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Siege of Godesberg

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50°41′0″N 7°8′0″E / 50.68333°N 7.13333°E / 50.68333; 7.13333 Template:FixBunching

Godesberg Siege – 1583
Part of The Cologne War
A castle stands at the top of a steep hill, and its walls are being blown away in explosion and fire. The fortress is surrounded by mounted and foot soldiers, and several units of mounted soldiers are racing up the hill toward the castle on its peak.
Destruction of the fortress on Godesberg during the Cologne War in 1583; the walls were breached by mines, and most of the defenders were put to death.♦
Datemid-November – 17 December 1583
Location
Godesberg, Electorate of Cologne
Result Catholic victory
Belligerents
Black cross on a silver background, in a coat of arms Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg
Prince-Elector, Cologne 1578–1588 (Calvinist)		 Black cross on a silver background, in a coat of arms Ernst of Bavaria
Prince-Elector, Cologne, 1583–1612 (Catholic)
Coat of arms, two fields featuring blue and white rhombuses, the other two a yellow lion on black background House of Wittelsbach
Commanders and leaders
Felix Buchner, Lt. Colonel, Eduard Sudermann, Captain of the Guard Ferdinand of Bavaria
Charles, Count of Arenberg
Strength
"...a strong force of Dutch" mercenaries (approx. 180 troops from the Netherlands)♦♦ 400 foot soldiers, 5 squadrons of cavalry
Casualties and losses
178.[1] not stated in sources.

♦ Engraving by Frans Hogenberg (1535–1590). Hogenberg and Georg Braun, Civitates orbis terrarum, Cologne, 1572–1617.

♦♦ Template:De icon Ernst Weyden. Godesberg, das Siebengebirge, und ihre Umgebungen. Bonn: T. Habicht Verlag, 1864, p. 43.

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The first Siege of Godesberg, mid-November – 17 December 1583, was the first major siege of the Cologne War (1583–1589). The Godesburg[2] fortress resisted a lengthy cannonade by the Bavarian army; finally, sappers tunneled into the feldspar of the mountain on which the fortress stood, and blew up its outer works. Despite the destruction of the castle walls, the besieged defended the Bergfried and the interior buildings, extending the siege another 48 hours. Finally, Bavarian soldiers invaded the citadel through its sewer system. They overwhelmed the defendants, who had converted the castle's chapel into a makeshift bastion for their last stand, and killed all except three.

The fortress had been built in the early 13th century during a contest over the election of two competing archbishops. Towering over the Rhein (Rhine) valley, it offered both sanctuary and security to the southern region of the Electorate. Over time, the Electors strengthened its walls and heightened its towers; the fortress was thought to be nearly impregnable. The donjon had developed as a stronghold of the Electoral archives and valuables. Located on the road between the southernmost portion of the Electorate and the capital city of Bonn, the fortress had become a symbol of the dual power of the Prince-elector and Archbishop of Cologne, one of the wealthiest ecclesiastical territories in the Holy Roman Empire. The feud between the Protestant Elector, Gebhard, Truchsess of Waldburg, and the Catholic Elector, Ernst of Bavaria, was yet another schismatic episode in the Electoral and archdiocesan history.

Background

Main article: Cologne War

The Cologne War, 1583–1589, was triggered by the 1582 conversion of the Archbishop-Prince Elector of Cologne, Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg, to Calvinism, and his subsequent marriage to Agnes von Mansfeld-Eisleben in 1583. When he refused to relinquish the ecclesiastical see, a faction in the Cathedral chapter elected another archbishop, Ernst of Bavaria.[3]

Initially, troops of the competing Archbishops of Cologne fought for control of the Electorate; within a few months, the local feud between the two parties expanded to include supporters from the Electoral Palatinate on the Protestant side, and the Duchy of Bavaria on the Catholic side, supported by mercenaries hired by the papacy. In 1586, it expanded further, with direct involvement of the Spanish Netherlands for the Catholic side, and tertiary involvement from Henry III of France and Elizabeth I of England on the Protestant side. The dispute had broad implications in the political, social, and dynastic balance of the Holy Roman Empire. At its most fundamental, it was a local feud between two competing dynastic interests, acquiring religious overtones. More broadly, however, it tested the principle of ecclesiastical reservation established in the religious Peace of Augsburg (1555). Finally, the ensuing stalemate enticed external interests to play a role, turning a local family feud into an international dispute.[4]

Portrait of a middle-aged man, holding in his right hand a bishop's miter; he is well-dressed, but not ostentatiously. He has blond hair and a neatly trimmed pointed beard.
Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg's converted to Protestantism and married a Protestant cannoness; when he refused to resign from his ecclesiastical dignities, the Cathedral elected another archbishop.
Portrait of a young woman. She is very composed, discreetly dressed with a jeweled cap, white collar trimmed in lace, and richly embroidered dress
Agnes von Mansfeld Eisleben

Controversy of conversion

Agnes von Mansfeld-Eisleben was a Protestant canoness at a cloister in Gerresheim, today a district of Düsseldorf. After 1579, she maintained a lengthy liaison with the Archbishop of Cologne. Two of her brothers convinced Gebhard to marry her, and Gebhard formed an intention to convert to Calvinism for her.[5] While he considered this, rumors flew throughout the Electorate of his possible conversion, and that he might refuse to give up the Electorate. In December 1582, he announced his conversion; in February, he married Agnes, and at the end of March 1583, the Pope excommunicated him. The Cathedral chapter elected a competing archbishop, Ernst of Bavaria, and the Pope hired 5000 mercenaries from the Farnese family.[6]

As the competition grew more heated, both sides gathered their troops. Ernst of Bavaria arranged for his brother Ferdinand's army to take possession of the so-called Oberstift, the southern territory of the Electorate, many of whose villages and towns were plundered. As Gebhard secured other portions of the Electorate, with the support of Adolf von Neuenahr and the Count Solms, the troops he had left in possession of Ahrweiler and Linz were forced out of their strongholds, hunted through the countryside, and eventually captured. By the fall of 1583, most of the Oberstift had fallen to Ferdinand's army, and many of Gebhard's erstwhile supporters had gone home, succumbing to the imperial threats of Rudolf II, Holy Roman Emperor, or to Gebhard's perpetual inability to pay his troops. Gebhard still held the fortress above the tiny village of Friesdorf, called the Godesburg, defended by Lieutenant Colonel Felix Buchner, a Captain of the Guard Eduard Sudermann and a garrison of 72 soldiers from the Netherlands, and a few cannons, the formidable fortress at Bonn, and the fortified village of Poppelsdorf.[7]

Fortress

The fortress, first mentioned in documents from the early 8th century, was supposedly built on an old cult site and its name derived from the old Germanic Wotansberg, Woudensberg, or Gotansberg.[8] In the 10th century, documents from the reign of Otto I in 927, and Otto II in 974, suggested that a religious community had been located on the mountain peak, thus the name Gottesberg. Nineteenth-century Heimat historians speculated that in the pre-Christian era, the inhabitants probably used the peak to call to the god Wotan, the god of war, death and the hunt, and other attributes, establishing a custom that led eventually to the erection of a house of prayer on the site. In the 12th century, documents continue to refer to it as Gotensberg, or Gotensperg. From this speculation, the idea emerged that the fort itself was established on an ancient cult site.[9]

Outline map shows a long narrow territory on a blue line (river). Several dots represent key cities and towns of the territory; additional dots show a few important cities outside of the outlined area.
The secular possessions of the Elector of Cologne stretched for about 60 kilometres (37 mi) along the Rhine (Rhein) River. The gray (grey) lines show contemporary boundaries of Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands; the rivers are also shown on their contemporary course. Cologne, the imperial city, was not a part of the Electorate's secular domains, although it was part of the episcopal diocese. Venlo, Duisberg, Dortmund and Nijmegen were also not in the Electorate, but were important locations in the Cologne War.

The fortress foundation stones were laid by a vicar upon the order of Dietrich I, the Archbishop of Cologne, who was himself in disputed possession of the Electorate and fighting to keep his position.[10] After Dietrich's death in 1224, his successors finished the fortress; it featured in chronicles of the 13th through 15th centuries as both a symbolic and physical embodiment of the power of the archbishop of Cologne in his many struggles for regional authority with the patricians of the imperial city of Cologne. By the late 14th century, the fortress had become the repository of the Elector's valuables and archives, and by the mid-16th century, was popularly considered the lieblingssitz, or the favorite seat (home), of the Electors.[11]

The fortification had been originally constructed in the medieval style and in the reign of Siegfried II of Westwald (1275–1295) successfully resisted a five-week siege by Count William of Cleves.[12] Successive archbishops continued to improve the fortifications with stronger walls and expanded moats, adding levels to the central Bergfried, which was cylindrical, not square like many medieval donjons, expanded the inner works to include a small residence, dungeons, and chapel, fortified the walls, added a curtain wall, and improved the roads. By the 1580s, it was an elaborate stone fortress, and it had been enhanced partially in the style made popular by Italian military architects. Although the physical location did not permit the star-shaped trace italienne, its cordons of thick, rounded walls and massive iron-studded gates still made it a formidable adversary. Its height, some 400 feet (122 m) above the Rhein (Rhine), on the peak of a steep hill, made artillery fire difficult.[13]

Fortifications such as this, and the star-shaped fortresses more commonly found in the flatter lands of the Dutch Provinces, made warfare both difficult and expensive; victory was not simply a matter of winning a battle over the enemy's army, but of traveling from one fortified and armed city to another and investing time and money in one of two outcomes: ideally, with a show of extraordinary force, convincing the city leaders to surrender the city, or reducing the city to rubble and storming the ruins.[14] In the case of the former, when a city capitulated, it would have to quarter troops at its expense, called execution, but the soldiers would not be permitted to plunder; in the case of the latter, no quarter was given to the defenders.[15]

Investment of the Fortress

A fortified country home, surrounded by gardens and moats. Armed men have swarmed over the bridges and through the gates, and cannons fire on the walls; one of the buildings is on fire and other portions are damaged.
Gebhard's country home, where he first brought his bride in February, was taken by Ernst's supporters in mid-November, 1583. After they finished at Poppelsdorf, they moved to Godesberg.
A medieval fortress stands on the peak of a hill, dominating the valley below it, and the river passing it in the distance; the fortress has a central Keep (tower), and an elaborate ring of crenelated walls and narrow windows. A road twists around the mountain to the gate.
Engraving by the Swiss artist Matthäus Merian the Elder (1593–1650) depicts the fortress as it probably looked prior to its destruction.

On 3–4 November, Ernst's brother, Duke Ferdinand, and the Count of Arenberg took the Elector's castle at Poppelsdorf, and moved toward Bonn;[16] only Godesberg, considerably stronger than Poppelsdorf, lay between them and the Elector's capital city. Ferdinand brought 400 Fussvolk (infantry) and five squadrons of mounted soldiers, plus a half dozen heavy caliber cannons to besiege the Godesburg.[17] The customary equipage of siege warfare—the belfry, the trebuchet, and the crossbow[18]—would be ineffective, given the distance between the curtain wall and the valley floor and the besiegers had no choice but to use expensive artillery. Ferdinand placed his cannons on hillsides surrounding the fortress and from the plains below. The cannonade began; daily, cannonballs and mortar shells smashed against the walls. Nightly, the defenders repaired the damage. At the following sunrise, the assault began anew.[19] Ferdinand's huge cannons were ineffective against the fortification, as were his mortars; in the process of the cannonade, the return fire managed to destroy a few of his own pieces.[20]

There was only one possibility left: to blow the fortress up, which would make it unusable for both Gebhard and Ernst. This was the option of last resort. Finally, Ferdinand ordered tunnels to be dug into the side of the mountain, and mines to be laid.[21] Ferdinand wrote to his brother, Wilhelm, "The fortress stands on solid rock. ...[Y]esterday we had reached [with tunnels] the outer ring and in a day or two we will send the whole [fortress] into the sky."[22] After a customary and polite invitation to the garrison for its surrender, on 15 December he ordered the fuse to be lit, timed with a simultaneous attack from the opposite side.[23]

Destruction of the fortress

At mid-day, the sappers detonated the mines, which included a 1500-pound bomb.[24] With a dreadful crack, the explosion propelled chunks of the towers, the walls and the outer works into the air. Burning debris rained on the defenders and the attackers who remained in the valley and into the village of Friesdorf at the base of the mountain. The explosion created fires in the fortress and the village and flames licked at the wooden timbers, the gates, bridges and trusses. Amidst the flames and rubble, Arenberg's and Ferdinand's troops stormed the remains of the walls, even seeking access through the sluice-ways of the garderobe (latrines) that emptied on the hillside. Despite their ferocious charge against the crumbled walls, the defenders held the fortress for another two days: they had removed the roof from the Chapel of St. Michael in the castle forework (Vorburg), filled it with dirt to reinforce the walls, and, placing their remaining cannons within, used it for their last stand. Yet the attackers eventually overcame the defenders. They methodically made their way through the rubble, killing all in their advance. Finally, the Bavarians possessed the fortress, but it was in ruins.[25]

Survivors

The attackers took no prisoners and slaughtered all but three of the defenders.[26] The Abbot of Heisterbach, Johann von St. Vith, had been taken prisoner on 11 July 1583, when Gebhard's troops plundered the abbeys in the Westerwald, in Westphalia. The Abbot and a couple of monks had been brought first to Bonn and then to Godesberg, where they had joined other prisoners, including the suffragan (auxiliary, bishop) of Hildesheim and the former commander of the fortifications at Dutz, which lay across the river from the city of Cologne. Once the fortress was breached, Felix Buchner, the commander, his wife, and his lieutenant, Captain of the Guard Eduard Sudermann, asked the Abbot for their lives. The Abbot interceded with Ferdinand for his former gaolers.[27] Sudermann was a patrician from Cologne, and the son of Cologne's Bürgermeister (mayor) Dr. Heinrich Sudermann (1520–1591), a jurist and ambassador, and one of the most influential men in the imperial city and, indeed, throughout the merchant capitals of the northern German states.[28] In later correspondence with his brother, Ferdinand wrote that after the storming of the castle, everyone inside was killed: men, women, children, young and old, with the exception of these three; his troops liberated the ecclesiastical prisoners and the commander of the Dutz garrison.[29] The castle's 178 dead were buried in two mass graves, whose location remains unknown.[30]

Aftermath

The 18th-century depiction of the Godesburg ruins, as a tourist site, shows crumbled shells of walls, with elegantly dressed men and women walking among them.
This 18th-century depiction shows the effects of the mines on the thick stone walls.

Immediate consequences

In the immediate aftermath, Ernst's forces had acquired a ruin. The castle was unusable, although the Keep survived the blast of the mines and powder; various armies used it as a watch tower in the Thirty Years' War.[31] His troops, under his brother's command, saturated the region and the 7.3 kilometres (5 mi) between Godesberg and Bonn bore a greater resemblance to a military camp than to a road. Squadrons of Italian cavalry, paid for by the pope, and Walloon riders galloped back and forth. Forty companies of infantry trudged toward Bonn, including Walloons and Bavarians. They looked forward to besieging Bonn, the Elector's capital city, to which they laid siege on 21 December 1583, and which they took, through storming, on 28 January 1584.[32]

After overwhelming the fortress, the Bavarians found a large marble slab on the remains of the connecting wall between the outer and inner ring: the castle's foundation stone, a block of black marble with an inscription commemorating the construction of the castle by Archbishop Dietrich, in 1324. Ferdinand took the stone to Munich, where it was kept in a museum beside a fresco painting in an arcade commemorating the siege.[33] Today, the foundation stone is in the Rheinisches Landesmuseum (Rhine State Museum), in Bonn.[34]

Intermediate consequences

The siege of the Godesburg and the destruction of the castle was a mere taste of things to come. It was the first of many sieges in the Cologne War, and resulted in the destruction of several principal towns and cities in Electoral Cologne: Bonn, Poppelsdorf, Hülchrath, Neuss, Werl. Additionally, several fortified smaller towns, such as Gelsenkirchen, Onkel and Bruhl, were also either heavily damaged or destroyed. Furthermore, early in the war, Ernst's supporters managed to restrict imports and exports to and from the Electorate.[35] Advances in military architecture over the previous century had led to the construction or enhancement of fortresses that could withstand the pounding of cannonballs and mortar shells. For both Gebhard and Ernst, winning the war meant mobilizing enough men to encircle a seemingly endless array of enemy artillery fortresses, which could be protected with a relatively small garrison, and then maintaining and defending all one's own possessions as they were acquired. Even the ruin of the Godesburg required a garrison and a defensive strategy; it came under siege in 1586 and again in 1588. The Cologne War, similar to the Dutch Revolt, was not a war of assembled armies facing each other on a field. It was a war of artillery sieges. It required men who could operate the machinery of war, which meant extensive economic resources for soldiers to build and operate the siege works, and a political and military will to keep the machinery of war operating.[36]

A shield with a red background, an orange castle in ruins, has a second shield of silver with a black cross.
The contemporary Wappen (or Arms) of Bad Godesberg depicts the 21st-century ruins of the Keep of a medieval castle, and shows also the simple white shield with the black crusaders' cross of the Electorate of Cologne.

As a principal seat of the Elector, its possessor held a symbolic advantage over his opponent; he who held the castle held the rights, and Gebhard understood well the potential of its loss. "Verily, the Roman Antichrist moves every stone to oppress us and our churches....", he wrote in November 1583, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, in London.[37] The destruction of so prominent a castle was also news. When Frans Hogenberg and Georg Braun compiled their Civitates Orbis Terrarum, a collection of important scenes and locales, they included Hogenberg's engraving of the destruction of the fortress as not only an important sight, but an important event (see Box, top). Hogenberg lived in Bonn and Cologne in 1583, and could have been expected to have seen the site himself.[38]

Long-term consequences

Gebhard's defeat changed the balance of power in the Electoral College of the Holy Roman Empire. In 1589, Ernst of Bavaria became uncontested Prince-elector of Cologne, the first Wittelsbach to hold the position. Wittelsbach authority in northwestern German territories endured until the mid-18th century, with the election of a succession of Bavarian princes to the archbishop's throne and to the Prince-Elector's seat. This gave the family two voices in the choice of imperial candidates.[39] In 1740, when Charles Albert, Duke of Bavaria claimed the imperial title, his brother Klemens August of Bavaria, then the current Archbishop and Prince-elector, cast his vote for Charles and personally crowned him emperor at Frankfurt am Main.[40] (See War of the Austrian Succession.)

Gebhard's defeat also changed the religious balance in the northwestern states, giving the Counter Reformation a foothold in the lower Rhine. Ernst was a product of Jesuit education. He invited Jesuits into the territory to help reestablish Catholicism, which the order approached with zeal. They removed Protestant pastors from parishes and re-established catechism education and pastoral visitations. Even when communities appeared to be reconverted, the Jesuits maintained strict supervision to identify recalcitrant Protestants.[41] This process postponed the solution of Germany's religious problems for another half century.[42]

The German tradition of local and regional autonomy created structural and cultural differences from the increasingly centralized authority of such other European states as France, England, and Spain. The unabashed intervention of Spanish, French, Italian, Dutch, English and Scots mercenaries in the war, and the influence of papal gold, changed the dynamic of internal German confessional and dynastic disputes. The great "players" of the Early Modern European political stage realized that they could enhance their own positions vis-a-vis one another by assisting, promoting or undermining local and regional competition among the German princes, as they did in the localized feud between Gebhard and Ernst. Conversely, German princes, dukes, and counts realized that they could gain an edge over their competitors by promoting the interests of powerful neighbors.[43] The scale of the engagement of such external mercenary armies as Spain's Army of Flanders set a precedent to internationalize contests of local autonomy and religious issues in the German states, a problem not settled until the Peace of Westphalia in 1650.[44] Even after that settlement, German states remained vulnerable to both external intervention[45] and the religious division exemplified in the Cologne War.[46]

Sources

Citations and Notes

  1. ^ Tanja Potthoff. Die Godesburg – Archäologie und Baugeschichte einer kurkölnischen Burg. Inaugural Dissertation, University of Munich, 2009, p. 15.
  2. ^ Note: In German, Godesburg (with a u) is the fortress; Godesberg (with an e) is the mountain. The contemporary town of Godesberg is called Bad Godesberg, or Godesberg Spa.
  3. ^ Template:De icon Johann Heinrich Hennes. Der Kampf um das Erzstift Köln zur Zeit der Kurfürsten. Köln: DuMont-Schauberg, 1878, pp. 5–10.
  4. ^ Hajo Holborn. A History of Modern Germany, The Reformation. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959. For a general discussion of the impact of the Reformation on the Holy Roman Empire, see Holborn, chapters 6–9 (pp. 123–248).
  5. ^ Template:De icon Hennes, p. 6–7.
  6. ^ N.M. Sutherland. "Origins of the Thirty Years War and the Structure of European Politics." The English Historical Review. Vol. 107, No. 424 (Jul., 1992), pp. 587–625, 606.
  7. ^ Template:De icon Hennes, pp. 118–121; Template:De icon Dr. F. Schmidtz, "Heisterbach." In A. Minon and C. Koenen. Rheinische Geschichtsblätter. Bonn: Hansteins Verlag, 1897, v. 3, pp. 128–224, p. 173 cited; Alfred Wiedemann. Geschichte Godesbergs und seiner Umgebung. Frankfurt am Main: Mohnkopf Reprints, 1920, [1979]. ISBN 9783812800259 p. 393.
  8. ^ Eckart Stiehl. Die Stadt Bonn und ihr Umland: ein geographischer Exkursionsführer. Ferd. Dümmlers Verlag. ISBN 9783427716617, 1997.
  9. ^ Template:De icon Weyden, pp. 35–36; see also Adrian Room, Placenames of the world: origins and meanings of the names for 6,600 countries, cities, territories, natural features, and historic sites. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland, 1999 [2005], ISBN 0786422483, p. 43. Other arguments suggest that the name originated in the German word, Goding, or Gaugericht, a type of justice, but this assertion is also made with the additional statement that the ruins of the fortress date from an old Roman fort created by Julian. For this argument, see Francis Coghlan, Handbook for Central Europe, London: Hughes, 1844, p. 98.
  10. ^ Tourism & Congress GmbH, Fortress Godesburg 2002–2008. Accessed 31 October 2009.
  11. ^ Template:De icon Weyden, pp. 36–42, specifically p. 42.
  12. ^ Template:De icon Weyden, p. 40.
  13. ^ Template:De icon Weyden, pp. 38–43.
  14. ^ Geoffrey Parker. The Flanders Army and the Spanish Road. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. ISBN 978-0521543927, pp. 11–19.
  15. ^ Parker, p. 19.
  16. ^ Template:De icon Joseph Vochezer. Geschichte des fürstlichen Hauses Waldburg in Schwaben, v. 3 (1907), Kempten: Kösel, 1888–1907, p. 70.
  17. ^ Template:De icon Hennes, p. 121.
  18. ^ J. E. Kaufmann, et al. The Medieval Fortress: Castles, Forts and Walled Cities of the Middle Ages, Cambridge, MA: Perseus Books/Capo Press, 2001, ISBN 0-306-81358-0, p. 185.
  19. ^ Template:De icon Ernst Weyden. Godesberg, das Siebengebirge, und ihre Umgebungen. Bonn: T. Habicht Verlag, 1864, p. 43.
  20. ^ Template:De icon Weyden, p. 43.
  21. ^ Template:De icon Hennes, pp. 119-120; Template:De icon Weyden, p. 43.
  22. ^ Template:De icon Karl Theodor Dumont & Robert Haass. Geschichte der Pfarreien der Erzdiöcese Köln. Köln: Bachem, 1883-, p. 229.
  23. ^ Template:De icon Weyden, p. 45.
  24. ^ Tourism & Congress GmbH, Fortress Godesburg 2002–2008. Accessed 31 October 2009.
  25. ^ Template:De icon Hennes, p. 120; Template:De icon Weyden, pp. 43–44.
  26. ^ Template:De icon Hennes, p. 120, reports that only the commander survived; Weyden, pp. 43–44, offers greater details.
  27. ^ Template:De icon Weyden, pp. 43–44.
  28. ^ Template:De icon Herman Keussen. "Sudermann, Heinrich". In: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (ADB). Band 37, Leipzig: Duncker & Humbolt, 1894, S. 121–127; Template:De icon F. Oediger. Hauptstaatsarchiv Düsseldorf und seine Bestände, Siegburg: Respublica-Verlag, 1957 [1993], v. 7, p. 530.
  29. ^ Template:De icon Weyden, pp. 43–44.
  30. ^ Potthoff, p. 15.
  31. ^ Template:De icon Weyden, p. 44.
  32. ^ Template:De icon Hennes, p. 121.
  33. ^ Template:De icon Weyden, pp. 39, 43–44.
  34. ^ Template:De icon Tanja Potthoff. Die Godesburg – Archäologie und Baugeschichte einer kurkölnischen Burg, 2009, pp. 10, 24; Template:De icon Weyden, p. 44.
  35. ^ English observers noted that the export of wine from the Palatinate through the Electorate was restricted early in the war. Sophie Crawford Lomas (editor). Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth. Volume 18: July 1583 – July 1584 (1914), pp. 278–295. Norreys to Herle, October 8–18, 1583. Institute of Historical Research, British History Online, University of London & History of Parliament Trust, 2009. Accessed 22 November 2009.
  36. ^ Parker, Flanders, p. 17–18.
  37. ^ Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 18: July 1583 – July 1584 (1914), pp. 250–265. Gebhard to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of London, 22 November 1583.
  38. ^ Template:De icon J. J. Merlo: "Hogenberg, Franz". In: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (ADB). Band 12, Duncker & Humblot, Leipzig 1880, S. 650–652.
  39. ^ Benians, p. 713.
  40. ^ Charles Albert was crowned King of Bohemia in Prague (9 December 1741) and elected 'King of the Romans' on 24 January 1742, and took the title of Holy Roman Emperor upon his coronation on 12 February 1742. See Benians. pp. 230–233; Holborn, pp. 191–247.
  41. ^ Robert W. Scribner, "Why Was There No Reformation in Cologne?" Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 49(1976): pp. 217–241.
  42. ^ Holborn, pp. 201–247.
  43. ^ Brodek, Theodor V. Brodek, "Socio-Political Realities of the Holy Roman Empire," Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 1971, 1(3), pp. 395–405, pp. 400–401.
  44. ^ Geoffrey Parker, The Thirty Years Wars, 1618–1648. New York: Routledge, 1997 (second edition), ISBN 978-0415128834, Introduction.
  45. ^ Parker, Introduction; Robert W. Scribner, "Why Was There No Reformation in Cologne?" Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 49(1976): pp. 217–241.
  46. ^ Dairmaid MacCulloch. The Reformation. New York: Viking, 2003, ISBN 978-0670032969 p. 266, 467–84.

Bibliography

  • Benians, Ernest Alfred, et al. The Cambridge Modern History. New York: MacMillan, 1905.
  • Brodek, Theodor V. "Socio-Political Realities of the Holy Roman Empire," Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 1971, 1(3), pp. 395–405.
  • Coghlan, Francis. Handbook for Central Europe, London: Hughes, 1844.
  • Dumont, Karl Theodor & Robert Haass. Geschichte der Pfarreien der Erzdiöcese Köln. Köln: Bachem, 1883-.
  • Template:De icon Hennes, Johann Heinrich. Der Kampf um das Erzstift Köln zur Zeit der Kurfürsten. Köln: DuMont-Schauberg. 1878
  • Holborn, Hajo, A History of Modern Germany, The Reformation. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959.
  • Kaufmann, J. E. et al. The Medieval Fortress: Castles, Forts and Walled Cities of the Middle Ages, Cambridge, MA: Perseus Books/Capo Press, 2001, ISBN 0-306-81358-0.
  • MacCulloch, Dairmaid. The Reformation. New York: Viking, 2003.
  • Template:De icon Oedinger, F. Hauptstaatsarchiv Düsseldorf und seine Bestände, Siegburg: Respublica-Verlag, 1957 [1993], v. 7.
  • Parker, Geoffrey. The Thirty Years Wars, 1618–1648. New York: Routledge, 1997 (second edition).
  • _______. The Flanders Army and the Spanish Road. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. ISBN 978-0521543927.
  • Template:De icon Potthoff, Tanja. Die Godesburg – Archäologie und Baugeschichte einer kurkölnischen Burg, Inaugural dissertation, University of Munich, 2009.
  • Scribner, Robert W. "Why Was There No Reformation in Cologne?" Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 49(1976): pp. 217–241.
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  • Template:De icon Vochezer, Joseph. Geschichte des fürstlichen hauses Waldburg in Schwaben, v. 3 (1907), Kempten. Kösel, 1888-1907.
  • Template:De icon Wiedemann, Alfred. Geschichte Godesbergs und seiner Umgebung. Frankfurt am Main: Mohnkopf Reprints, 1920, [1979]. ISBN 9783812800259.
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