Djenné-Djenno

Djenné-Djenno (also Jenne-Jeno),literally translated to ancient Jenné, is the original site of Djenné, Mali and considered to be among the oldest urbanized centers in sub-Saharan Africa. This archaeological site is located about 3 Kilometers away from the modern town, and is believed to have been involved in long distance trance and possibly the domestication of African rice . It has been the subject of excavations by Susan and Roderick McIntosh (and others) and has been dated to the 3rd century BC.

Origins

Based on archaeological excavations, Radiocarbon dates have been collected showing that people first settled here permanently in about 250 B.C. This first occupation of the site (which lasted from 250 B.C. to A.D. 50) is known as Phase I and is some of the earliest evidence for iron production is sub-Saharan Africa.This initial phase is not associated with the Later Stone Age, and there has never been an occupation from this period at the site. Faunal remains at the site have included catfish and Nile perch but mostly cow, leading to the assumption that this first phase might be associated with Hunter-Gatherer or Pastoral modes of subsistence. During this period there is no evidence for rice production, however it is believed that these people might haves been rice producers, even though no definitive evidence has been discovered yet . Phase II is defined by a larger population and definitive evidence for the mass production of rice . we also see the borders of the site expand during this period (possibly covering 100,000 square meters or more), as well as the presence of permanent mud brick architecture. . It is inferred from this that rice domestication might have lead to higher population, or higher populations lead to the domestication of rice in this period. Phase III dates from about A.D. 300 to A.D. 900 and is believed to have an even higher population based on crowded cemeteries . The site also has evidence for a more intensive occupation through deep house deposits, possibly from multiple generations . Since there is no evidence for a fourth phase, it is expected that towards the end of phase III, the city experienced a slow decline in population and eventually a total abandonment . However, very little is know about why this decline happened, and more research is needed.

At the end of the sites occupation, it stood as a large tear-shaped mound (also known as a Tell) consisting of layer upon layer of occupation that had built up over time. This Tell was surrounded by 69 hillocks, and created by its people through the building and rebuilding of their houses. While data on the source of this apparent innovation is scant, it is suggested that the process was indigenous since change is also seen with an accompanied continuity in pottery and the general structural lay-out of the houses; therefore it is unlikely that any change in ethnic composition had occurred. The first verifiable Islamic influence on the town appears in the eleventh and twelfth centuries in the form of brass, spindle whorls, and rectilinear houses.

"As recently as the middle of the last millennium BC," the area surrounding Djenne-Djenno was either uninhabited or visited by nomadic groups that stayed for short periods. Debris found within the upper alluvium of several sites suggests that nomadic pastoralists, hunters, or fishermen may have occasionally passed through the area. Geomorphological data shows that the region consisted mostly of swampland at this time. Groups only began permanently occupying the area sometime between 300 BCE and 300 AD after a dry episode in which annual flooding receded and decreased the size of the swamps. Djenne-Djenno was settled in the final centuries of BCE. At its peak, the site was 33 hectares and had up to 10,000 people living within its vicinity.

There are several explanations that have been proposed for the settlement of Djenne-Djenno. The functionalist approach has suggested that the site of Djenne-Djenno was selected to maximize productivity. According to this approach, non-inundated areas, deep basins, and good rice-growing soils would be valued because they allowed for maximally productive farming. Non-inundated areas allowed for the "pasturing of livestock during the flood season" while deep basins allowed farmers to pasture during the dry season. Settlers following this approach would have selected sites that had all of these resources relatively close to one another. Oral traditions support the notion of founding communities migrating to principal, maximally productive sites "from which daughter communities later arose through fissioning and migration." Another explanation for the selection of the Djenne-Djenno site looks at the role belief systems such as magic and blacksmithing may have played in the decision. Settlers, particularly blacksmiths, may have selected this site for its high concentration of water spirits. Blacksmiths valued water spirits are a source of nyama, the life-energy of the earth.

Agriculture and urban organization

The community of Djenne-Djenno drew sustenance from of “rice, sorghum, millet, and a high volume of wild grains” combined with a supply of cattle, sheep and goats. The land surrounding Djenne –Djenno lent itself to such high-yielding crops due to its mixture of highland and floodplain soils at different elevations that allowed floodwater farming of rice. Moreover, the Djenne-Djenno site lies in close proximity to dune landscape, which allows for necessary recreation needed for keeping cattle in floodplain environments. Overall, the diversified sources of food provided food security that allowed for permanent settlement in a region of volatile climate.

The Djenne-Djenno urban complex consists of 40 mounds within a 4 kilometer radius; population estimates range from 11,000 to 50,000. Culturally distinct communities of the Middle Niger settled each individual mound. The configuration of the mounds helped “segmented” communities to surmount the ecological challenges caused by the volatile weather patters characteristic of the Middle Niger. The fact that the mounds were disjointed allowed communities to specialize their trade while the relative proximity of the mound facilitated the exchange of goods and services between these communities. Thus, this urban configuration incentivized peaceful reciprocity between the communities, which in turn caused the communities to specialize further leading to the prosperity of the community as a whole. These separate communities may come together into an urban complex through the burden of debt or fictive ties of kinship.

In addition, the Djenne-Djenno accomplished what is thought to have been among the first examples of rice domestication on the continent and were the first in the Western Sudan region to establish its signature mudbrick architecture; a predecessor to Sudano-Sahelian. They also possessed their own iron technology and developed some of the finest terracotta figures in the region.

Trade

Archaeological evidence suggests that Jenné-Jeno was part of a pre-Arab trans-Saharan trade network. Specifically, glass beads found at the site have been dated to as early as the third century BC and appear to originate from Asia to the Mediterranean Near East. These discoveries lend support to the existence of sporadic contacts between West and North Africa throughout the first millennium AD.

Djenne-Djenno's collection of streams and major rivers such as the Niger and Bani gave merchants access to neighboring communities as well as more distant communities that included Dia and Timbuktu. The community of Djenne-Djenno exchanged their plentiful commodities for stone and iron from the surrounding communities. Iron ore, which had to be imported, was a crucial resource utilized by blacksmiths smelting iron at this site.

References

• McIntosh, Roderick J.; McIntosh, Susan Keech (1981). "The inland Niger delta before the empire of Mali: evidence from Jenne-jeno". Journal of African History. 22: 1–22. doi:10.1017/S0021853700018983. JSTOR 182149. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help) Also available from Rice University.
• McIntosh, Roderick J.; McIntosh, Susan Keech (2003). "Early urban configurations on the Middle Niger: Clustered cities and landscapes of power". In Smith, Monica L. (ed.). The Social Construction of Ancient Cities. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Books. pp. 103–120. ISBN 9781588340986. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• McIntosh, Roderick J. (2005). Ancient Middle Niger: Urbanism and the Self-organizing Landscape. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-81300-X. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Further reading

• McIntosh, Roderick J.; McIntosh, Susan Keech (1986). "Dilettantism and plunder: illicit traffic in ancient Malian art" (PDF). UNESCO Museum. 38 (1): 49–57. Link is to a file of the complete issue. It contains poor images. Also available from Rice University.
• McIntosh, Susan Keech (ed.) (1995). Excavations at Jenné-Jeno, Hambarketolo, and Kaniana (Inland Niger Delta, Mali), the 1981 season. Berkeley: University of California Press. doi:10.5555/AL.CH.DOCUMENT.sip100038. ISBN 0-520-09785-8. {{cite book}}: |first= has generic name (help); Check |doi= value (help) Link requires subscription to Aluka.

External links

• Archaeology of West Africa at Rice University