Djenné-Djenno

Djenné-Djenno (also Jenné-Jeno),literally translated to ancient Jenné, is the original site of Djenné, Mali and considered to be among the oldest urbanized centers in sub-Saharan Africa. This archaeological site is located about 3 Kilometers away from the modern town, and is believed to have been involved in long distance trade and possibly the domestication of African rice . It has been the subject of excavations by Susan and Roderick McIntosh (and others) and has been dated to the 3rd century BC.

Origins

Based on archaeological excavations, Radiocarbon dates have been collected showing that people first settled here permanently in about 250 B.C. This first occupation of the site (which lasted from 250 B.C. to A.D. 50) is known as Phase I and is some of the earliest evidence for iron production is sub-Saharan Africa.This initial phase is not associated with the Later Stone Age, and there has never been an occupation from this period at the site, or evidence for it has never been found. Until 250 B.C., the area surrounding Jenné-Jeno was either uninhabited or visited by nomadic groups that stayed for short periods.. Geomorphological data shows that the region consisted mostly of swampland at this time. Groups only began permanently occupying the area after a dry episode in which annual flooding receded and decreased the size of the swamps.. Faunal remains at the site from this occupation have included catfish and Nile perch but mostly cow, leading to the assumption that this first phase might be associated with Hunter-Gatherer or Pastoral modes of subsistence. During this period there is no evidence for rice production, however it is believed that these people might haves been rice producers, even though no definitive evidence has been discovered yet . Phase II is defined by a larger population and definitive evidence for the mass production of rice . we also see the borders of the site expand during this period (possibly covering 100,000 square meters or more), as well as the presence of permanent mud brick architecture. . It is inferred from this that rice domestication might have lead to higher population, or higher populations lead to the domestication of rice in this period. Phase III dates from about A.D. 300 to A.D. 900 and is believed to have an even higher population based on crowded cemeteries . The site also has evidence for a more intensive occupation through deep house deposits, possibly from multiple generations . Since there is no evidence for a fourth phase, it is expected that towards the end of phase III, the city experienced a slow decline in population and eventually a total abandonment . However, very little is know about why this decline happened, and more research is needed.

At the end of the sites occupation stood as a large tear-shaped mound (also known as a Tell) consisting of layer upon layer of occupation that had built up over time. This Tell was surrounded by 69 hillocks, and created by its people through the building and rebuilding of their houses. Throughout the sites occupations, pottery fragments are abundant. We see some of the more interesting clay artifacts beginning in Phase II with the terra-cotta statuettes and representations of humans and animals on pottery . These statuettes are important to the understanding of Phase II because along with this art, we see the first evidence for large scale rice cultivation and population rise. All of these attributes are commonly associated with complex, state-level societies. It is believed that these artifacts posed ritual function as apposed to a domestic function. Some of these clay figurines are similar to those made by modern Fulani pastoralists for children, which might be evidence for the importance of domesticated cows at the site. One human statuette in particular has been the cause of much debate. It was found on a house floor around small bowls full of suspected offerings . Two others have been found in similar context 11 kilometers away from the site of Jenné-Jeno and it is hypothesized that they are the representations of a household spirit, as ancestral cults are known to have flourished in the area as late as the 20th century.

There are several explanations that have been proposed for the settlement of Jenné-Jeno. The functionalist approach has suggested that the site of Djenne-Djenno was selected to maximize productivity. According to this approach, non-inundated areas, deep basins, and good rice-growing soils would be valued because they allowed for maximally productive farming. Non-inundated areas allowed for the "pasturing of livestock during the flood season" while deep basins allowed farmers to pasture during the dry season. Settlers following this approach would have selected sites that had all of these resources relatively close to one another. Oral traditions support the notion of founding communities migrating to principal, maximally productive sites "from which daughter communities later arose through fissioning and migration." Another explanation for the selection of the Djenne-Djenno site looks at the role belief systems such as magic and blacksmithing may have played in the decision. Settlers, particularly blacksmiths, may have selected this site for its high concentration of water spirits. Blacksmiths valued water spirits are a source of nyama, the life-energy of the earth.

Agriculture and urban organization

Historically, the Inland Niger Delta has been an ideal location for the mass production of staples such as rice, millet and vegetables due to its predictable floods and summer rains. Many believe this area was the leader in African rice domestication, however more research is needed. Along with this, evidence for domestic cow, sheep and goat cultivation is present at the site. The land surrounding Jenné –Jeno lent itself to such high-yielding crops due to its mixture of highland and floodplain soils at different elevations that allowed floodwater farming of rice. Moreover, the Jenne-Jeno site lies in close proximity to dune landscape, which allows for necessary recreation needed for keeping cattle in floodplain environments. Overall, the diversified sources of food provided food security that allowed for permanent settlement in a region of volatile climate. It is believed that this food production, especially that of African rice, was one of the main contributors to population rise in the city of Jenné-Jeno and was widely exported to nearby centers (including Timbuktu). Many believe that domestic rice was introduced from areas outside the Delta, but the idea that it could not have been manipulated all over the region should not be rejected without further evidence. It is hypothesized that after the decline in aquatic resources we see being exploited in phase I, people adapted by cultivating rice, causing this population explosion

The Djenne-Djenno urban complex consists of 40 mounds within a 4 kilometer radius. The configuration of the mounds helped “segmented” communities to surmount the ecological challenges caused by the volatile weather patters characteristic of the Middle Niger. The fact that the mounds were disjointed allowed communities to specialize their trade while the relative proximity of the mound facilitated the exchange of goods and services between these communities. Thus, this urban configuration incentivized peaceful reciprocity between the communities, which in turn caused the communities to specialize further leading to the prosperity of the community as a whole. These separate communities may come together into an urban complex through the burden of debt or fictive ties of kinship.

Trade

Archaeological evidence suggests that Jenné-Jeno was part of a pre-Arab trans-Saharan trade network. Specifically, glass beads found at the site have been dated to as early as the third century BC and appear to originate from Asia to the Mediterranean Near East. These discoveries lend support to the existence of sporadic contacts between West and North Africa throughout the first millennium AD.

Jenné-Jeno's collection of streams and major rivers such as the Niger and Bani gave merchants access to neighboring communities as well as more distant communities that included Dia and Timbuktu. The community of Djenne-Djenno exchanged their plentiful commodities for stone and iron from the surrounding communities. Iron ore, which had to be imported, was a crucial resource utilized by blacksmiths smelting iron at this site.

References

• McIntosh, Roderick J.; McIntosh, Susan Keech (1981). "The inland Niger delta before the empire of Mali: evidence from Jenne-jeno". Journal of African History. 22: 1–22. doi:10.1017/S0021853700018983. JSTOR 182149. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help) Also available from Rice University.
• McIntosh, Roderick J.; McIntosh, Susan Keech (2003). "Early urban configurations on the Middle Niger: Clustered cities and landscapes of power". In Smith, Monica L. (ed.). The Social Construction of Ancient Cities. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Books. pp. 103–120. ISBN 9781588340986. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• McIntosh, Roderick J. (2005). Ancient Middle Niger: Urbanism and the Self-organizing Landscape. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-81300-X. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Further reading

• McIntosh, Roderick J.; McIntosh, Susan Keech (1986). "Dilettantism and plunder: illicit traffic in ancient Malian art" (PDF). UNESCO Museum. 38 (1): 49–57. Link is to a file of the complete issue. It contains poor images. Also available from Rice University.
• McIntosh, Susan Keech (ed.) (1995). Excavations at Jenné-Jeno, Hambarketolo, and Kaniana (Inland Niger Delta, Mali), the 1981 season. Berkeley: University of California Press. doi:10.5555/AL.CH.DOCUMENT.sip100038. ISBN 0-520-09785-8. {{cite book}}: |first= has generic name (help); Check |doi= value (help) Link requires subscription to Aluka.

External links

• Archaeology of West Africa at Rice University