View source for History of early Islamic Tunisia

{{History of Tunisia}}
The '''History of early Islamic Tunisia''' opens with the arrival of the [[Arabs]] who brought their language and the religion of [[Islam]], and its calendar.<ref>The [[Islamic calendar]] starts on July 16, 622 A.D., an estimated date for [[Muhammad]]'s flight ([[Hijra (Islam)|Hijra]]) from [[Mecca]] to [[Medina]]. Years in this calendar are designated A.H. for ''Anno Hegira'' or the [[Hijri year]]. Since the Islamic calendar is strictly lunar, it runs about eleven and one-quarter days shorter than a solar year; hence calculation of dates between this lunar and a solar calendar are complicated. The calendar used in this article is a solar calendar, the traditional western calendar being the [[Gregorian calendar|Gregorian]], with the years dating from an approximate birth date of [[Jesus]], designated either B.C. for ''Before Christ'', or A.D. for ''Anno Domini''. Alternatively the western calendar can be renamed to sanction a secular modernism, a nominal neutrality, or otherwise, the years being called B.C.E. and C.E., for ''[[Common Era]]''.</ref> The Arab conquest followed strategy designed by the [[Umayyad Caliphate]] regarding its long-term conflict with the [[Byzantine Empire]]. The native [[Berber people|Berbers]] eventually converted to Islam. They might have seen some similarities between themselves and the Arabs, in similar cognate culture, such as familiarity with a pastoral way of life. The first local Islamic ruling house, the [[Aghlabid Dynasty|Aghlabids]], consisted primarily of rule by leading members of this Arab tribe. Fundamental elements of Islamic civilization were established. Although accepting Islam, many Berbers nonetheless resisted rule by the Arabs, establishing the [[Rustamid]] kingdom following the [[Kharijite]] revolt. Next in Ifriqiya (Tunisia) arose the Shia Fatimids, inspired by a few immigrants from the east yet consisting for the most part of Ifriqiya Berbers. The [[Fatimids]] later expanded their rule east, through conquest by Berber armies of Egypt, and established their caliphate there which came to include Syria and the [[Hejaz]].<ref>See [[History of Tunisia]] preview for general Geography and Climate of Tunisia.</ref>

==Umayyad Caliphate in Ifriqiya==

[[Image:Byzantiumby650AD.JPG|thumb|right|200px|[[Byzantine Empire]], 650 A.D., still with its [[Exarchate of Carthage]], yet after its recent loss of Syria (634-636) and of Egypt (639-641) to the Arabs of Islam.]]

After the initial period of the four [[Rashidun|rightly-guided caliphs]] (632-661) following the death of [[Muhammad]] (570-632), the ruling family of the Umayyads took firm control of the new Muslim state. The [[Umayyad Caliphate]] (661-750) ruled from the city of [[Damascus]]; their first Caliph [[Mu'awiya]] (602-680, r.661-680) directed Muslim forces in their on-going military contest with the [[Byzantine Empire]]. Decades earlier the Byzantine provinces of Syria and Egypt had fallen to Islamic arms. Under Mu'awiya the Umayyad Caliphate could see how the foreign [[History of Roman era Tunisia#Byzantine Empire|lands west of Egypt]] figured in the "geo-political" and military strategy of this struggle. Hence there began the decades-long undertaking resulting in the [[Umayyad conquest of North Africa]].<ref>[[Charles-André Julien]], ''Histoire de L'Afrique du Nord'' (Paris: Payot 1931, 1952), translated as ''History of North Africa. Tunisia Algeria Morocco. From the Arab Conquest to 1830'' (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1970; New York: Praeger 1970)at 1-3. Julien discusses the "scanty information" available on the Arab Conquest, basically four "traditions" about this "heroic and legendary age". These sources are: (1) Waqadi, at Medina and Bagdad, end of the 8th century; (2) Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, at Cairo, 871; (3) an Andalusian (Spanish Moor) tradition of the 13th century; and, (4) a Tunisian tradition from Kairouan also of the 13th century. Later annalist, including [[Ibn Khaldun]] of Tunis (see below), seem to improve on these early traditions by applying their literary skill to coax out further details; not a generally approved or satisfactory method. Julian himself relies on the prior work of modern historians [[William Marçais]] and [[Émile Gautier (historian)|Émile Gautier]].</ref>

===Islamic conquest===
[[Image:Map of expansion of Caliphate.svg|225px|thumb|left|The Age of the early Caliphs {{legend|#a1584e|Muhammad, 622-632}} {{legend|#ef9070|Patriarchal Caliphate, 632-661}} {{legend|#fad07d|Umayyad Caliphate, 661-750}}]]

In 670 an [[Arab]] Muslim army under [[Uqba ibn Nafi]], who had commanded an earlier incursion in 666, entered the region of [[Ifriqiya]] (a newly coined Arabic word for the prior [[Africa Province|Roman Province of Africa]]). Marching overland the Arabs by-passed the fortified Byzantine positions along the Mediterranean coast. In the more arid south of Ifriqiya, the city of [[Kairouan]] (''military outpost'' in [[Persian language|Persian]]) was established as their base, and the building of its famous Mosque was begun. Then, from 675 to 682, Dinar ibn Abu al-Muhadjir took over direction of the Muslim invasion.<ref>H. Mones, "The Conquest of North Africa and Berber resistance" 118-129, at 122-123, in I. Hrbek (ed.), ''General History of Africa, v.III Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century'' (University of California/UNESCO 1992).</ref> Armed [[Berber people|Berber]] forces constituted the main resistance to the Arabs. Apparently these Berbers were primarily composed of sedentary Christians from the Awreba tribe and perhaps also the [[Senhaja|Sanhadja]] confederation; they were led by [[Kusaila]]. In the late 670s, the Arab armies defeated these Berbers forces and made Kusaila their prisoner.<ref>Charles-André Julien, ''Histoire de L'Afrique du Nord'' (Paris: Payot 1952), translated as ''History of North Africa. Tunisia Algeria Morocco. From the Arab Conquest to 1830'' (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1970; New York: Praeger 1970)at 7, map at 9.</ref><ref>Cf., H. Mones, "The Conquest of North Africa and Berber resistance" 118-129, in I. Hrbek (editor), ''General History of Africa, v.III'' (University of California/UNESCO 1992). Professor Mones at 118-120 provides a description of the various Berber tribes of this period, their locations and alliances.</ref>

In 682, Uqba ibn Nafi resumed command. He defeated another alliance of Berber forces near [[Tiaret|Tahirt]] (Algeria), then proceeded westward in a long series of military triumphs, eventually reaching the Atlantic coast, where he is said to have lamented that before him lay no more lands to conquer for Islam. Episodes from Uqba's campaigns became legend throughout the [[Maghreb|Maghrib]]. Yet [[Kusaila]], the Berber leader held prisoner, escaped. Later Kusaila organized and led a fresh Berber uprising, which interrupted the conquest and claimed the life of the famous Arab leader, Uqba. Kusaila then formed an enlarged Berber kingdom. Yet Zuhair b. Qais, the deputy of the fallen leader Uqba ibn Nafi, enlisted [[Zenata|Zanata]] Berber tribes from [[Cyrenaica]] to fight for the cause of Islam, and in 686 managed to overrun, defeat, and terminate the kingdom newly formed by Kusaila.<ref>Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, ''A History of the Maghrib'' (Cambridge University 1971) at 67-69.</ref><ref>John K. Cooley, ''Baal, Christ, and Mohammed'' (New York: Holt Rinehart Winston 1965) at 64-69.</ref><ref>A slightly different view of Kusaila (Kusayla) is given by H. Mones, in his "The Conquest of North Africa and Berber resistance" 118-129, at 123-124, in I. Hrbek (ed.), ''General History of Africa, v.III'' (1992). Mones relates that Kusayla converted to Islam at first but turned against Islam due to a perceived injustice, i.e., Islamic Arabs marching against Berber converts.</ref>

[[Image:Kairouan-mosquee-cimetiere.jpg|thumb|275px|[[Mosque of Uqba]], or the Great Mosque of Kairouan, commenced by Uqba ibn Nafi circa 670.]]

Under the Caliph [[Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan|'Abd al-Malik]] (685-705), ruling from Damascus, the [[Umayyad conquest of North Africa]] was to advance close to completion. In Egypt a new army of forty thousand was assembled, to be commanded by Hassan ibn al-Nu'man (known to Arabs as "the honest old man"). Meanwhile, the weakened Byzantines managed to reinforce somewhat their positions. The Arab Muslim army crossed the Cyrene and Tripoli without opposition, then quickly attacked and captured [[History of Roman-era Tunisia#Renaissance of Carthage|Carthage]].<ref>Cf., H. Mones, "Conquest of North Africa and Berber resistance" 118-129, at 125-126, in Hrbek (ed.), ''General History of Africa, v.III'' (1992).</ref> 
    
The Berbers, however, continued to offer stiff resistance, then being led by a woman of the Jarawa tribe, whom the Muslims called "the prophetess" [''al-Kahina'' in Arabic]; her actual name was approximately [[Kahina|Damiya]].<ref>Three citations may be given: Muhammed Talbi, "Un nouveau fragment de l'histoire de l'Occident musulman: l'épopée d'al Kahina" in ''Cahiers de Tunisie'' 19: 19-52 (1971); Abdelmajid Hannoum, ''Post-Colonial Memories. The Legend of Kahina, a North African heroine'' (2001); [[Yves Modéran]], "Kahena" in ''Encyclopédie Berbère'' 27: 4102-4111. By a prior interpretation of [[Ibn Khaldun]] (1332-1406), al-Kahina was seen as Jewish; yet this is now being understood as a misreading of Ibn Khaldun's text.</ref><ref>''Contra'': André Chouraqui presents Kahina as Jewish in his ''Les Juifs d'Afrique du Nord. Entre l'Orient et l'Occident'' (Paris: Foundation Nat. de Sciences Politiques 1965), translated as ''Between East and West. A History of the Jews of North Africa'' (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society 1968; reprint New York: Atheneum 1973) at 34-37. "[T]he warrior-priestess Kahena... was the chief of the Jerawa tribe." "Later historians [were] unanimous in regarding [the Jerawa] as Jews." In telling of the color and controversy surrounding Kahena, Chouraqui cites Ibn Khaldun, and other and modern authors. ''Ibid.'' at 34, and notes 2-10 (at 328-329).</ref><ref>Recently, Kahina has been called "some kind of Christian". Walter E. Kaegi, ''Muslim Expansion and Byzantine Collapse in North Africa'' (Cambridge University 2010) at 250, text at note 18, citing several medieval Arabic sources.</ref> On the river Nini, an alliance of Berbers under ''the Kahina'' Damiya sharply defeated the Muslim armies under al-Nu'man, who escaped then eastward, returning to Cyrenaica. Thereupon, the Byzantines took advantage of the Berber victory by reoccupying [[Carthage]]. Unlike the Berber [[Kusaila]] ten years earlier, Damiya did not establish a larger state, evidently being content to rule merely her own Jawara tribe. Some commentators speculate that, to ''the Kahina'' Damiya, the invading Arabs appeared primarily interested in [[Looting|booty]], because she then commenced to sack and pillage the region, apparently to make it unattractive to raiders looking for the spoils of war; of course, it also made her own forces hotly unpopular to local inhabitants. Yet she did not attack the Muslim base at [[Kairouan]]. From Egypt in 698 the Caliph [[Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan|'Abdul-Malik]] sent reinforcements to al-Nu'man, who then reentered Ifriqiya. Although she told her two sons to go over to the Arabs, she herself continued resistance and again gave battle. The fortunes of war deserted her, and al-Nu'man emerged victorious. It is said that at ''Bir al-Kahina'' [well of the prophetess] in the Auras mountains, Damiya was slain.<ref>Brett & Fentress, ''The Berbers'' (Oxford: Blackwell 1996) at 85.</ref><ref>Julien, ''History of North Africa'' (Paris 1931, 1952, 1961; New York 1970) at 11-13.</ref><ref>John K. Cooley, ''Baal, Christ, and Mohammed. Religion and Revolution in North Africa'' (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston 1965) at 69-72.</ref><ref>Welch, ''North African Prelude'' (New York: William Morrow 1949) at 189-194.</ref><ref>Chouraqui, ''Between East and West. A History of the Jews of North Africa'' (Atheneum 1973) at 34-37.</ref>

In 705 Hassan b. al-Nu'man stormed [[History of Roman-era Tunisia#Punic Wars with Rome|Carthage]], overcame and sacked it, leaving it destroyed. A similar fate befell the proximous city of [[Utica, Tunisia|Utica]]. At [[Tunis]], a small town dating back to the [[History of Punic era Tunisia|Punic era]], and situated near the ruins of Carthage, al-Numan founded a naval base. Muslim ships fitted for war began to assert dominance over the adjacent Mediterranean coast; hence the Byzantines then made their final withdrawal from North Africa. The Arabs called the region [[Maghreb|al-Maghrib]]: the "sunset land" or "the west". Then al-Nu'man was replaced as Muslim military leader by [[Musa ibn Nusair]], who substantially completed the conquest of al-Maghrib.  Ibn Nusair took the city of [[Tangier]] on the Atlantic coast, and appointed as its governor the Berber leader [[Tariq ibn Ziyad|Tariq Abu Zara]].<ref>Abun-Nasr, ''A History of the Maghrib'' (Cambridge University 1971) at 69-70.</ref><ref>''Compare'': Julien, ''History of North Africa'' (Paris 1931, 1952, 1961; New York 1970) at 13, 18.</ref> Tariq would lead the [[Muslim conquest of the Iberian Peninsula|Muslim conquest]] of [[Hispania]], begun in 711.<ref>Rober Collins, ''The Arab Conquest of Spain'' (Oxford: Blackwell 1989, 1994) at 28-32.</ref><ref>H. Mones, "The Conquest of North Africa and Berber resistance" 118-129, at 127-128, in Hrbek (ed.), ''General History of Africa, v.III'' (1992).</ref>

===Berber role===
The [[Berber people|Berbers]], also known as the [[List of Berbers|''Amazigh'']], "converted en masse as tribes and assimilated juridically to the Arabs", writes Prof. Hodgson; he then comments that the Berbers were to play a role in the west parallel to that played by the Arabs elsewhere in Islam.<ref>Marshall G. S. Hodgson, ''The Venture of Islam'' (University of Chicago 1958, 1961, 1974) at vol. I: 308.</ref> For centuries the Berbers had lived as semi-pastoralists in or near arid lands at the fringe of civilization, sustaining their isolated identity somewhat like the Arabs. "The Maghrib, islanded between [[Mediterranean Sea|Mediterranean]] and [[Sahara desert|Sahara]], was to the Berbers what [[Arabian peninsula|Arabia]]... was to the Arabs."<ref>Hodgson, ''The Venture of Islam'' (Univ.of Chicago 1958, 1961, 1974) at I: 308.</ref><ref>Cf., Laroui, ''The History of the Maghrib'' (Paris 1970; 1977) at 101.</ref> Hodgson explains: although the Berbers enjoyed more rainfall than the Arabs, their higher mountains made their settlements likewise difficult to access; and though the imperial Roman cities were more proximous, those cities never incorporated the countryside with a network of market towns, but instead remained aloof from the indigenous rural Berbers.<ref>Hodgson, ''The Venture of Islam'' (1958, 1961, 1974) at I: 308-309.</ref>

[[File:Massinissa-Numidie.jpg|thumb|right|130px|[[Masinissa]] (c.240-148), ancient King of [[Numidia]] (using [[Tifinagh]] letters).]]

A counter argument would be that the Berbers at first merely participated in the martial success of the [[Arab Muslims]]; the better historical choice for the Berbers would be more uniquely ethnic and thus more authentic, i.e., to articulate their own inner character and fate, and follow that.<ref>Cf., [[Abdallah Laroui]], ''L'Histoire du Maghreb'' (Paris 1970), translated by [[Ralph Manheim]] as ''The History of the Maghrib'' (Princeton Univ. 1977) at 98-101. Prof. Laroui does not accept this argument, but distills it from modern French academics, e.g., Stephane Gsell, Charles-Andres Julien, and Gabriel Camps. Hence Laroui presents this argument, then mocks it and penetrates it, taking the discussion through various points of view: positive, negative, neutral, other. "If a Maghribi were to rewrite the history of France and England from the point of view of the Celts, stressing their [Celtic] negativity and inauthenticity, he would be laughed at." Yet European historians write Berber history this way. Laroui (1970, 1977) at 101.</ref><ref>Prof. Kenneth Perkins seems to concur here with Laroui; Perkins pointedly faults the seeming preference of earlier French historians for the Berbers over the Arabs, commenting that such an attitude was advanced because a Berber ascendancy in North Africa was then considered good for French colonial interests. Perkins, ''Tunisia'' (Boulder: Westview 1986) at 54, n1 (to text at 41), here discussing negative appraisals of the Arab [[Banu Hilal]] in the 10th century.</ref> Prof. [[Abdallah Laroui]], however, interprets the North African panorama as indicating that the Berbers did in fact carve out for themselves an independent role. "From the first century B.C. to the eighth century A.D. the will of the Berbers to be themselves is revealed by the continuity of their efforts to reconstitute their [[List of Kings of Numidia|kingdoms]] of the Carthaginian period, and in this sense the movement was crowned with success."<ref>Laroui, ''The History of the Maghrib'' (Paris 1970) at 100.</ref> Here Laroui apparently favorably compares the ancient Berber King [[Masinissa]] and his regime, e.g., to the [[Rustamid]] kingdom, and later to the [[History of medieval Tunisia|medieval]] Islamic [[Almoravid]]s and [[Almohad]]s, and to the [[Zirid]] and the [[Hafsid]] dynasties, all Berber creations. By choosing to ally ''not'' with nearby Europe, familiar in memory by the Roman past,<ref>Although at the Islamic conquest it was the [[Byzantine Empire|Byzantines]] who were rivals of the Arabs, both these two foreign powers coming from the east. Yet, of course, the Byzantines shared with the Romans their civil traditions and [[Roman law]], and the Christian religion.</ref> but rather with the newcomers from distant Arabia, the Berbers knowingly decided their future and historical path. "Their hearts opened to the call of Islam because in it they saw a means of national liberation and territorial independence."<ref>Allal al-Fasi, ''Al-Harakat al-Istiqlaliya'' at his "introduction", cited by Laroui (1970, 1977) at 101, n.19.</ref>

Environmental and geographic parallels between Berber and Arab are notable, as Hodgson discusses above. In addition, the languages spoken by the [[Semitic languages|Semitic]] [[Arabic language|Arabs]] and by the [[Berber languages|Berbers]] are both included as members in the same world language family, the [[Afro-Asiatic]], although Berber and Semitic form two [[Early History of Tunisia#Berber language history|different branches]].<ref>[[Joseph Greenberg]], ''The Languages of Africa'' (Indiana Univ. 1966) at 42, 50.</ref><ref>David Crystal, ''Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language'' (1987) at 316.</ref><ref>[[I. M. Diakonoff]], ''Semito-Hamitic Languages'' (Moscow: Nauka Publishing House 1965).</ref> Perhaps this linguistic kinship shares a further resonance, e.g., in mythic explanations, popular symbols, and religious preference,<ref>As to such possible linkages, cf. Julian Baldick, ''Black God. Afro-Asiatic roots of Jewish, Christian, and Muslim religions'' (1998).</ref><ref>Cf., H.T.Norris, ''Saharan Myth and Saga'' (Oxford Univ. 1972).</ref><ref>Cf., ''Moorish Literature'', introduction by [[René Basset]] (New York: Collier 1901).</ref> in some vital fundamentals of psychology,<ref>Carl Gustav Jung suggests an unconscious symbolism shared universally by human beings. C.G.Jung, "Über die Archetypen des kollektiven Unbewussten" (1954), translated as "Archetypes of the collective unconscious" in ''Collected Works'', volume 9,i (Princeton Univ. [Bollingen] 1959, 1969) at 3-41. Jung indicates that communities may uniquely adumbrate their meaning.</ref><ref>[[Jolande Jacobi]], ''Die Psychologie von C.G.Jung'' (Zürich: Rascher 1939), translated by [[Ralph Manheim]] as ''The Psychology of C.G.Jung'' (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1942; Yale Univ. 1943, 6th ed. revised 1962) at 30-49. She articulates several cultural and civilizational implications of the [[Archetype#Jungian archetypes|archetype]], Jacobi (1939, 1962) at 33-35, indicating a differentiation of the experience of the unconscious in the collective symbolic life of divergent historic communities.</ref> and in the media of culture and the context of tradition.<ref>[[Ira Progoff]], ''Jung's Psychology and its Social Meaning'' (New York: The Julian Press 1953, 2nd ed. 1969; reprint 1955, The Grove Press; reprint 2d ed. 1973, Doubleday Anchor). Progoff draws out the inferences: "[S]ince the archetypes involve the most fundamental meanings, they appear on a psychic level that is prior to individuality, and are expressed in the core belief that underlies major cultural units." [283/242] The archetypes are the source for "the formation of the various social symbols in history" that then "provide the figures and images which fill the collective level of the unconscious in the individual psyche." [283/243] Accordingly, "it is not abstractly but in their historical forms that they come forth in the ever-changing psychic contents of social life." [284/243] "The motifs of the original founding myth of the people form the basis of a continuity in the psyche, a continuity which is a group phenomenon, but which nevertheless is expressed and experienced by the individual." [285/244] Progoff (1953) at 282-286, cf. 197 ff.; 2d ed. (1973) at 241-245, cf. 171 ff.</ref>

Evidently, long before and after the Islamic conquest, there was some popular sense of a strong and long-standing cultural connection between the Berbers and the Semites of the Levant,<ref>See [[Early History of Tunisia]].</ref> naturally with regard to Carthage,<ref>The Phoenicians of [[Tyre, Lebanon|Tyre]] who founded and settled in [[Carthage]] spoke and wrote in a [[Canaanite language]], a division of [[Northwest Semitic]], called [[Punic language|Punic]] (Lancel, ''Carthage. A history'' (1992, 1995) at 351-360), and transplanted their [[Punic|culture to Africa]].</ref><ref>See [[History of Punic era Tunisia]].</ref> and in addition with regard to links yet more ancient and genetic.<ref>Chouraqui, ''Between East and West'' (1952, 1968) at 3-5, who cites a variety of sources, e.g., [[Flavius Josephus]] (37-c.100), ''Antiquities of the Jews'' I:15 (that the [[Libyans]] were invaded by Ophren, grandson of [[Moses]], whose descendants multiplied in Africa); [[Tacitus]] (56-c.117), ''Annals'' V,2 (that the Jews were originally Libyans, i.e., Berbers); [[St. Augustine]] (354-430), ''Epistolae ad Romanos Inchoata Exposition'' 13 (P.L. 34, 2096), who reported a widespread belief by local Berbers (or mixed Punic-Berbers) of their [[Canaan]]ite origins; [[Ibn Khaldun]] (1332-1406), ''Histoire des Berberes'', as translated by Slane (Algiers 1852-1856) at 177, who stated that the Berbers are descendants of [[Canaan]], yet which he contradicts later, at 183; and a pilgrimage site at Nedromah (near [[Tlemcen]], Algeria), believed to be the tomb of [[Joshua]] the [[Bible|biblical]] conqueror, successor to Moses.</ref><ref>Reinhart Dozy, ''Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne'' (Leiden 1861), translated at ''Islamic Spain. A history of the Muslims in Spain'' (London 1913; reprint New Delhi: Goodword 2001) at 125. "[[Strabo]] long ago pointed out that the Berbers in many respects resembled the Arabs." Dozy also mentions their similarities: "nomadic within fixed limits", method of warfare, "immemorial independence", politically "a democracy tempered by... patrician families". Dozy (1861, 1913, 2001) at 125. Cf., Strabo, [[Geographica]] [Dozy cites ii,18] (but see xvii,3).</ref> These claims of a remote ancestral relationship perhaps facilitated the Berber demand for equal footing with the Arab invaders within the religion of Islam following the conquest.<ref>Cf., H. Mones, "The conquest of North Africa and the Berber resistance" at 118-129, at 128-129, in ''General History of Africa'', volume III, edited by I. Hrbek (Univ.of California/UNESCO 1992).</ref> Later in the medieval Maghrib, elaborate but fictitious [[genealogies]] would be created on the assumed foundation of an ancient [[Yemen]]i origin of the Berber people. Those fake Yemeni origins and genealogies of the Berbers were mocked by [[Ibn Hazm]] (994-1064) and discounted by [[Ibn Khaldun]] (1332–1406).<ref>Cf., H. T. Norris, ''The Berbers in Arab Literature'' (Beirut: Librairie du Liban 1982) at 32-43.</ref>

[[Image:Aït Benhaddou, a Kasbah.JPG|200px|thumb|left|Berber castle, at [[Aït Benhaddou]].]]

From [[Cyrenaica]] to [[al-Andalus]], the superficially 'Arabized' Berbers continuously remained in communication with each other throughout the following centuries, sharing a common cultural identity. As a group their distinguishing features are not difficult to discern within Islam; e.g., while the [[ulama]] in the rest of Islam adopted for the most part either the [[Hanafi]] or the [[Shafi'i]] school of law, some Berbers in the west chose the [[Maliki]] [[madhhab]], developing it in the course of time after their own fashion.<ref>Abun-Nasr, ''A History of the Maghrib'' at 71.</ref><ref>Marshall G. S. Hodgson, ''The Venture of Islam'', at volume I: 226, and 308-312.</ref> Other Berbers chose the revolutionary [[Kharijite]] sect of Islam and used it to end Umayyad Arab rule in the Berber world. In the process of the Berbers becoming Muslim, the Arab colonists and migrants who settled among also in turn underwent a form of "Berberization".<ref>H. Mones, "The conquest of North Africa and the Berber resistance" at 118-129, at 128, in ''General History of Africa'', volume III, edited by I. Hrbek (Univ.of California/UNESCO 1992).</ref>

Also inducing the Berbers to convert was the early lack of rigor in religious obligations, as well as the prospect of inclusion as warriors in the armies of conquest, with a corresponding share in booty and tribute. A few years later, in 711, the Berber [[Tariq ibn Ziyad]] would lead the [[Umayyad conquest of Hispania|Muslim invasion]] of the [[Visigoths|Visigothic Kingdom]] in [[Hispania]].<ref>Reinhart Dozy, ''Spanish Islam'' (Leiden 1861; London 1913; New Delhi 2001) at 230-233.</ref> Additionally, many of the Arabs who came to settle in al-Maghrib were religious and political dissidents, often [[Kharijites]] who opposed the [[Umayyad Caliphate|Umayyad]] rulers in [[Damascus]] and embraced egalitarian doctrines, both popular positions among the Berbers of North Africa who disliked Arab displays of superiority.<ref>H. Mones, "The Conquest of North Africa and Berber resistance" in I. Hrbek (ed.), ''General History of Africa'' (Univ. of California/UNESCO 1992) at 118-129, 127-129. The Berbers particularly resented Arab ethnic discrimination against Berber converts to Islam.</ref><ref>See below, ''Karijite Revolt'' section.</ref>

To locate its [[history of religion]] context, the Arab conquest and the Islamic conversion of the Berbers followed a centuries-long period of religious conflict and polarization of society in the old Roman Empire's [[Africa Province]]. Here, the [[Donatist]] schism within Christianity proved instrumental; it caused divisions in society, often between the rural Berbers, who were prominent in schismatic dissent, and the more urban orthodoxy of the Roman church.<ref>See [[History of Roman era Tunisia#Donatist Schism]].</ref><ref>Cf., Abdallah Laoui, ''The History of the Maghrib'' (Paris 1970; Princeton University 1977) at 54-57.</ref> Too, the successor to the Romans, the [[Vandals|Vandal Kingdom]] (439-534) also religiously polarized the Christian society by their attempt to force on others their own [[Arianism|Arian]] form of Christianity.<ref>Interesting, perhaps, Arian doctrines did parallel at least to some extent Islamic theology about the role of Jesus. See [[History of Roman era Tunisia#Vandal Kingdom]].</ref><ref>Further, with the Islamic conquest of Egypt (639-641), dissident [[Monophysite]] Christian refugees came overland to Byzantine Carthage, bringing new religious discord to the African church. See [[History of Roman era Tunisia#Byzantine Empire]].</ref> Alternatively, or concurrently, the Berbers were initially attracted to the Arabs because of their "proclivity for the desert and the steppes".<ref>Perkins, ''Tunisia'' (Westview 1986) at 29-30.</ref><ref>Hodgson, ''The Venture of Islam'' (1958, 1961, 1974) at I:308–309.</ref><ref>Cf., Abun-Nasr, ''A History of the Maghrib'' (Cambridge University 1971) at 65-66.</ref>

After the conquest and following the popular conversion, [[Ifriqiya]] constituted a proximous and natural focus for an Arab-Berber Islamic regime in North Africa, a center for culture and society. Ifriqiya was then the region with the most developed urban, commercial, and agricultural infrastructure, essential for such a comprehensive project as Islam developed.

==Aghlabid emirate under Abbasids==
{{Main article|Aghlabid Dynasty}}

===Establishment===

During the years immediately preceding the fall of the [[Umayyad Caliphate]] of Damascus (661-750),<ref>One of the few surviving members of the Umayyad family, [[Abd-ar-Rahman I]] fled Syria as a fugitive, made his way west, hiding for a time in a Berber camp near Ifriqiya; later, he became the Emir of Córdoba (756-786) and founder of another Umayyad dynasty there in al-Andalus(756-1031). Richard Fletcher, ''Moorish Spain'' (New York: Henry Holt 1992) at 28.</ref> revolts arose among the [[Kharijite]] Berbers in [[Morocco]] which eventually disrupted the stability of the entire [[Maghrib]] (739-772).<ref>Julien, ''History of North Africa'' (Paris, Payot 1952; London: Routledge, Kegan Paul 1970) at 21-24.</ref> The Kharijites failed to establish strong lasting institutions, yet the small [[#Rustamid kingdom|Rustamid]] kingdom persisted (which controlled southern Ifriqiyah); also the impact of the Berber Kharijite revolt changed the political landscape. Direct rule from the East by the Caliphs over Ifriqiya became untenable, even following the rapid establishment of the new [[Abbasid Caliphate]] of Baghdad in 750. Also, after several generations a local Arab-speaking aristocracy emerged in Ifriqiya, which became resentful of the distant caliphate's interference in local matters.<ref>Especially after the rise of the Persianizing 'Abbasids and the move of the capital further to the east, to Baghdad.</ref>

The Arab [[Muhallabids]] (771-793) negotiated with the 'Abbasids a wide discretion in the exercise of their governorship of Ifriqiya. One such governor was al-Aghlab ibn Salim (r. 765-767), a forefather of the Aghlabids. Decades later Muhallabid rule came undone. A minor rebellion in [[Tunis]] took a more ominous turn when it spread to Kairouan. The Caliph's governor was unable to restore order.

[[Ibrahim ibn al-Aghlab]], a provincial leader (son of al-Aghlab ibn Salim), led a disciplined army; he did manage to reestablish stability in 797. Later he proposed to the '[[Abbasid]] caliph [[Harun al-Rashid]], that he be granted Ifriqiya (as the Arabs called the former Province of Africa) as a hereditary fief, with the title of ''amir''; the caliph acquiesced in 800.<ref>Julien, Charles-André Julien, ''Histoire de L'Afrique du Nord'' (Paris: Payor 1931; revised by de Tourneau 1952), translated as ''History of North Africa'' (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1970; New York: Praeger 1970) at 41: "[Ibrahim ibn al-Aghlab] made skillful use of the insurrections in Ifriqiyah to set himself up as mediator and in turn to secure the title of Amir in 800."</ref><ref>Perkins, ''Tunisia'' (Boulder: Westview 1986) at 30.</ref> Thereafter, although the 'Abbasids caliphs received an annual tribute and their suzerainty was referenced in the ''khubta'' at Friday prayers,<ref>Laroui, ''The History of the Maghrib'' (1970, 1977) at 116.</ref> their control was largely symbolic, e.g., in 864 the Caliph [[al-Mu'tasim]] "required" that a new wing be added to the Zaituna Mosque near Tunis.<ref name="Abun-Nasr, 1971">Abun-Nasr, ''A History of the Maghrib'' (1971) at 77.</ref>

===Political culture===

[[Image:Aghlabids Dynasty 800 - 909 (AD).PNG|thumb|250px|left|Aghlabid Dynasty at its greatest extent, which also included Sicily & some of southern Italy.]]

Ibrahim ibn al-Aghlab (r.800-812) and his descendants, known as the [[Aghlabids]] (800-909), ruled in Ifriqiya from 800 to 909. The Aghlabids were predominantly of an Arab tribe the [[Bani Tamim]]. At that time there were perhaps 100,000 Arabs living in Ifriqiya, but of course the Berbers constituted the great majority.<ref>Julien, ''Histoire de L'Afrique du Nord'' (Paris: Payor 1931; revised by de Tourneau 1952), translated as ''History of North Africa'' (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1970; New York: Praeger 1970) at 42.</ref> The Aghlabid military forces were drawn from: (a) immigrant Arab warriors (both those recently sent against the Berber [[Kharajite]] revolts, and those descendants of earlier Arab invasions), (b) Islamized and bilingual natives (''Afariq''), the [[Roman Africans]], most of whom were Berbers, and (c) black slave soldiers from the south. The black soldiery formed the ruler's last resort.<ref name="Laroui, 1970">Laroui, ''The History of the Maghrib'' (1970, 1977) at 118.</ref><ref>Julien defines ''Afariq'' as Christians of Ifriqiya, including Berbers and Romans. Charles-André Julien, ''Histoire de L'Afrique du Nord'' (Paris: Payor 1931; revised by de Tourneau 1952), translated as ''History of North Africa'' (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1970; New York: Praeger 1970) at 43.</ref>

At origin, Aghlabid rule was based on their opportune use of assertion and negotiation supplemented by effective military force, in order to control the populace and secure civil order, following a period of instability. In theory, the Aghlabids governed on behalf of the 'Abbasid Caliphate in Bagdad, whose prestige the Aghlabids held, enhanced their authority among the locals of Ifriqiya.<ref>Julien, ''History of North Africa'' (Paris: Payot 1931, revised by de Tourneau 1952, 1961; London: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1970) at 41-42.</ref> Yet the Aghlabid regime failed to become popular. Despite the political peace and stability they initiated, followed by economic expansion and prosperity, including admired public construction projects, and despite a blossoming culture,<ref>Laroui, ''The History of the Maghrib'' (Paris 1970; Princeton 1977) at 121.</ref> political dissent was rife, and not confined to Berbers. Many in the Arabic-speaking elite developed an increasingly contrary attitude toward the Aghlabids, for several reasons.

First, in the army the Arab officer class became dissatisfied with the legitimacy of the regime, or used this as a pretext for disloyal ambition. This general attitude of insubordination meant that the internal quarreling within the military from time to time spilled over into public and violent struggles. Their latent hostility also surfaced when army factions began making extortionist demands directly on the population.  A dangerous revolt from within the Arab army (the ''jund'') broke out near Tunis and lasted from 824 until 826. The Aghlabids retreated to the south pre-Sahara, and were saved only by enlisting the aid of Berbers of the ''Kharajite'' [[Jarid]]. Later another revolt of 893 (said to be provoked by the cruelty of [[Ibrahim II of Aghlabids|Ibrahim II Ibn Ahmad]] (r. 875-902), the ninth Aghlabid amir), was put down by the black soldiery.<ref name="Laroui, 1970"/><ref>Julien, ''History of North Africa'' (Paris 1931, 1961; London 1970) at 49.</ref>

Second, the Muslim [[ulema]] (clerics) looked with reproach on the ruling Aghlabids. Surface aggravation in religious circles arose from the un-Islamic lifestyle of the rulers. Disregarding the strong religious sentiments held by many in the emerging Muslim community, the Aghlabids often led lives of pleasure at variance to Islamic law, e.g., publicly drinking wine. In the context of the bitter charges against the Aghlabids for lax Islamic practice, which came from their rivals the [[Rustamid]] kingdom (predominantly Berber, see below), their well-known failings acquired importance. Another issue was that Aghlabid taxation policies were not sanctioned by the prevailing [[Maliki]] school of law. Opponents further criticized their contemptuous treatment of [[mawali]] Berbers who had embraced Islam, but were treated as infidels. The Islamic doctrine of equality regardless of race, i.e., as between Arab and Berber, became a cornerstone of the orthodox Sunni movement in the Maghrib, as it was developed in [[Kairouan]] by the ''Maliki'' school of law. These various Islamic principles formed the core of the prevalent hostility of Ifriqiya toward any rule by the [[Caliph]] from the East. They also helped to fuel anti-Aghlabid sentiment.<ref>Cf., Perkins, ''Tunisia'' (Westview 1986) at 30-31.</ref><ref>Abun-Nasr, ''A History of the Maghrib'' (Cambridge Univ. 1971) at 77.</ref>

[[Image:Tunis Zitouna-Moschee Minarett.JPG|thumb|300px|[[Al-Zaytuna Mosque]] (Mosque of the Olive), Tunis.<ref>Boubaker Ben Fraj and Moncef Guellaty, editors, ''Ifriqiya. Thirteen Centuries of Art and Architecture in Tunisia'' (Tunis: Ministry of Culture, and Vienna: Electa 2002) at 84-86. [Museum with no Frontiers]</ref>]]

As recompense, the Aghlabid rulers saw that mosques were constructed or augmented, e.g., at Tunis: the ''[[Al-Zaytuna Mosque]]'' (Mosque of the Olive) (later home to its famous university, [[University of Ez-Zitouna|Ez-Zitouna]]); at Kairouan: Ibn Kayrun Mosque (or Mosque of the Three Doors);<ref>Boubaker Ben Fraj and Moncef Guellaty, editors, ''Ifriqiya. Thirteen Centuries of Art and Architecture in Tunisia'' (Tunis: Ministry of Culture, and Vienna: Electa 2002) at 158. [Museum with no Frontiers]</ref> and at Sfax.  Also a well known [[ribat]] or fortified military monastery was built at [[Monastir, Tunisia|Monastir]], and another at [[Susa]] (in 821 by Ziyadat Allah I); here Islamic warriors were trained.<ref name="Abun-Nasr, 1971"/>

In 831 [[Ziyadat Allah I]] (r. 817-838), son of the founder Ibrahim, launched an invasion of [[Sicily]]. Placed in command was [[Asad ibn al-Furat]], the [[qadi]] or religious judge; the military adventure was termed a ''jihad''.<ref>Kenneth J. Perkins, ''Tunisia. Crossroads of the Islamic and European Worlds'' (Boulder: Westview Press 1986) at 31-32.</ref> This expedition proved successful; [[Palermo]] was made the capitol of the region captured. Later raids were made against the Italian peninsula; in 846 Rome was attacked and the Basilica of St. Peter sacked. In orchestrating the invasion of Sicily, the Aghlabid rulers had managed to unite two rebellious factions (the army and the clergy) in a common effort against outsiders.<ref>Charles-André Julien, ''History of North Africa'' (1931, 1952, 1970) at 49-50. The observer may recognize this social pattern (uniting internal foes by attacking a foreigner) as being all too common in human societies no matter the age nor the locale.</ref> Later [[History of Islam in southern Italy|Islamic rulers in Sicily]] severed connections with Ifriqiyah, and their own Sicilian [[Kalbid]] dynasty (948-1053) governed the now independent Emirate.<ref>In 1061 the Normans under [[Roger I of Sicily]] arrived on the island and eventually brought it under their rule. Charles Homer Haskins, ''The Normans in European History'' (Houghton Mifflin 1915, reprint Norton 1966) at 208-211.</ref>

The invasion of Sicily had worked to stabilize the political order in Ifriqiya, which progressed in relative tranquility during its middle period. In its final decline, however, the dynasty self-destructed, in that its eleventh and last amir, [[Ziyadat Allah III of Aghlabids|Ziyadat Allah III]] (r. 902-909) (d. 916), due to insecurity stemming from his father's assassination, ordered his rival brothers and uncles executed. This occurred during the assaults made by the newly emergent [[Fatimid]]s (see below) against the Aghlabid domains<ref>Perkins, ''Tunisia'' (Boulder: Westview 1986) at 33.</ref>

===Institutions and society===

In the Aghlabid government generally, the high positions were filled by "princes of the blood, whose loyalty could be relied on." The judicial post of [[Qadi]] of Kairouan was said to be given "only to outstanding personalities notable for their conscientiousness even more than their knowledge."<ref>{{cite book|last=Julien|first=Charles Andre|orig-year=1931 |year=1970 |location=Paris and London (later editions)|title=''History of North Africa''|pages=48–49}}</ref> On the other hand, the administrative staffs were composed of dependent clients (mostly recent Arab and [[Persian people|Persian]] immigrants), and the local bilingual ''[[Afariq]]'' (mostly Berber, and which included many Christians). The Islamic state in Ifriqiya paralleled in many respects the government structure formed in Abbasid Baghdad.<ref>In turn, the 'Abbasid Caliphate owed much to the governing institutions of the antecedent [[Sasanian]] Persians. Hodgson, ''The Venture of Islam'' (Univ.of Chicago 1958, 1961, 1974) at I: 380-384.</ref> Aghlabid offices included the ''[[vizier]]'' [prime minister], the ''[[hajib]]'' [chamberlain], the ''[[sahib al-barid]]'' [master of posts and intelligence], and numerous ''kuttab'' [secretaries] (e.g., of taxation, of the mint, of the army, of correspondence). Leading [[History of the Jews in Tunisia|Jews]] formed a small elite group. As in an earlier periods (e.g., under Byzantine rule), the majority of the population consisted of rural [[Berber people|Berbers]], distrusted now because of [[Kharajite]] or similar rebel tendencies.<ref>Laroui, ''The History of the Maghrib'' (1970, 1977) at 117.</ref>

[[Kairouan]] (or Qayrawan) had become the cultural center of not only of Ifriqiya but of the entire Maghrib. A type of volume then current, the ''tabaqat'' (concerned with the handling of documents), indirectly illuminates elite life in Aghlabid Ifriqiya. One such work was the ''Tabaqat 'ulama' Ifriqiya'' [''Classes of Scholars of Ifriqiya''] written by Abu al-'Arab.<ref>Muhammad Ben Cheneb (ed. & transl.), ''Classes des savants de l'Ifriqiya'' (Alger: Publications de la Faculte de lettres d'Alger 1914-1920), cited by Julien (1970) at 43 n.12 and 75.</ref><ref>Cf. Laroui, ''The History of the Maghrib'' (1970, 1977) at 119 n.19.</ref> Among the [[Sunni]] Muslim [[ulema]], two learned professions then came to the fore: (a) the ''faqih'' (plural ''fuqaha'') or the jurist; and (b) the '''ābid'' or the ascetics.

[[Image:MuslimDistribution3b.JPG|thumb|left|200px|[[Maliki]], [[Hanafi]], [[Shafi'i]], and [[Hanbali]] schools of law: their core areas.]]

The ''[[faqih|fuqaha]]'' congregated at Kairouan, then the legal center of the entire al-Maghrib.<ref name="Perkins, 1986">Perkins, ''Tunisia'' (1986) at 30-31.</ref> The more liberal [[Hanafi]] school of Muslim law at first predominated in Ifriqiyah. Soon, however, a strict form of the [[Maliki]] school came to prevail, which in fact became the only widespread [[madhhab]], not only in Kairouan, but throughout North Africa.<ref>In nearby [[Al-Andalus]] under the Umayyads, the Maliki school also became the official legal doctrine, circa 800, replacing al-Awza'i doctrines (which were likewise conservative). Dominique Urvoy, "The 'Ulama' of Al-Andalus" at 849-877, 850, in ''The Legacy of Muslim Spain'' (Leiden: E. J. Brill 1992).</ref> The Maliki school of law persisted (despite several major interruptions) in being the legal norm throughout the Maghrib and continues so today.

The Maliki madhhab was introduced to Ifriqiya by the jurist [[Asad ibn al-Furat]] (759-829), yet he was known to waver somewhat between the prior Hanafi and the Maliki. The influential law book called ''Mudawanna'', written by his disciple Sahnun ('Abd al-Salam b. Sa'id) (776-854), provided a "vulgate of North-African Malikism" for practical use during the period when Maliki legal doctrines won the field against its rival, the Hanafi.<ref>Abdallah Laroui, ''History of the Maghrib'' (1970, 1977) at 120-121. Laroui suggests that the Ifriqiya victory by the Maliki legal partisans was aided by a strategy of linking the more liberal Hanafi school to the rationalist doctrines of the [[Mu'tazili]] (an intellectual movement originating in Baghdad), which later became discredited. ''Ibid.'' at 120.</ref> [[Abu Hanifa]] (700-767) (founder of the Hanafi school) drew out [[fiqh]] that was perhaps better suited to its origin in [[Baghdad]], a sophisticated imperial capital; while [[Malik ibn Anas]] (716-795) initiated the school bearing his name in the smaller, rural city of [[Medina]].<ref>Knut S. Vikor, ''Between God and the Sultan. A History of Islamic Law'' (Oxford Univ. 2005) at 94-100.</ref> By choosing the then more marginal Maliki school, the jurists of Kairouan probably obtained more discretion in defining Maghriban legal culture.<ref>Cf., Laroui, ''The History of the Maghrib'' (1970, 1977) at 120.</ref>

The Maliki jurists were often at odds with the Aghlabids, over the Arab rulers' disappointing personal moral conduct, and over the fiscal issue of taxation of agriculture (i.e., of a new fixed cash levy replacing the orthodox [[tithe]] in kind). The offending tax on crops payable in cash being the act of the second amir, 'Abdullah ibn Ibrahim (812-817).<ref name="Abun-Nasr, 1971"/> Further, the Maliki ''fuqaha'' was commonly understood to act more in favor of local autonomy, hence in the interests of the Berbers, by blocking potential intrusions into Ifriqiya affairs and filtering out foreign influence, which might originate from the central Arab power in the East.<ref name="Perkins, 1986"/><ref>Julien, ''History of North Africa'' (1931, 1952, 1970) at 45-46.</ref>

Besides jurists there was a second community of Muslim [[ulema]], the scholars and ascetics. Foremost among these ''ābid'' was Buhlul b. Rashid (d. 799), who reputedly despised money and refused the post of grand judge; his fame accordingly spread throughout the Islamic world. By virtue of their piety and independence, the ''ābid'' won social prestige and a voice in politics; some scholars would speak on behalf of the governed cities, criticizing the regime's finance and trade decisions.<ref>Laroui, ''The History of the Maghrib'' (1970, 1977) at 121.</ref> Although substantially different, the status of the ''ābid'' relates somewhat to the much later, largely Berber figure of the Maghribi saint, the ''[[wali]]'', who as keeper of ''[[barakah|baraka]]'' (spiritual charisma) became the object of veneration by religious believers, and whose tomb would be the destination of pilgrimage.<ref>Julien, ''History of North Africa'' (1952, 1970) at 43, 338.</ref><ref>Such a role was present among the [[#Berber role|Berbers]] from earliest recorded times (see above).</ref><ref>This persistent Berber role is similar to the Ancient Hebrew ''ro'é'' [seer] and ''nabi'' [ecstatic or prophet], which two roles later became combined. T.H.Robinson, ''Prophecy and the Prophets of Ancient Israel'' (London: Duckworth ) at 28-38.</ref><ref>Cf., William Robertson Smith, ''The Religion of the Semites. Second and Third Series'' [1890-1891] (Sheffield Academy Press 1995), edited by John Day, at 56-58.</ref>

Economically, [[Ifriqiya]] flourished under [[Aghlabid Dynasty|Aghlabid]] rule. Extensive improvements were made to the pre-existing water works in order to promote olive groves and other agriculture (oils and cereals were exported), to irrigate the royal gardens, and for livestock. Roman aqueducts to supply the towns with water were rebuilt under Abu Ibrahim Ahmad, the sixth amir. In the [[Kairouan]] region hundreds of basins were constructed to store water for the raising of horses.<ref>Laroui, ''The History of the Maghrib'' (1970, 1977) at 121-125.</ref>

Commercial trade resumed under the new Islamic regime, e.g., by sea, particularly to the east with the Egyptian port of [[Alexandria, Egypt|Alexandria]] as a primary destination. Also, improved trade routes linked Ifriqiya with the continental interior, the [[Sahara]] and the [[Sudan (region)|Sudan]], regions regularly incorporated into the Mediterranean commerce for the first time during this period.<ref>A. Bathily, "Relations between the different regions of Africa" 348-357, at 350, in ''General History of Africa, volume III, Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century'' (UNESCO 1992).</ref> Evidently [[camel]]s on a large scale had not been common to these arid regions until the fourth century, and it was not until several centuries later that their use in the [[Trans-Saharan trade|Saharan trade]] became common.<ref>Richard W. Bulliet, ''The Camel and the Wheel'' (Harvard Univ. 1975) at 113, 138.</ref><ref>For decades scholars addressed the issue of the historic use of camels in North Africa. The theory that imperial Rome 'introduced' camels into the Maghrib once prevailed. Yet this theory was persuasively challenged in an article by [[Brent D. Shaw]], "The camel in Roman North Africa and the Sahara: history, biology, and human economy" in ''Bulletin de l'Institute Fondamental d'Afrique Noire'' (Dakar 1971), vol. 41, ser. B, no. 4, at 663-721, author chart at 717; reprinted in Shaw, ''Environment and Society in Roman North Africa'' (Aldershot UK: Variorum [Ashgate]), article IV.</ref> Now this long-distance overland trade began in earnest. The desert city of [[Sijilmasa]] near the Atlas mountains in the far west [maghrib al-aqsa] served as one of the primary trading junctions and entrepôts, e.g., for salt and gold. Regarding Ifriqiya, [[Mzab–Wargla languages|Wargla]] was the primary desert contact for [[Gafsa]] and more distant [[Kairouan]]. In addition, [[Ghadames]], [[Ghat Municipality|Ghat]], and [[Tuat]] served as stops for the Saharan trade to Aghlabid Ifriqiya.<ref>E. W. Bovill, ''The Golden Trade of the Moors'' (Oxford Univ. 1958, 1968) at 68-74, 87, 239.</ref>

A prosperous economy permitted a refined and luxurious court life and the construction of the new palace cities of al-'Abbasiya (809), and [[Raqqada|Raqada]] (877), where were situated the new residences of the ruling [[amir|emir]]. The architecture of Ifriqiya was later imitated further west in [[Fes|Fez]], [[Tlemcen]], and [[Béjaïa|Bougie]]. The location of these palace cities for Aghlabid government was purposely outside of the sway of Kairouan, which city had become dominated by Muslim clerical institutions, which were independent of emir's control. Yet generally Ifriqiyah during the era under the Aghlabid Dynasty (799-909) for the most part continued its leading rôle in the region, in the newly installed Muslim Maghrib, due generally to its peace and stability, recognized cultural achievements, and material prosperity.<ref>Abdallah Laroui, ''The History of the Maghrib'' (Paris 1970, Princeton Univ. 1977) at 115-121</ref><ref>Abun-Nasr, ''A History of the Maghrib'' (1971) at 76-78.</ref><ref>Charles-André Julien, ''Histoire de L'Afrique du Nord'' (Paris: Payor 1931; revised by de Tourneau 1952), translated as ''History of North Africa'' (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1970; New York: Praeger 1970) at 41-50.</ref>

==Independent Berber Islam==

===Kharijite revolt===
[[Image:Rustamid Dynasty 776 - 909 (AD).PNG|thumb|175px|Kharijite revolt (739-772) at flood tide, precursor to the Rustamid state (776-909).]]

The origins of the [[Rustamid]] state can be traced to the Berber [[Kharijite]] ([[Arabic language|Ar]]: Khawarij) revolt (739-772) against the new Arab Sunni power that was being established across North Africa following the Islamic conquest. Originating in [[Mesopotamia]], the Kharijite movement had begun in protest against the fourth caliph [[Ali]], who consented to negotiate during a [[First Fitna|Muslim civil war]] (656-661) despite his superior army in the field; as a result some of his armed forces left the camp, hence the movement of the Khawarij ["those who go out"]. Originally puritan in outlook, being of the [[ummah]] of Islam for a believer indicated a perfection of the soul, yet sin constituted a [[schism (religion)|schism]], a split from other believers, the sinner becoming an [[apostate]]. The leader must be above reproach, yet could be non-Arab. Never attaining lasting success, but persisting in its struggles, the [[Kharijite]] movement remains today only in its [[Ibadi]] branch, with small minorities in isolated locales throughout the Muslim world. The Ibadis predominate in [[Oman]].<ref>Glassé, ''The Concise Encyclopedia of Islam'' (San Francisco: HarperCollins 1991) at 222-223, 165. Kharijite origin is not connected to that of the [[Shi'a]], the party of Ali.</ref>

In the [[Magreb|Maghrib]] the un-Islamic tax policies imposed on the Muslim Berbers by the new Arab Islamic regime (levying the ''[[kharaj]]'' [land tax] and the ''[[jizya]]'' [poll tax] meant only for infidels) provoked a widespread armed resistance, which came to be led by Kharijite Berbers.<ref>Julien, ''A History of North Africa'' (Paris 1952; London 1970) at 21.</ref> The widespread struggle of this movement included victories, e.g., the "battle of the nobles" in 740. Later the Kharijites became divided and eventually were defeated after some decades. Arab historians remark that the 772 defeat of the Kharijite Berbers by an Abbasid army in battle near [[Tripoli, Libya|Tripoli]] was "the last of 375 battles" the Berbers had fought for their rights against armies from the East.<ref>Julien, ''A History of North Africa'' (1952, 1970) at 22 (740), 24 (772).</ref> Yet the Kharijites persisted under the Rustamids. Even until today across North Africa they practice still, small island communities of this religious minority within Islam.

===Rustamid kingdom===

A Kharijite remnant established a state (776–909) under the Rustamids, whose capital was at [[Tahert]] (located in the mountains southwest of modern Algiers).<ref>This region was mentioned in the [[History of Roman era Tunisia#Berbers, Vandals, Byzantines]] as the "post-Roman" Berber ''Kingdom of the Ouarsenis'', including their large mausoleums called ''Djeddars''.</ref> Apart from the lands surrounding Tahert, Rustamid territory consisted of largely the upland steppe or "pre-Sahara" that forms the frontier between the better watered [[Mediterranean forests, woodlands, and scrub|coastal regions]] of the Maghrib and the arid [[Sahara]] desert. As such, its territory extended in a narrow [[climate|climatic]] strip eastward as far as Tripolitania and Jebel Nefusa (in modern Libya). In between lay southern Ifriqiya, where Rustamid lands included the oases of the [[Djerid]], with its [[chott]]s (salt lakes), and the island of [[Djerba]].<ref>Map: "The Maghreb in the eighth-ninth centuries AD" reproduced from J. M. Abun Nasr, ''A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period'' (Cambridge University 1987) at 44, in Alan Rushworth, "From Arzuges to Rustamids. State formation and regional identity in the pre-Sahara zone" 77-98, at 89 (map), 90, in ''Vandals, Romans and Berbers'' (Aldershot: Ashgate 2004), edited by A. H. Merrills.</ref> The functionality of this elongated geography may be explained by the liberal nature of the Rustamid government: "[T]he imam did not so much rule or govern the surrounding tribes as preside over them, his authority being recognized rather than imposed and his mediation in disputes willingly sought."<ref>Rushworth, "From Arzuges to Rustamids. State formation and regional identity in the pre-Sahara zone" 77-98, at 90, in ''Vandals, Romans and Berbers'' (2004). Rushworth cites the work of Elizabeth Savage (1997), Ernest Gellner (1959), and Robert Montagne (1931).</ref> As such this Rustamids territory ran from [[Tlemcen]] in the west to Jebel Nefusa in the east.

The peoples of this climatic zone of the pre-Sahara began to be called the ''Arzuges'' in the 3rd century by the Roman [[legio III Augusta]] of Africa province. The Roman military authorities insulated ''Arzugitana'' from rule by the coastal cities. The fall of Rome "offered unprecedented opportunities for the communities of the pre-Sahara zone and their political elites, and may be seen as a period of renaissance in the region, at least in the political sphere." The Arzuges managed to recover their autonomy.

<blockquote>"Subsequently neither the Vandal monarchy nor the East Roman exarchate appear to have re-established direct rule over the Tripolitanian hinterland. Instead the communities of the pre-desert wadis and Jebel ranges may have been absorbed in a larger tribal confederation variously labeled the Laguatan, Levathae or, in the Arabic sources, the Lawata.</blockquote>

<blockquote>"The existence of labels such as ''Gaetuli'' and ''Arzuges'' thus reflects a longstanding and distinct sense of identity amongst the inhabitants of the pre-Saharan zone, which probably underwent a revival in late Antiquity. The support for the Ibadi movement shown by the communities of the Jebel Nefusa and the Jerid oases in the heart of the former Arzugitana suggests that this regional sense of identity and consequent desire for autonomy were maintained into the early medieval period and acquired a new emblematic marker in the adoption of the Ibadi faith. Indeed Savage suggests that many of the 'tribal' groups which figure in the sources in this period, notably the Nefusa, may represent alliances of disparate communities which coalesced at this very time in response to the catalyst provided by the egalitarian Ibadi message and were retrospectively legitimized with a genealogical tribal framework."<ref>Rushworth, "From Arzuges to Rustamids. State formation and regional identity in the pre-Sahara zone" at 77-98, 98, 95-98, in ''Vandals, Romans and Berbers'' (2004), edited by A. H. Merrills.</ref></blockquote>

[[File:Rustamid Persian Dynasty.gif|thumb|left|240px]]

The Arab [[#Aghlabid emirate under Abbasids|Aghlabid emirate]] in Ifriqiya remained the dominant state in the region, and the Rustamid's neighbors. Nonetheless the Aghlabids proved unable to dislodge these remnant Kharijites. Soon they were obliged to recognize Rustamid rule in the pre-Sahara region of the eastern Maghrib. In Hispania now transformed into al-Andalus, the [[Caliphate of Córdoba#The Umayyad Dynasty|Emirs of Córdoba]] welcomed the presence of the Rustamids Berbers as natural allies against the Aghlabids, whom [[Umayyad]] Córdoba considered [[Abbasid]] agents.<ref>Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, ''A History of the Maghrib'' (Cambridge Univ. 1971) at 71-76, 74-76.</ref>

Tahert was economically well situated, as it formed an [[entrepot]] for trade between the Mediterranean coastlands and the Sahara. During the summer Tahert became the market place where the pastoralist of the desert and steppe exchanged their animal produce for the local grains harvested by sedentary farmers. As the most prominent Khawarij center, it attracted immigrants from across the Islamic world, including Persia the home of its founder. Christians also found welcome. Yet in another sense behavioral tolerance was slim; "life at Tahert was conducted in a permanent state of religious fevor."<ref>Julien, ''History of North Africa'' (Paris 1952; London 1970) at 27-28, 30-31.</ref><ref name="Abun-Nasr">Abun-Nasr, ''A History of the Maghrib'' (Cambridge Univ. 1971) at 75.</ref>

The founder [[Abd ar-Rahman ibn Rustam|Ibn Rustam]] (r. 776–784) took the title of [[Imam]]. While in theory elected by elders, in practice the Imam was an hereditary office. The constitution was theocratic. The Imam was both a political and a religious leader.<ref>E.g., the Sufrite Kharijites who ran the independent government in nearby [[Sijilmasa]] at times paid [[tithe]] to the Rustamid Imam. Abun-Nasr, ''A History of the Maghrib'' (1971) at 75.</ref> Islamic law was strictly applied. "[A]dulterers were stoned, the hands of thieves were cut off, and in war pillage and the massacring of non-warriors were not permitted." The Imam managed the state, law and justice, prayers, and charity. He collected [[zakah]] ["alms"] at harvest and distributed it to the poor and for public works. He appointed the [[qadi]] (judge), the treasurer, and the police chief. The Imam was expected to lead an ascetic life and be an able theologian. He was also expected to be astute, as civic conflicts might develop into religious schism. Yet opposing parties in disputes often submitted the matter to mediation. The Khawarij remained tolerant toward "unbelievers".<ref name="Abun-Nasr"/><ref>Julien, ''History of North Africa'' (Paris 1952; London 1970) at 29-32.</ref>

The remaining Christians of the region (called ''[[Afariqa]]'' or ''Ajam'' by Muslim Arabs) could find a tolerant home in Rustamid Tahert, where their community was known as the ''Majjana''. This acceptance "might explain the growth of Ibadi communities in area where there is also evidence for the persistence of Christianity." Yet here, given the continuing defense of Rustamid autonomy against "the depredations of the central power" the Aghlabids, the choice to convert to Islam was sometimes "as much a political as a religious act."<ref>Rushworth, "From Arzuges to Rustamids. State formation and regional identity in the pre-Sahara zone" at 77-98, 91-95, quotes at 94-95 and 98, in ''Vandals, Romans and Berbers'' (2004), edited by A. H. Merrills.</ref>

The Rustamids endured about as long at the Aghlibid emirate; both states declined, and fell to the Fatimids during 909. Kharijites surviving from the Rustamid era eventually became [[Ibadi]]s. For the most part, they now reside in the Djebel Nefousa (western Libya), in the [[M'zab|Mzab]] and at [[Wargla]] (eastern Algeria), and on [[Djerba]] island in Tunisia.<ref>Julien, ''History of North Africa'' (Paris 1952; London 1970) at 32-33.</ref><ref>Abun-Nasr, ''A History of the Maghrib'' (Cambridge Univ. 1971) at 76.</ref><ref>Rushworth, "From Arzuges to Rustamids. State formation and regional identity in the pre-Sahara zone" 77-98, at 96-98, in ''Vandals, Romans and Berbers'' (2004).</ref>

==Fatimids: Shi'a caliphate==

In the far west of Ifriqiya, the newly emerging [[Fatimid]] movement grew in strength and numbers. Thereafter the Fatimids began to launch frequent attacks on the Aghlabid regime. Such militant aggression provoked general unrest and increased Aghlabid political instability.<ref>Ifriqiya of the Aghlabids continued to endure strife of various kinds, e.g., the cause of the orthodox Sunnis of the [[Maliki]]te [[madhhab]], and the surviving [[Rustamid]] state of the [[Kharijite]] Berbers to south and east. I. Hrbek, "The emergence of the Fatimids" in ''General History of Africa'', volume III, at 163 (Paris: UNESCO; Berkeley: Univ.of California 1992, abridged edition).</ref> The Fatimids eventually managed to capture Kairouan in 909, forcing the last of the Aghlabid line, [[Ziyadat Allah III]], to evacuate the palace at Raqadda. Concurrently the [[Rustamid]] state was overthrown. On the east coast of Ifriqiaya facing Egypt, the Fatimids built a new capital on top of ancient ruins, calling the seaport [[Mahdia|Mahdiya]] after their ''mahdi''.<ref>Laroui, ''The History of the Maghrib'' (1970, 1977) at 130-132.</ref>

===Maghribi origin===
[[File:Calif al Mahdi Kairouan 912 CE(png).png|thumb|right|Gold coin of Caliph al-Mahdi. [[Kairouan]], Ifriqiya, 912 CE.]]

The Fatimid movement had originated locally in al-Maghrib, based on the strength of the [[Kotama]] Berbers in [[Kabylia]] (Setif, south of [[Béjaïa|Bougie]], eastern Algeria). The two founders of the movement were recent immigrants from the Islamic east: Abu 'Abdulla ash-Shi'i, originally from [[San'a]] in [[Yemen]]; and, arriving from [[Salamiyah]] in [[Syria]], 'Ubaidalla Sa'id. These two were religious dissidents who had come west to al-Magrib specifically to propagate their beliefs. The later, 'Ubaidalla Sa'id, claimed descent from [[Fatimah]] the daughter of [[Muhammad]]; he was to proclaim himself the Fatimid [[Mahdi]]. Their religious affiliation was the [[Ismaili]] branch of the [[Shia]].

By agreement, the first of the two founders to arrive (circa 893) was [[Abu 'Abdullah Al-Husayn Al-Shi'i|Abu 'Abdulla ash-Shi'i]], the Ismaili ''[[Da'i]]'' or propagandist. He found welcome in the hostility against the [[Caliphate]] in [[Baghdad]] freely expressed by the Kotama Berbers.<ref>Glassé, ''The Concise Encyclopedia of Islam'' re "Fatimid" at 123-125. Glassé remarks on: a) the pre-Islamic Berber connections to [[Gnostic]] doctrines, and b) the [[Manichaeism|Manichaean]] leadership near Baghdad, proximous to the Ismailis; he see this as further reasons for the Kotama Berber resonance with the Ismaili ''Da'i'', at 124.</ref> After his success in recruitment and in building the organization, Abu 'Abdulla was ready in 902 to send for 'Ubaidalla Sa'ed, who (after adventures and Aghlibid imprisonment in [[Sijilmasa]]) arrived in 910. 'Ubaidall Sa'ed then proclaimed himself ''Mahdi'', literally "the guided one", an august Islamic title of supreme command, taking the name [[Ubayd Allah al-Mahdi Billah]]. He assumed leadership of the movement. Thereafter Abu 'Abdulla was killed in a dispute over control.<ref>Abun-Nasr, ''A History of the Maghrib'' (1971) at 80-81.</ref>

From the start the [[Shi'a]] Fatimid movement had been focused on expansion eastward toward the heartland of Islam. Soon the new Mahdi ordered an attack on [[Egypt]] by a Fatimid army of Kotama Berbers led by his son al-Qa'im, once in 914, and again in 919; the Fatimids quickly took Alexandria, but both times lost it to the [[Sunni]] [[Abbasids]].<ref>Stanley Lane-Poole, ''A History of Egypt in the Middle Ages'' (London: Methuen 1901) at 80-81.</ref> Probing for weakness, the Mahdi then sent an invasion ''westward'', but his forces met with mixed results. Many Sunnis, including the [[Caliphate of Córdoba|Umayyad Caliph of al-Andalus]] and the [[Maghrawa|Zenata Berber kingdom]] in [[Morocco]], effectively opposed him because of his Ismaili Shi'a affiliation. The Mahdi did not follow [[Maliki]] law; he taxed harshly, incurring further resentment. His capital [[Mahdiya]] was more a fort than a princely city. The Maghrib was disrupted, being contested between the [[Zenata]] in the west and the [[Sanhaja]] who favored the Fatimids. Yet eventually Fatimid authority spread to most of [[Magreb|al-Magrib]].<ref>Julien, ''History of North Africa'' (1931, 2d ed. 1961, tr. 1970) at 56-60.</ref><ref>The Sanhaja Berbers were associated with the Kotama. H. Mones, "The conquest of North Africa and the Berber resistance" in ''General History of Africa'' (1992), volume III, at 118-119.</ref>

After the death of the Mahdi, there came the popular [[Kharijite]] revolt of 935, under [[Abu Yazid]] (nicknamed ''Abu Himara'', "the man on a donkey"). Abu Yazid was known to ride about clad in common clothes accompanied by his wife and four sons. This Berber revolt, centering on a social justice appeal with respect to Kharijite ideals, gathered a wide following; by 943 it was said to be spreading confusion far and wide.<ref>The view of the revolt as chaotic has been questioned. Cf., Aziz al-Azmeh, ''Ibn Khaldun in Modern Scholarship'' at 215-218.</ref> The Mahdi's son, the Fatimid caliph al-Qa'im, became besieged in his capital Mahdiya. The situation appeared desperate when a relief column led by [[Ziri ibn Manad]] broke through the siege with supplies and reinforcements for the Fatimids. Eventually Abu Yazid lost much of his following and in 946 was defeated in battle; this was the work of the son of al-Qa'im, the next Fatimid caliph, Ishmail, who accordingly took the sobriquet ''Mansur'', the "victor". Mansur then moved his residence and his government to [[Kairouan]]. Fatimid rule continued to be under attack by Sunni power to the west, i.e., the Umayyad Caliphate in [[Al-Andalus]]. Nonetheless the Fatimids prospered.<ref>Perkins, ''Tunisia'' (1986) at 36 & 39; Julian, ''History of North Africa'' (1931, 1961, 1970) at 66-67.</ref>

===Conquest of Egypt===

[[Image:Fatimid Caliphate.PNG|thumb|left|[[Fatimid]] Empire (909-1171) at its crest, their vassals the Zirids ruling in al-Maghrib.]]

In 969 the Fatimid caliph [[al-Mu'izz]] sent against Egypt his best general Jawhar al-Rumi, who led a [[Kotama]] Berber army. Egypt then was nominally under the [[Abbasid Caliphate]], yet since 856 Egypt had been ruled by Turks, now by the Turkish [[Ikhshidid dynasty]]; however, actual control had passed into the strong hands of the Ethiopian eunuch [[Abu al-Misk Kafur|Abu-l-Misk Kafur]] for 22 years. At Kafur's death in 968, Egypt's leadership became weak and confused. The Fatimids in Ifriqiya, carefully observing these conditions in ''Misr'' (Egypt), ceased the opportunity to conquer.<ref>Lane-Poole, ''A History of Egypt in the Middle Ages'' (1901) at 101-102.</ref>

[[Image:Al Azhar, Egypt.jpg|250px|thumb|right|The [[al-Azhar mosque]], founded in 970]]

[[Gawhar Al-Siqilli|Jawhar al-Rumi]] accordingly managed the military conquest without great difficulty. The Shi'a Fatimids subsequently founded al-Qahira ([[Cairo]]) ["the victorious" or the "city of Mars"]. In 970 the Fatimids also founded the world-famous [[al-Azhar mosque]], which later became the leading Sunni theological center.<ref>I. Hrbek, "The emergence of the Fatimids" in ''General History of Africa'', volume III, at 163-175, 171 (Paris: UNESCO; Berkeley: Univ.of California 1992, abridged edition).</ref> Three years later al-Mu'izz the Fatimid caliph decided to leave Ifriqiyah for Egypt, which he did, taking everything, "his treasures, his administrative staff, and the coffins of his predecessors."<ref>Laroui, ''History of the Maghrib'' (1970, 1977) at 133.</ref> This al-Mu'izz was highly educated, wrote Arabic poetry, had mastered Berber, studied Greek, and delighted in literature; he was also a very capable ruler and it was he who founded Fatimid power in Egypt. Once centered there the Fatimids expanded their possessions further, northeast to [[Syria]] and southeast to [[Mecca]] and [[Medina]], while retaining control of North Africa until the late 11th century. From Cairo the Fatimids were to enjoy relative success, even with the loss of Ifriqiya, reigning until 1171. They became for a time the foremost power of Islam; they never returned to Ifriqiyah.<ref>Poole, ''A History of Egypt in the Middle Ages'' (1901), who praises the founder of the Fatimids in Egypt, Mo'izz (at 99-101, 107-109), and his general, Jawhar (at 102-104). Yet the following Fatimid centuries in Egypt he finds lackluster or oppressive (at 117-118).</ref> Meanwhile, the Kotama Berbers, wornout from their conflicts on behalf of the Fatimids, disappeared from the streets of al-Qahira, and thereafter also from the life of al-Maghrib.<ref>Julien, ''History of North Africa'' (1931, 1961, 1970) at 54-55.</ref>

The western lands of the Fatimids were assigned to Berber vassals who continued in name the Shi'a caliphate rule. The first chosen ruler was [[Buluggin ibn Ziri]], son of [[Ziri ibn Manad]] (died 971), the [[Sanhaja]] Berber chieftain who had saved the Fatimids when besieged in Mahdiya by Abu Yazid (see above). The [[Zirid]] dynasty would eventually become the sovereign power in Ifiqiya.<ref>Abdallah Laroui, ''The History of the Maghrib'' (1970, 1977) at 138-139.</ref><ref>Julien, ''History of North Africa'' (1931, 1961, 1970) at 62, 64-66.</ref>

==References==
{{reflist|30em}}

==See also==
*[[History of Tunisia]]
*[[Umayyad conquest of North Africa]]
*[[Ifriqiya]]
*[[Aghlabid]] dynasty
*[[Fatimid Caliphate]]
*[[Zirid dynasty]]
*[[Almohad dynasty]]
*[[Hafsid dynasty]]
*[[Ibn Khaldun]]

{{Clear}}
{{Tunisia topics}}
{{History of Africa}}

[[Category:Ifriqiya]]
[[Category:Medieval Islamic world|Tunisia]]

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