whole case.Kindly soon release from tyranny”

2.“Muslims of Srinagar respectfully invite your excellency prompt action to ruthless and most inhuman charges of cavalry amongst the innocent, armless(meaning unarmed) and quiet(meaning peaceful) workers of the Silk Factory including children aged eight to ten years at the instance of the callous hearted Governor and Revenue Member culmination of the show of brute force has been reached,terrorism is the order of the day.Here Mussalmans are panic stricken.They earnestly implore your excellency to deliver the long agonizing poor but loyal Muslims of Kashmir from present Dire Calamity.”[6]

POLICE VERSION:THE SECRET FILES

Even today police allegations unless proven in a court of law are not given any credence but the police reports in the case of the “Silk Factory Agitation” were so incredible that not only were they never brought before a court but were hidden from public view in secret files serving only to justify the police action and sweep the allegations of bribery and corruption of the employees of the Silk Factory under the carpet. The police reports in the Secret Abstracts of Intelligence and Confidential weekly Diary of the Superintendent of Police Srinagar of 1924 made the far fetched allegation that the laborers of the Silk Factory were communal supporters of the Khilafat Movement. Allegations were made that the Muslim laborers of the Silk Factory formed a ring against Hindu employees of the factory in general and the Hindu Filature Officers in particular. It was also alleged that they demanded that the Hindu employees be removed and replaced by Muslims. the police further alleged that about one hundred Muslims started conspiring against the Hindu employees of the factory at Rambagh Srinagar. It was also alleged that some Ex-Inspector Atta Mohammed had gone to the Director warning that if the Hindu employees are not removed the laborers would go on strike. Thus the police by these baseless allegations,none of which were ever brought to a court, tried to project the protest against corruption by the laborers of the Silk Factory as a communal incident and took no cognizance of the serious allegations of corruption in the Silk factory that was made by it’s laborers. [7]

MORE THAN MEETS THE EYE

In 1924 the Dogra Sadar Sabha in Jammu and Hindu Yuyak Sabha in Kashmir were agitating against the employment of non Kashmiris in government services as they felt that it was responsible for creating unemployment among the educated youth of their communities.[8] Gwash Lal Koul the fire brand leader of Sanatan Dharam Youngman's Association a few months later threatened the government with dire consequences if it did not agree to their demands.[9].This was a period when Maharajah Partap Singh had been effectively divested of his power and power was transferred to a council headed by the Prime Minister Raja Hari Singh (who later became the Maharaja on the death of Partap Singh) but was still unsure of his power.These factors along with the allegations of corruption in the Silk Factory have to be considered in assessing the reasons for the unwarranted show of force by the administration for it would have weakened the case of Hari Singh for appointment as the next Maharajah.

THE RESIDENT’S VIEW

Sir John Wood the then British Resident in Kashmir refused to buy the police view that the agitation was of a communal nature. In his letter to the Political Secretary to Government of India he wrote:

“It will be desirable to remedy any real grievances and to promote some of the educated Musalman workers to posts of responsibility”[10]

Thus the Resident was of the view that to prevent future unrest the grievances regarding corruption should be addressed and the lopsided policy of the State Ruler in appointing only Non Muslims to responsible posts should be rectified by appointing educated workers of the Silk Factory to responsible posts.

Mr.J.B.Glancy the president of the grievances commission established in 1931 must have kept this in view when making his recommendations about giving special attention to recruitment of Muslims in Government jobs.

IN PERSPECTIVE

The agitation in the summer of 1924 by the workers of the Government Silk Factory is a landmark in the struggle of the people of Jammu and Kashmir towards greater empowerment under Maharajah’s rule. It was the first time in the history of the Dogra Rule that ordinary workers raised their voice against corruption and denial of rights by their employers.

This was also the first time that the protest was suppressed by an inordinate show of force and use of firearms against unarmed workers in which many workers were shot dead and their bodies taken away instead of being handed over to their families for decent burial. I t was also the first time when the police tried to give a communal color to the workers agitation by trying to show it as a Hindu Muslim conflict but this allegation could never stand up in a court of law and indeed was so unfounded that the police kept it out of public view in their secret files.

While the agitation was suppressed the pent up resentment remained simmering below the surface as there was no educated lleader among the laborers who could lead the agitation to a proper conclusion.Seven years later in 1931 a group of highly educated Muslim leaders including Molvi Abdul Rahim M.A.(Phil)LL.B,Sheikh Abdullah M.Sc.(Chemistry) and Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas B.A.LL.B chanellized this discontent to lead an uprising demanding greater empowerment for the people of the State.[11] Again on the 13th of July 1931 many protestors were killed in police firing and the police again tried to give it a communal color[12] but this time the attempt was thwarted by the above mentioned leaders (who later established a political party the Muslim Conference[13]) who forced the government to set up a Grieviances Commission under the presidentship of J.B. Glancy [14]which not only opened up the doors of education and employment to Muslims but also led to the first ever establishment of an elected legislative assembly the Praja Sabha.[15] Thus the 21st of July deserves to be celebrated along with the 13th of July as a landmark in the struggle of the people of Jammu and Kashmir State for greater empowerment and Democracy.

Notes

  1. ^ Sheikh Abdullah;MYTaing(1985) Atish-e-Chinar p36
  2. ^ Ravinderjit Kaur(1996)Political Awakening In Kashmir
  3. ^ Jammu and Kashmir Archives(1920) File No.26 of 1920).
  4. ^ National Archives of India,Foreign Department,Political(1924) No 19(2)
  5. ^ ibid
  6. ^ ibid
  7. ^ (Extracts from the confidential dairy of the Superintendent of Police Srinagar period ending 24th May 1924, Jammu and Kashmir Archives File No.B of 1924/ The secret abstract of intelligence for the year 1924,Jammu and Kashmir Archives,File No.B of 1924.)
  8. ^ Ravinderjit Kaur (2006) Political Awakening In Kashmir,p40
  9. ^ Jammu and Kashmir Archives(1925) File No 334
  10. ^ Johnwood to J.P.Thompson 4th August 1924,National Archives of India,Home Department,Political,1924,File No:25,Fortnightly Report for Second half of August)
  11. ^ Syed Taffazull Hussain(2009):Sheikh Abdullah-A Biography:The Crucial Period 1905-1939.Chapter 5 The Confrontation
  12. ^ ibid
  13. ^ ibid Chapter13,Dawn of A New Age
  14. ^ ibid Chapter 10,The Glancy Commission
  15. ^ ibid,Chapter15,Praja Sabha:Kashmir's First Legislative Assembly







References

  • Sheikh Abdullah; M.Y.Taing (1985) Atish-e-Chinar (URDU). Shaukat Publications Srinagar (Often referred to as his autobiography. It has not been copyrighted in deference to Sheikh Abdullah's wishes)
  • Ravinderjit Kaur (2006) Political Awakening In Kashmir. APH Publishing Company New Delhi.The references to the State Archives and the National Archives of India are from this work.
  • Syed Taffazull Hussain(2009):Sheikh Abdullah-A Biography:The Crucial Period 1905-1939 Wordclay. Indianapolis. ISBN 978-1-60481-309-8 (Full text of the updated book (December 2013 revision) is available free at books.google.com)
  • Jammu and Kashmir Archives
  • National Archives of India