The happiest barrack: Difference between revisions
Fixed spelling. |
No edit summary |
||
| Line 1: | Line 1: | ||
== Definition == |
|||
| ⚫ | |||
| ⚫ | |||
== Controversy == |
|||
The communist leadership and state police had little influence on everday people's life as long as they cared about "sausages and beer" as Mr. Kádár himself put it, but ignored politics. Access to "communist luxury" (meat in the shops, banana, colourful clothing, electric home appliances) was usually kept affordable. People seemed to be more relaxed than citizens of other Eastern Bloc countries, yet Hungary has consistently led worldwide suicide statistics. This may be culturally induced. |
|||
The most important venue of political dissent was humour (esp. the stage performances of the late Geza Hofi) and it was mostly tolerated. True opposition literature was produced in homes, distributed in closed circles and persecuted by authorities with varying effort. Official efforts to gain support for socialist ideology amongst the people were half-hearted and produced little more than once-yearly marches ending with free-food picnics. |
|||
A large percentage of defence funds and money assigned to improving the country's infrastructure were regularly diverted to welfare, keeping people "happy" at a price of compromising Hungary's future. The Kádár regime managed to accumulate a state debt of 20 billion US dollars by the late 80's. Fifteen years after converting to democracy, most hungarian paved roads are still in a miserable shape and the state highway system is very short compared to neighbours. This is now a significant barrier to further economic growth and EU integration. Budapest is now the pothole capital of Europe. |
|||
The "Kádár-era" is still popular with elderly people in Hungary, who face difficulties living off relatively low pensions as opposed to a wage of considerable spending power in the pre-1989 years. Younger generations are more fascinated with new possibilities in the democratic free-market system. |
|||
Revision as of 14:12, 17 November 2004
Definition
The happiest barrack was a satirical term referring to Hungary in the Soviet Bloc between the early 1960's and 1989. After János Kádár had stabilized his regime, Hungary became relatively the most free amongst the communist countries of Central Europe.
Controversy
The communist leadership and state police had little influence on everday people's life as long as they cared about "sausages and beer" as Mr. Kádár himself put it, but ignored politics. Access to "communist luxury" (meat in the shops, banana, colourful clothing, electric home appliances) was usually kept affordable. People seemed to be more relaxed than citizens of other Eastern Bloc countries, yet Hungary has consistently led worldwide suicide statistics. This may be culturally induced.
The most important venue of political dissent was humour (esp. the stage performances of the late Geza Hofi) and it was mostly tolerated. True opposition literature was produced in homes, distributed in closed circles and persecuted by authorities with varying effort. Official efforts to gain support for socialist ideology amongst the people were half-hearted and produced little more than once-yearly marches ending with free-food picnics.
A large percentage of defence funds and money assigned to improving the country's infrastructure were regularly diverted to welfare, keeping people "happy" at a price of compromising Hungary's future. The Kádár regime managed to accumulate a state debt of 20 billion US dollars by the late 80's. Fifteen years after converting to democracy, most hungarian paved roads are still in a miserable shape and the state highway system is very short compared to neighbours. This is now a significant barrier to further economic growth and EU integration. Budapest is now the pothole capital of Europe.
The "Kádár-era" is still popular with elderly people in Hungary, who face difficulties living off relatively low pensions as opposed to a wage of considerable spending power in the pre-1989 years. Younger generations are more fascinated with new possibilities in the democratic free-market system.