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[[Image:Stele Mnesarete Glyptothek Munich 491 n1.jpg|thumb|right|190px|Funerary [[stele]] of [[Phryne|Mnesarete]]; a young girl (left) is facing the dead woman. [[Attica]], circa 380 BC. (located at the [[Glyptothek]] in [[Munich]], [[Germany]])]]

[[Slavery]] was an essential component of the development of [[ancient Greece]] throughout its history.
Most ancient writers considered slavery not only necessary but natural; neither the [[Stoicism|Stoics]] nor the [[Early Christianity|early Christians]] questioned the practice. However, some isolated debate began to appear, notably in [[Socrates|Socratic dialogues]], as early as the 4th century BC.

In conformity with modern [[historiography|historiographical]] practice, this article will discuss only [[Personal property|chattel]] slavery, as opposed to dependent groups such as the [[penestae]] of [[Thessaly]], the [[Sparta]]n [[helots]] or even the klarotes of [[Crete]], who were more like medieval [[Serfdom|serfs]]. The chattel slave is an individual deprived of liberty and forced to submit to an owner who may buy, sell, or lease him or her as one might any chattel good.
The study of slavery in ancient Greece poses a number of significant methodological problems. Documentation is disjointed and very fragmented, focusing on the city of [[Athens]]. No treatise is specifically devoted to the subject. Judicial pleadings of the 4th century BC were interested in slavery only as a source of revenue. [[Ancient Greek comedy|Comedy]] and [[Greek tragedy|tragedy]] represented stereotypes. Iconography made no substantial differentiation between slave and [[Artisan|craftsman]]. Even the terminology is often vague.

==Terminology==
The ancient Greeks had many words to describe slaves, though many need to be placed in proper context to avoid ambiguity. In [[Homer]], [[Hesiod]] and [[Theognis of Megara]], the slave was called {{polytonic|δμώς}} / ''dmôs''.<ref>Chantraine, s.v. {{polytonic|δμώς}}.</ref> The term has a general meaning but refers particularly to war prisoners taken as booty,<ref>For instance ''[[Odyssey]]'' 1:398, where [[Telemachus]] mentions “the slaves that goodly Odysseus won for [him]”.</ref> in other words, property. During the classical period, the Greeks frequently used {{polytonic|ἀνδράποδον}} / ''andrápodon'',<ref>Used once by Homer in ''[[Iliad]]'' 7:475 to refer to prisoners taken in war; the line was athetized by [[Aristarchus of Samothrace]] following [[Zenodotus]] and [[Aristophanes of Byzantium]], see Kirk, p.291.</ref> literally, "one with the feet of a man", as opposed to {{polytonic|τετράποδον}} / ''tetrapodon'', "quadruped", or livestock.<ref>Chantraine, s.v. {{polytonic|ἀνερ}}.</ref> The most common word is undoubtedly {{polytonic|δοῦλος}} / ''doûlos'',<ref>[http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.04.0057%3Aentry%3D%2328156 Definition] from [[LSJ]].</ref> an earlier form of which appears in [[Mycenaean Greece|Mycenaean]] inscriptions as ''do-e-ro'',<ref>Mycenean transliterations can be confusing and do not directly reflect pronunciation; for clarification see [[Linear B]].</ref> used in opposition to "free man" ({{polytonic|ἐλεύθερος}} / ''eleútheros''). The [[verb]] {{polytonic|δουλεὐω}} can be used metaphorically for other forms of dominion, as of one city over another or parents over their children.<ref>Chantraine, s.v. {{polytonic|δοῦλος}}. See also Mactoux (1981).</ref> Finally, the term {{polytonic|οἰκέτης}} / ''oikétês'' was used, meaning literally "one who lives in the house", referring to household servants.<ref>Chantraine, s.v. {{polytonic|οἰκος}}.</ref>
Other terms used were less precise and required context:
:* {{polytonic|θεράπων}} / ''therápôn'' — At the time of [[Homer]], the word meant "squire" ([[Patroclus]] was referred to as the ''therapôn'' of [[Achilles]]<ref>''Iliad'', 16:244 and 18:152.</ref> and [[Meriones (mythology)|Meriones]] that of [[Idomeneus]]<ref>''Iliad'', 23:113.</ref>); during the classical age, it meant "servant".<ref>Chantraine, s.v. {{polytonic|θεράπων}}.</ref>
:* {{polytonic|ἀκόλουθος}} / ''akólouthos'' — literally, "the follower" or "the one who accompanies". Also, the [[diminutive]] {{polytonic|ἀκολουθίσκος}}, used for [[page (servant)|page]] boys.<ref>Chantraine, s.v. {{polytonic|ἀκόλουθος}}.</ref>
:* {{polytonic|παῖς}} / ''pais'' — literally "child", used in the same way as "[[houseboy]]",<ref>Chantraine, s.v. {{polytonic|παῖς}}.</ref> also used in a derogatory way to call adult slaves.<ref>Cartledge, p.137.</ref>
:* {{polytonic|σῶμα}} / ''sôma'' — literally "body", used in the context of emancipation.<ref>Chantraine, s.v. {{polytonic|σῶμα}}.</ref>

==Origins of slavery==
[[Image:Aias Kassandra Louvre G458.jpg|thumb|left|280px|Women as plunder of war: [[Ajax the Lesser]] taking [[Cassandra]], tondo of a [[red-figure]] [[kylix]] by the [[Kodros Painter]], ca. 440-430 BC, [[Louvre]]]]
The presence of slaves is confirmed in the [[Mycenaean Greece|Mycenaean civilization]]. In the tablets from [[Pylos]] 140 ''do-e-ro'' can be identified with certainty. Two legal categories can be distinguished: "common" slaves and "slaves of the god" (''te-o-jo do-e-ro'' / θεοιο), the god in this case probably being [[Poseidon]]. Slaves of the god are always mentioned by name and own their own land; their legal status is close to that of freemen. The nature and origin of their bond to the divinity is unclear.<ref>Burkert, p.45.</ref> As for common slaves, their names show that some of them came from [[Kythira|Kythera]], [[Chios]], [[Lemnos]], or even [[Halicarnassus]] and were probably enslaved as a result of [[piracy]]. The tablets indicate that unions between slaves and non-slaves were not uncommon and that slaves could be independent artisans and could retain plots of land. In fact, it appears that the major division in Mycenaean civilization was not between slave and free, but between those attached to the palace and those not.<ref>Mele, pp.115–155.</ref>
There is no continuity between the Mycenaean era and the time of [[Homer]], where social structures reflected those of the [[Greek dark ages]]. The terminology differs: the slave is no longer ''do-e-ro'' (doulos) but ''dmôs''.<ref>Garlan, p.36.</ref> In the [[Iliad]], slaves are mainly women taken as booty of war,<ref>For instance [[Chryseis]] (1:12–3, 29–30, 111–5), [[Briseis]] (2:688–9), Diomede (6:654–5), Iphis (6:666–8) and Hecamede (11:624–7).</ref> while men were either ransomed<ref>See in the ''Iliad'' the pleas of [[Adrastus]] the Trojan (1:46-50), the sons of [[Antimachus (disambiguation)|Antimachus]] (11:131–5) and [[Lycaon (mythology)|Lycaon]] (21:74–96), all begging for mercy in exchange of a ransom.</ref> or killed on the battlefield. In the ''Odyssey'', the slaves also seem to be mostly women.<ref>There are 50 of them in [[Ulysses]]' house (22:421) and in [[Alcinous]]' house (7:103).</ref> These slaves were servants<ref>Before his fight with Achilles, [[Hector]] predicts for his wife [[Andromache]] a life of bondage and mentions weaving and water-fetching (6:454–8). In the ''Odyssey'', servants tend the fire (20:123), prepare the suitors' feast (1:147), grind wheat (7:104, 20:108–9), make the bed (7:340–2) and take care of the guests.</ref> and sometimes concubines.<ref>In the ''Iliad'', Chryseis sleeps with [[Agamemnon]], Briseis and Diomede with [[Achilles]], Iphis with [[Patroclus]]. In the ''Odyssey'', twelve female servants sleep with the suitors (20:6–8) against [[Euryclea]]'s direct orders (22:423-425).</ref> There were some male slaves, especially in the ''Odyssey'', a prime example being the swineherd Eumaeus. The slave was distinctive in being a member of the core part of the ''oikos'' ("family unit", "household"): [[Laertes]] eats and drinks with his servants<ref>''Odyssey'', 16:140–1.</ref>; in the winter, he sleeps in their company.<ref>''Odyssey'', 11:188–91.</ref> The term ''dmôs'' is not considered pejorative, and Eumaeus, the "divine" swineherd,<ref>''Odyssey'', 14:3.</ref> benefits from the same [[Epithets in Homer|Homeric epithet]] as the Greek heroes. In spite of this, slavery remained a disgrace. Eumaeus himself declares that “Zeus, of the far-borne voice, takes away the half of a man's virtue, when the day of slavery comes upon him.”<ref>''Odyssey'' 17:322–323. Online version of [http://www.robotwisdom.com/jaj/homer/odyssey.html Butcher-Lang 1879 translation].</ref>
It is difficult to determine when slave trading began in the archaic period. In ''Works and Days'' (8th century BC), [[Hesiod]] owns numerous ''dmôes'',<ref>For instance ''Works and Days'', 405.</ref> although their status is unclear. The presence of ''douloi'' is confirmed by lyric poets such as [[Archilochus]] or [[Theognis of Megara]].<ref>Garlan, p.43.</ref> According to epigraphic evidence, the homicide law of [[Draco (lawgiver)|Draco]] (c. 620 BC) mentioned slaves.<ref>"{{polytonic|κατὰ ταὐτὰ φόνοθ δίκας εἷναι δοῦλον κτείναντι ἢ ἐλεὐτερον}}." Dareste, Haussoulier and Reinach, 4, 5, 8.</ref> According to Plutarch,<ref>''Life of Solon'', 1:6.</ref> [[Solon]] (c. 594-593 BC) forbade slaves from practising gymnastics and pederasty. By the end of the period, references become more common. Slavery becomes prevalent at the very moment when Solon establishes the basis for Athenian democracy. Classical scholar [[Moses Finley]] likewise remarks that Chios, which, according to [[Theopompus]],<ref>Apud Athenaeus, 6:265bc = [[Fragmente der griechischen Historiker|FGrH]] 115, fgt.122.</ref> was the first city to organize a slave trade, also enjoyed an early democratic process (in the 6th century BC). He concludes that “one aspect of Greek history, in short, is the advance hand in hand, of freedom ''and'' slavery.”<ref>Finley (1997), pp.170–171.</ref>

==Economic role==
{{seealso|Economy of ancient Greece}}
[[Image:Amphora olive-gathering BM B226.jpg|thumb|right|250px|[[Agriculture of ancient Greece|Agriculture]], a common use for slaves, [[black-figure]] neck-amphora by the [[Antimenes Painter]], [[British Museum]]]]
Strictly speaking, there was no such thing as a servile act. All activities were open to slaves with the exception of politics, the only activity over which citizens had a monopoly.<ref>Finley (1997), p.180.</ref> Moreover, for the Greeks, politics was the only activity worthy of a citizen, the rest having been relegated wherever possible to non-citizens.<ref>Finley (1997), p.148.</ref> It was status that was of importance, not activity.
The principal use of slaves was in [[Agriculture of ancient Greece|agriculture]], the foundation of the Greek economy. Some small landowners might own one slave, or even two.<ref>Finley (1997), p.149.</ref> An abundant literature of manuals for landowners (such as the [[Oeconomicus|''Economy'']] of [[Xenophon]] or that of [[Pseudo-Aristotle]]) confirms the presence of dozens of slaves on the larger estates; they could be common labourers or foremen. The extent to which slaves were used as a labour force in farming is still disputed.<ref>Jameson argues in favour of a very large use of slaves; Wood (1983 and 1988) disputes it.</ref> It is, however, certain on the one hand that rural slavery was very common in Athens, and, on the other, that ancient Greece did not know the immense slave populations found on the Roman ''[[latifundia]]''.<ref>Finley (1997), p.150.</ref>
In the [[Mining|mines]] and [[Quarry|quarries]], slave labour was by far most prevalent. Here were found large slave populations, often leased out by rich private citizens. The [[strategos]] [[Nicias]] leased a thousand slaves to the silver mines of [[Laurium]] in [[Attica]]; Hipponicos, 600; and Philomidès, 300. Xenophon<ref name="XREV">''Poroi'' (''On Revenues''), 4.</ref> indicates that they received one [[obolus]] per slave per day, amounting to 60 [[drachma]]s per year. This was one of the most prized investments for Athenians. The number of slaves working in the Laurium mines or in the mills processing ore can be estimated at 30,000.<ref name="L916">Lauffer, p.916.</ref> Xenophon even suggested that the city buy a large number of slaves, up to three state slaves per citizen, so that their leasing would assure the upkeep of all the citizens.<ref name="XREV" />
Slaves were also used as craftsmen and [[tradesperson]]s. As in agriculture, they were used for labour which was beyond the capability of the family. However, the slave population was greatest in the workshops. The shield factory of [[Lysias]] employed 120 slaves,<ref>Demosthenes, 12:8–19.</ref> and the father of [[Demosthenes]] owned 32 cutlers and 20 bedmakers.<ref>Demosthenes, ''Against Aphobos'', 1:9.</ref>
Slaves were also employed in the home. The domestic's main role was to stand in for his master at his trade and to accompany him on trips. In time of war he was batman to the [[hoplite]]; it has been argued that their actual role was far greater.<ref>See Hunt for further reading.</ref> The female slave carried out domestic tasks, in particular bread baking and textile making. Only the poorest citizens did not possess a domestic slave.<ref>Finley (1997), pp.151–152.</ref>

==Demographics==
===Population===
[[Image:NAMA Cheval & esclave éthiopien.jpg|thumb|left|220px|[[Ethiopia]]n slave attempts to break a horse, date unknown, [[National Archaeological Museum of Athens]]]]
It is difficult to estimate the number of slaves in ancient Greece, given the lack of a precise census and variations in definitions during that era. It is certain that Athens had the largest slave population with as many as 80,000 in the [[5th century BC|5th]] and [[6th century BC|6th]] centuries BC,<ref name="L916" /> on average three or four slaves per household. In the 5th century BC, [[Thucydides]] remarked upon the desertion of 20,000 slaves during the [[Decelea|war of Decelea]], mostly tradesmen. The lowest estimate, of 20,000 slaves, during the time of [[Demosthenes]],<ref>Jones, pp. 76–79.</ref> corresponds to one slave per family. Between 317 BC and 307 BC, the tyrant [[Demetrius Phalereus]] ordered<ref>Ctesicles, apud Athenaeus 6:272c.</ref> a general census of Attica which arrived at the following figures: 21,000 citizens, 10,000 [[Metic]]s and 400,000 slaves. The orator [[Hypereides]], in his ''Against Areistogiton'', recalls that the effort to enlist 150,000 male slaves of military age led to the defeat of the Greeks at the [[Battle of Chaeronea (338 BC)]], which corresponds to the figures of [[Ctesicles]].<ref>Ctesicles was the author of a history preserved as two fragments in the [[Athenaeus]].</ref>

According to the literature, it appears that the majority of Athenians owned at least one slave. [[Aristophanes]], in ''[[Plutus (play)|Plutus]]'', portrays poor peasants who have several slaves; Aristotle defines a house as containing freemen and slaves.<ref>''Politics'', 252a26–b15.</ref> Conversely, not owning even one slave was a clear sign of poverty. In the celebrated discourse of [[Lysias]] ''For the Invalid'', a cripple pleading for a pension explains "my income is very small and now I'm required to do these things myself and do not even have the means to purchase a slave who can do these things for me."<ref>Lysias, ''For the invalid'', 3.</ref> However, the huge slave populations of the Romans were unknown in ancient Greece. When Athenaeus<ref>Athenaeus, 6:264d.</ref> cites the case of Mnason, friend of Aristotle and owner of a thousand slaves, this appears to be exceptional. [[Plato]], owner of five slaves at the time of his death, describes the very rich as owning 50 slaves.<ref>''Republic'', 9:578d–e.</ref>
In terms of density, Thucydides estimates that the isle of [[Chios]] had proportionally the largest number of slaves.<ref>Thucydide, 8:40, 2.</ref>

===Sources of supply===
There were four primary sources of slaves: war, in which the defeated would become slaves to the victorious unless a more objective outcome was reached; [[piracy]] (at sea), banditry (on land), and international trade.

====War====
By the rules of war of the period, the victor possessed absolute rights over the vanquished, whether they were soldiers or not.<ref>See Ducrey for further reading.</ref> Enslavement, while not systematic, was common practice. [[Thucydides]] recalls that 7,000 inhabitants of Hyccara in [[Sicily]] were taken prisoner by [[Nicias]] and sold for 120 [[Talent (weight)|talents]] in the neighbouring village of [[Catania]].<ref>Thucydides, 6:62 and 7:13.</ref> Likewise in 348 BC the population of [[Olynthus]] was reduced to slavery, as was that of [[Thebes, Greece|Thebes]] in 335 BC by [[Alexander the Great]] and that of [[Mantineia]] by the [[Achaean League]].<ref name="G57">Garlan, p. 57.</ref>
The existence of Greek slaves was a constant source of discomfort for free Greeks. The enslavement of cities was also a controversial practice. Some generals refused, such as the [[Sparta]]ns [[Agesilaus II]]<ref>[[Plutarch]], ''Life of Agesilaus'', 7:6.</ref> and [[Callicratidas]].<ref>[[Xenophon]], ''Hellenica'', 1:6, 14.</ref> Some cities passed accords to forbid the practice: in the middle of the 3rd century BC, [[Miletus]] agreed not to reduce any free [[Knossos|Knossian]] to slavery, and vice versa.<ref name="G57" /> Conversely, the emancipation by ransom of a city which had been entirely reduced to slavery carried great prestige: [[Cassander]], in 316 BC, restored Thebes.<ref>[[Diodorus Siculus]], 29:53,2.</ref> Before him, [[Philip II of Macedon]] enslaved and then emancipated [[Stageira]].<ref>Plutarch, ''Life of Alexander'', 7:3.</ref>

====Piracy and banditry====
War provided a significant and consistent supply of slaves. The same went for [[piracy]] and banditry,<ref>The Greeks made small difference between pirates and bandits, both being called ''lēstai'' or ''peiratai''. Brulé (1978a), p.2.</ref> though the significance of this source varied according to era and region.<ref>See Ormerod, Brulé (1978b) and Gabrielsen for further reading.</ref> Pirates and brigands would demand ransom whenever the status of their catch warranted it. Whenever ransom was not paid, or was not warranted, captives would be sold to a trafficker<ref>Finley (1997), p.230.</ref>. Thus, nobody was immune from falling into servitude. In certain areas, piracy was practically a national specialty, described by Thucydides as "the old-fashioned" way of life.<ref>Thucydides, 1:5, 3.</ref> Such was the case in [[Acarnania]], [[Crete]], and [[Aetolia]]. Outside of Greece, this was also the case with [[Illyria]]ns, [[Phoenicia]]ns, and [[Etruscan civilization|Etruscans]]. During the [[Hellenistic Greece|Hellenistic period]], [[Cilicia]]ns and the mountain peoples from the coasts of [[Anatolia]] could also be added to the list. [[Strabo]] explains the popularity of the practice amongst the Cilicians by its profitability; [[Delos]], not far away, allowed for "moving a myriad of slaves daily".<ref>Strabo, 14:5, 2.</ref> The growing influence of the [[Roman Empire]], a large consumer of slaves, led to development of the market and an aggravation of piracy.<ref>Brulé (1978a), p.6.</ref> In the 1st century BC, however, the Romans largely eradicated piracy to protect the Mediterranean trade routes.<ref>Brulé (1978a), pp.6–7.</ref>

====International trade====
There was in addition a slave trade with neighbouring barbarians. The fragmentary list of slaves confiscated from the property of the mutilators of the ''[[Herma]]i'' mentions 32 slaves whose nationalities have been ascertained: 13 came from [[Thrace]], 7 from [[Caria]], and the others came from [[Cappadocia]], [[Caria]], [[Scythia]], [[Phrygia]], [[Lydia]], [[Syria]], [[Ilyria]], [[Macedon]] and [[Peloponnese]].<ref>Pritchett and Pippin (1956), p.278 and Pritchett (1961), p.27.</ref> The mechanism was similar to that later seen in the [[African slave trade]]: local professionals sold their fellow creatures to Greek slave merchants. The principal centres of the slave trade appear to have been [[Ephesus]], [[Byzantium]], and even faraway [[Tanais]] at the mouth of the [[Don River, Russia|Don]]. Some barbarian slaves were victims of war or localised piracy, but others were sold by their parents.<ref>[[Herodotus]], 5:6; [[Philostratus#Philostratus II|Philostratus II]], ''[[Life of Apollonius Tyana]]'', 18:7, 12.</ref> There is a lack of direct evidence of slave traffic, but corroborating evidence exists. Firstly, certain nationalities are consistently and significantly represented in the slave population, such as the corps of Scythian archers employed by Athens as a police force—originally 300, but eventually nearly a thousand.<ref>Plassart, pp.151–213.</ref> Secondly, the names given to slaves in the [[Ancient Greek comedy|comedies]] often had a geographical link; thus ''Thratta'', used by [[Aristophanes]] in ''[[The Wasps]]'', ''[[The Acharnians]]'', and ''[[Peace (play)|Peace]]'', simply signified ''Thracian woman''.<ref>During the Classical and [[Hellenistic Greece|Hellenistic]] periods, it was the master who named the slave; this could be the master's name, an ethnic name as mentioned above, a name from their native area (Manes for Lydian, Midas for a Phrygian, etc.), a historical name (Alexander, Cleopatra, etc.). In short, a slave could carry practically any name, but barbarian names could only be given to slaves. Masson, pp.9—21.</ref> Finally, the nationality of a slave was a significant criterion for major purchasers; the ancient advice was not to concentrate too many slaves of the same origin in the same place, in order to limit the risk of revolt.<ref>Plato, ''Laws'', 777cd; Pseudo-Aristotle, ''Economics'', 1:5.</ref> It is also probable that, as with the Romans, certain nationalities were considered more productive as slaves than others.
The price of slaves varied in accordance with their ability. Xenophon valued a Laurion miner at 180 [[drachma]]s;<ref name="XREV" /> in comparison a workman at major works was paid one [[drachma]] per day. Demosthenes' father's cutlers were valued at 500 to 600 [[drachma]]s each.<ref>Garlan, p.61.</ref> Price was also a function of the quantity of slaves available; in the 4th century BC they were abundant and it was thus a buyer's market. A tax on sale revenues was levied by the market cities. A large slave market was organized, for instance, during the festivities at the temple of [[Apollo]] at [[Actium]]. The Acarnanian League, who was in charge of the logistics, received half of the tax proceeds, the other half going to the city of Anactorion, of which Actium was a part.<ref>Circa 216 BC. ''Inscriptiones Graecae'' IX 1², 2, 583.</ref> Buyers enjoyed a guarantee against [[latent defect]]s; the transaction could be invalidated if the bought slave turned out to be crippled and the buyer had not been warned about it.<ref>[[Hypereides]], ''Against Athenogenes'', 15 and 22.</ref>

===Natural growth===
[[Image:Funerary stele Louvre Ma4498.jpg|thumb|right|290px|Funerary stele for two young children and their pedagogue, killed in an earthquake, [[Nicomedia]], 1st century BC, [[Louvre]]]]
Curiously, it appears that the Greeks did not "breed" their slaves, at least during the Classical Era, though the proportion of houseborn slaves appears to have been rather large in [[Ptolemaic Egypt]] and in manumission inscriptions at Delphi.<ref>Garlan, p.59.</ref> Sometimes the cause of this was natural; mines, for instance, were exclusively a male domain. On the other hand, there were many female domestic slaves. The example of black people in the [[Southern United States|American South]] on the other hand demonstrates that slave populations can multiply.<ref>Finley (1997), p.155.</ref> This incongruity remains relatively unexplained.

Xenophon advised that male and female slaves should be lodged separately, that "…nor children born and bred by our domestics without our knowledge and consent—no unimportant matter, since, if the act of rearing children tends to make good servants still more loyally disposed, cohabiting but sharpens ingenuity for mischief in the bad."<ref>''The Economist'', IX. Trans [http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/etext98/econm10.txt H. G. Dakyns], accessed 16 May 06.</ref> More simply, the explanation is perhaps economic; even a skilled slave was somewhat cheap,<ref>Pritchett and Pippin, pp.276–281.</ref> so it may have been cheaper to purchase a slave than to raise one.<ref>Garlan, p.58. Finley (1997), p.154-155 remains doubtful.</ref> Additionally, childbirth placed the slave-mother's life at risk, and the baby was not guaranteed to survive to adulthood.<ref name="G58">Garlan, p.58.</ref>
Houseborn slaves (''oikogeneis'') often constituted a privileged class. They were, for example, entrusted to take the children to school; they were "[[Pedagogy|pedagogues]]" in the first sense of the term.<ref name="C203">Carlier, p.203.</ref> Some of them were the offspring of the master of the house, but in most cities, notably Athens, a child inherited the status of its mother.<ref name="G58" />

==Status of slaves==
The Greeks had not one but many degrees of enslavement. More precisely, there was a multitude of categories, ranging from free citizen to chattel slave, and including serfs ([[penestae]] or [[helots]]), disenfranchised citizens, freedmen, bastards, and [[metic]]s.<ref>Finley (1997), p.147.</ref> The common ground was, of course, the deprivation of civic rights.
[[Moses Finley]] proposed a set of criteria for different degrees of enslavement:<ref>Finley (1997), pp.165–89.</ref>

:* right to own property
:* authority over the work of another
:* power of punishment over another
:* legal rights and duties (liability to arrest and/or arbitrary punishment, or to litigate)
:* familial rights and privileges (marriage, inheritance, etc.)
:* possibility of social mobility (manumission or emancipation, access to citizen rights)
:* religious rights and obligations
:* military rights and obligations (military service as servant, heavy or light soldier, or sailor)

===Athenian slaves===
[[Image:NAMA Loutrophoros Polystratos.jpg|thumb|left|300px|Funerary [[loutrophoros]]; on the right a bearded slave carries his master's shield and helm, 380–370 BC, [[National Archaeological Museum of Athens]]]]
Athenian slaves were the property of their master (or of the state), who could dispose of them as he saw fit. He could give, sell, rent, or bequeath them. A slave could have a spouse and children, but the slave family was not recognized by the state, and the master could scatter the family members at any time.<ref name="G47">Garlan, p.47.</ref> Slaves had fewer judicial rights than citizens and were represented by their master in all judicial proceedings.<ref>[[Antiphon]], ''First Tetralogy'', 2:7, 4:7; Demosthenes, ''Against Pantenos'', 51 (2) and ''Against Evergos'', 14, 15, 60.</ref> A misdemeanour that would result in a fine for the free man would result in a flogging for the slave; the ratio seems to have been one lash for one drachma.<ref name="C203" /> With several minor exceptions, the testimony of a slave was not admissible except under torture. <ref>For instance [[Lycurgus]], ''Against Leocrates'', 29.</ref> Slaves were tortured in trials because they often remained trusty to their master. A famous example of trusty slave was [[Themistocles]]'s Persian slave [[Sicinnus]] (the counterpart of [[Ephialtes of Trachis]]), who, despite his Persian origin, betrayed [[Xerxes]] and helped Athenians in the [[Battle of Salamis]]. Despite the inevitable torture in trials, however, the Athenian slave was protected in an indirect way: if he was mistreated, the master could initiate litigation for damages and interest ({{polytonic|δίκη βλάβης}} / ''dikê blabês'').<ref name="C203" /> Conversely, a master who excessively mistreated a slave could be prosecuted by any citizen ({{polytonic|γραφὴ ὕβρεως}} / ''graphê hybreôs''); this was not enacted for the sake of the slave, but to avoid violent excess ({{polytonic|ὕβρις}} / ''[[hubris]]'').<ref>Aeschines, ''Against Timarchus'', 17.</ref>

As for the murder of a slave, [[Isocrates]] claims that “not even the most worthless slave can be put to death without trial”;<ref>''Panathenaicus'', 181.</ref> the master's power over his slave was not absolute, as it was under Roman law.<ref>Morrow, p.212.</ref> [[Draco (lawgiver)|Draco]]'s law apparently punished with death the murder of a slave; the underlying principle was: “was the crime such that, if it became more widespread, it would do serious harm to society?”<ref>Lycurgus, ''Against Leocrates'', 66.</ref> The suit that could be brought against a slave's killer was not a suit for damages, as would be the case for the killing of cattle, but a {{polytonic|δίκη φονική}} (''dikê phonikê''), demanding punishment for the religious pollution brought by the shedding of blood.<ref name="M213">Morrow, p.213.</ref> In the 4th century BC, the suspect was judged by the [[Palladion]], a court which had jurisdiction over [[unintentional homicide]];<ref>Aristotle, ''Constitution of the Athenians'', 57:3.</ref> the imposed penalty seems to have been more than a fine but less than death—maybe exile, as was the case in the murder of a Metic.<ref name="M213" />

However, slaves did belong to their master's household. A newly bought slave was welcomed with nuts and fruits, just like a newly wed wife.<ref name="G47" /> Slaves took part in most of the civic and family cults; they were expressly invited to join the banquet of the ''Choes'', second day of the [[Anthesteria]],<ref name="B259">Burkert, p.259.</ref> and were allowed initiation into the [[Eleusinian Mysteries]].<ref name="G47" /> A slave could claim asylum in a temple or at an altar, just like a free man. The slaves shared the gods of their masters and could keep their own religious customs if any.<ref name="B259" />

Slaves could not own property, but their masters often let them save up to purchase their freedom,<ref>Carlier, p.204.</ref> and records survive of slaves operating businesses by themselves, making only a fixed tax-payment to their masters. Athens also had a law forbidding the striking of slaves—if a person struck what appeared to be a slave in Athens, that person might find himself hitting a fellow-citizen, because many citizens dressed no better. It astonished other Greeks that Athenians tolerated back-chat from slaves.<ref>Old Oligarch, ''Constitution of the Athenians'', 10.</ref> Athenian slaves fought together with Athenian freemen at the [[battle of Marathon]], and the monuments memorialize them.<ref>Pausanias, 1:29, 6.</ref> It was formally decreed before the [[battle of Salamis]] that the citizens should "save themselves, their women, children, and slaves".<ref>Plutarch, ''Life of Themistocles'', 10:4-5.</ref>

Slaves also had special sexual restrictions and obligations. For example, a slave could not engage free boys in [[Pederasty in ancient Greece|pederastic]] relationships ("''A slave shall not be the lover of a free boy nor follow after him, or else he shall receive fifty blows of the public lash.''"), and they likewise were forbidden from the [[palaestra]]e ("''A slave shall not take exercise or anoint himself in the wrestling-schools.''"). Both laws are attributed to Solon.<ref>Aeschines, ''Against Timarchos'' 1.138-139</ref> Indeed, fathers wanting to protect their sons from unwanted advances provided them with a slave guard, called a "pedagogos", to escort the boy in his travels.

The sons of vanquished foes would be enslaved and often forced to work in male brothels, as in the case of [[Phaedo of Elis]], who at the request of [[Socrates]] was bought and freed from such an enterprise by the philosopher's rich friends.<ref>Diogenes Laertius, ''Lives of the Philosophers,'' 2.105</ref> However, the rape of slaves was against the law, just as with citizens, though the fine was only half as much.<ref>Wilhelm Kroll "Knabenliebe" in Pauly-Wissowa, ''Realencyclopaedie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft,'' vol. 11, cols. 897-906 [http://www.well.com/user/aquarius/kroll-pederasty.htm]</ref>

===Slaves in Gortyn===
[[Image:Gortys law inscription.jpg|thumb|right|280px|A fragment of the [[Gortyn code]] in [[Gortyn]], [[Crete]]]]
In [[Gortyn]], in Crete, according to a [[Gortyn code|code]] engraved in stone dating to the 6th century BC, slaves (''doulos'' or ''oikeus'') found themselves in a state of great dependence. Their children belonged to the master.<ref>Lévy (1995), p.178.</ref> The master was responsible for all their offences, and, inversely, he received amends for crimes committed against his slaves by others.<ref name="F200">Finley (1997), p.200.</ref> In the Gortyn code, where all punishment was monetary, fines were doubled for slaves committing a misdemeanour or felony. Conversely, an offence committed against a slave was much less expensive than an offence committed against a free person. As an example, the rape of a free woman by a slave was punishable by a fine of 200 [[stater]]s, while the rape of a non-virgin slave by another slave brought a fine of only one obolus.<ref>Finley (1997), p.201.</ref>
Slaves did, however, have the right to possess a house and livestock which could be transmitted to descendants, as could clothing and household furnishings.<ref name="F200" /> Their family was recognized by law: they could marry, divorce, write a testament and inherit just like free men.<ref>Lévy (1995), p.179.</ref>

===A specific case: debt slavery===
Prior to its interdiction by [[Solon]], Athenians practised debt enslavement: a citizen incapable of paying his debts became "enslaved" to the creditor.<ref>Aristotle, ''Constitution of the Athenians'', See also 1:2 and Plutarch, ''Life of Solon'', 13:2.</ref> The exact nature of this depency is a much controverted issue amongst modern historians: was it truly slavery or another form of bondage? However, this issue primarily concerned those peasants known as "hektēmoroi"<ref>Litterally, "six-parters" or "sixthers", because they owed either one sixth or five sixths (depending on the interpretation) of their harvest. See Von Fritz for further reading.</ref> working leased land belonging to rich landowners and unable to pay their rents. In theory, those so enslaved would be liberated when their original debts were repaid. The system was developed with variants throughout the [[Near East]] and is cited in the [[Bible]].<ref>[[Deuteronomy]], 15:12–17.</ref>
Solon put an end to it with the {{polytonic|σεισάχθεια}} / ''seisakhtheia'', liberation of debts, which prevented all claim to the person by the debtor and forbade the sale of free Athenians, including by themselves. [[Aristotle]] in his ''[[Constitution of the Athenians]]'' quotes one of Solon's poems:
<blockquote>And many a man whom fraud or law had sold<br>
Far from his god-built land, an outcast slave,<br>
I brought again to Athens; yea, and some,<br>
Exiles from home through debt’s oppressive load,<br>
Speaking no more the dear Athenian tongue,<br>
But wandering far and wide, I brought again;<br>
And those that here in vilest slavery (''douleia'')<br>
Crouched ‘neath a master’s (''despōtes'') frown, I set them free.<ref>''[[Constitution of the Athenians]]'' 12:4. Trans. by [http://etext.library.adelaide.edu.au/a/aristotle/athenian/ Sir Frederic Kenyon], accessed 15 May 06.</ref>
</blockquote>
Though much of Solon's vocabulary is that of "traditional" slavery, servitude for debt was at least different in that the enslaved Athenian remained an Athenian, dependent on another Athenian, in his place of birth.<ref>Finley, p.174.</ref> It is this aspect which explains the great wave of discontent with slavery of the 6th century BC, which was not intended to free all slaves but only those enslaved by debt.<ref>Finley (1997), p.160.</ref> The reforms of Solon did, however, leave two exceptions: the guardian of an unmarried woman who had lost her virginity had the right to sell her as a slave,<ref>Plutarch, ''Life of Solon'' 23.2.</ref> and a citizen could “expose” (i.e., abandon) unwanted newborn children.<ref>Brulé (1992), p.83.</ref>

===Manumission===
The practice of [[manumission]] is confirmed to have existed in [[Chios]] from the 6th century BC.<ref>Garlan, p.79.</ref> It probably dates back to an earlier period, as it was an oral procedure. Informal emancipations are also confirmed in the classical period. It was sufficient to have witnesses, who would escort the citizen to a public emancipation of his slave, either at the [[Theatre of Ancient Greece#Theatre Structure and Layout|theatre]] or before a public tribunal.<ref>Garlan, p.80.</ref> This practice was outlawed in Athens in the middle of the 6th century BC in order to avoid public disorder.

The practice became more common in the 4th century BC and gave rise to inscriptions in stone which have been recovered from shrines such as [[Delphi]] and [[Dodona]]. They primarily date to the [[2nd century BC|2nd]] and [[1st century BC|1st]] centuries BC, and the 1st century AD. Collective manumission was possible; an example is known from the 2nd century BC in the island of [[Thasos]]. It probably took place during a period of war as a reward for the slaves' loyalty,<ref>Dunant and Pouilloux, pp.35–37, no.173.</ref> but in most cases the documentation deals with a voluntary act on the part of the master (predominantly male, but in the Hellenistic period also female). The slave was often required to pay for himself an amount at least equivalent to his street value. To do this he could use his savings or take a loan ({{polytonic|ἔρανος}} / ''eranos'') from his master, a friend, or a client, which last was often the case for a courtesan, one of the most famous examples of which involved the [[hetaera]] Neaira.<ref>Demosthenes, ''Against Neaira'', 59:29–32.</ref> The emancipation was often of a religious nature, where the slave was considered to be "sold" to a deity, often Delphian [[Apollo]],<ref>See Foucart for further reading.</ref> or was consecrated after his emancipation. The temple would receive a portion of the monetary transaction and would guarantee the contract. The manumission could also be entirely civil, in which case the magistrate played the role of the deity.<ref>Garlan, p.82.</ref>

The slave's freedom could be either total or partial, at the master's whim. In the former, the emancipated slave was legally protected against all attempts at re-enslavement—for instance, on the part of the former master's inheritors.<ref>Garlan, p.83.</ref> In the latter case, the emancipated slave could be liable to a number of obligations to the former master. The most restrictive contract was the ''paramone'', a type of enslavement of limited duration during which time the master retained practically absolute rights.<ref>Garlan, p.84.</ref>
In regard to the city, the emancipated slave was far from equal to a citizen by birth. He was liable to all types of obligations, as one can see from the proposals of [[Plato]] in ''The Laws'':<ref>''Laws'', 11:915 a–c.</ref> presentation three times monthly at the home of the former master, forbidden to become richer than him, etc. In fact, the status of emancipated slaves was similar to that of [[metic]]s, the residing foreigners, who were free but did not enjoy a citizen's rights.<ref>Garlan, p.87.</ref>

===Spartan slaves?===
[[Sparta]]n citizens used [[helot]]s, a dependent group collectively owned by the state. It is uncertain whether they had chattel slaves as well. There are mentions of people manumitted by Spartans, which was supposedly forbidden for helots, or sold outside of [[Lakonia]]: the poet [[Alcman]];<ref>[[Herakleides Lembos]], fgt. 9 Dilts and [[Suidas]], s.v. {{polytonic|Ἀλκμάν}}.</ref> a Philoxenos from [[Cytherea]], reputedly enslaved with all his fellow citizens when his city was conquered, later sold to an Athenian;<ref>Suidas, s.v. {{polytonic|Φιλόξενος}}.</ref> a Spartan cook bought by [[Dionysius the Elder]] or by a king of [[Pontus]], both versions being mentioned by Plutarch;<ref>''Life of Lycurgus'', 12:13.</ref> and the famous Spartan nurses, much appreciated by Athenian parents.<ref>''Life of Lycurgus'', 16:5; ''Life of Alcibiades'', 5:3.</ref>

Some texts mention both slaves and helots, which seems to indicate that they were not the same thing. [[Pseudo-Plato]] in ''[[Alcibiades I]]'' cites "the ownership of slaves, and notably helots" amongst the Spartan riches,<ref>“{{polytonic|…ἀνδραπόδων κτήσει τῶν τε ἄλλων καὶ τῶν εἱλωτικῶν}}”, ''Alcibiades I'', 122d.</ref> and Plutarch writes about "slaves and helots".<ref>“{{polytonic|…δοὐλοις καὶ Εἴλωσι}}”, ''Comp. Lyc. et Num.'', 2.</ref> Finally, according to Thucydides, the agreement which ended the 464 BC revolt of helots stated that any Messenian rebel who might hereafter be found within the [[Peloponnese]] was "to be the slave of his captor", which means that the ownership of chattel slaves was not illegal at that time.

Most historians thus concur that chattel slaves were indeed used in Sparta, at least after the Lacedemonian victory of 404 BC against Athens, but not in great numbers and only amongst the upper classes.<ref>Oliva, pp.172–173; Ducat, p.55; Lévy (2003), pp.112–113.</ref> As was the case in the other Greek cities, chattel slaves could be purchased at the market or taken in war.

==Slavery conditions==
[[Image:Black slave Louvre Br361.jpg|thumb|right|180px|Black captive with tied hands, [[Ptolemaic Egypt]], [[musée du Louvre]]]]
It is difficult to appreciate the condition of Greek slaves. According to pseudo-Aristotle, the daily routine of slaves could be summed up in three words: "work, discipline, and feeding".<ref>''Economics'', 1344a35.</ref> Xenophon's advice is to treat slaves as domestic animals, that is to say punish disobedience and reward good behaviour.<ref>Xenophon, ''Economics'', 13:6.</ref> For his part, Aristotle prefers to see slaves treated as children and to use not only orders but also recommendations, as the slave is capable of understanding reasons when they are explained.<ref>''Politics'', I, 3, 14.</ref>
Greek literature abounds with scenes of slaves being flogged; it was a means of forcing them to work, as was control of rations, clothing, and rest. This violence could be meted out by the master as well as the supervisor, who was possibly also a slave. Thus, at the beginning of [[Aristophanes]]' ''[[The Knights]]'' (4–5), two slaves complain of being "bruised and thrashed without respite" by their new supervisor. However, Aristophanes himself cites what is a typical old saw in [[ancient Greek comedy]]:
<blockquote>
"He also dismissed those slaves who kept on running off, or deceiving someone, or getting whipped. They were always led out crying, so one of their fellow slaves could mock the bruises and ask then: 'Oh you poor miserable fellow, what's happened to your skin? Surely a huge army of lashes from a whip has fallen down on you and laid waste your back?'"<ref>''Peace'', v.743–749. Trans. [http://www.mala.bc.ca/~Johnstoi/aristophanes/peace.htm Ian Johnston], 2006, accessed 17 May 06.</ref>
</blockquote>
In fact, the condition of slaves varied very much according to their status; the mine slaves of Laureion and the ''[[prostitution in ancient Greece|pornai]]'' (brother prostitutes) lived a particularly brutal existence, while public slaves, craftsmen, tradesmen and bankers enjoyed relative independence.<ref>Garlan, p.147.</ref> In return for a fee ({{polytonic|ἀποφορά}} / ''apophora'') paid to their master, they could live and work alone.<ref>Garlan, p.148.</ref> They could thus earn some money on the side, sometimes enough to purchase their freedom. Potential emancipation was indeed a powerful motivator, though the real scale of this is difficult to estimate.<ref>Finley (1997), p.&nbsp;165.</ref>

Ancient writers considered that Attic slaves enjoyed a “peculiarly happy lot”:<ref>Morrow, p.210. See Plato, ''The Republic'', 8:563b; Demosthenes, ''[[Third Philippic]]'', 3; Aeschines, ''Against Timarchos'', 54; Aristophanes, ''[[Assemblywomen]]'', 721–22 and [[Plautus]], ''Stichus'', 447–50.</ref> Pseudo-Xenophon deplores the liberties taken by Athenian slaves: "as for the slaves and Metics of Athens, they take the greatest licence; you cannot just strike them, and they do not step aside to give you free passage".<ref>''Constitution of the Athenians'', I, 10.</ref> This alleged good treatment did not prevent 20,000 Athenian slaves from running away at the end of the [[Peloponnesian War]] at the incitement of the Spartan garrison at [[Attica]] in [[Decelea]].<ref>Thucydides (7:27).</ref> These were principally skilled artisans (''kheirotekhnai''), probably amongst the better-treated slaves. The title of a 4th-century comedy by [[Antiphanes]], ''The Runaway-catcher'' ({{polytonic|Δραπεταγωγός}}),<ref>Apud Athenaeus, 161e.</ref> suggests that slave flight was not uncommon.<ref>Cartledge, p.139.</ref> Conversely, the absence of a large-scale Greek slave revolt comparable to that of [[Spartacus]] in [[Rome]], for instance, can undoubtedly be explained by the relative dispersion of Greek slaves, which would have prevented any large-scale planning. It should be noted though that slave revolts were rare, even in Rome or the American South. Individual acts of rebellion of slaves against their master, even if scarce, are not unheard of; a judicial speech mentions the attempted murder of his master by a boy slave, not twelve years old.<ref>[[Antiphon]], ''On the Murder of Herodes'', 69.</ref>

==Views of Greek slavery==
===Historical views=== <!-- This section is linked from [[Gorean]] -->
[[Image:Actor slave Louvre CA265.jpg|thumb|left|Depiction of a slave seated on an altar, looking at the purse he is about to steal, c. 400–375 BC, [[Louvre]]]]
No author of Antiquity calls the existence of slavery into question; at most, they admit that certain slaves may have been unjustly enslaved. To [[Homer]] and the pre-classical authors, slavery was an inevitable consequence of war. [[Heraclitus]] states that "War is the father of all, the king of all ... he turns some into slaves and sets others free".<ref>Heraclitus, frag.53.</ref>
During the classical period, the main justification for slavery was economic.<ref>Mactoux (1980), p.52.</ref> From a moral point of view, the idea of "natural" slavery emerged at the same time; thus, as [[Aeschylus]] states in ''[[The Persians]]'', the Greeks "[o]f no man are they called the slaves or vassals",<ref>''The Persians'', v.242. Trans. ed. [http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=Aesch.+Pers.+1 Herbert Weir Smyth], accessed 17 May 2006.</ref> while the [[Persian people|Persians]], as [[Euripides]] states in ''[[Helen (play)|Helen]]'', "are all slaves, except one" — the [[Great King]].<ref>''Helen'', v.276.</ref> [[Hippocrates]] theorizes about this latent idea at the end of the 5th century BC. According to him, the temperate climate of [[Anatolia]] produced a placid and submissive people.<ref>Hippocratic corpus, ''Of Airs, Waters, and Places'' (''Peri aeron hydaton topon''), 23.</ref> This explanation is reprised by [[Plato]],<ref>''Republic'', 4:435a–436a.</ref> then [[Aristotle]] in ''[[Politics (Aristotle)|Politics]]'',<ref>''Politics'', 7:1327b.</ref> where he develops the concept of "natural slavery": "for he that can foresee with his mind is naturally ruler and naturally master, and he that can do these things with his body is subject and naturally a slave."<ref>''Politics'', 1:2, 2. Trans. [http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0058&query=book%3D%231 H. Rackham], accessed 17 May 2006.</ref> As opposed to an animal, a slave can comprehend reason but "…has not got the deliberative part at all."<ref>''Politics'', 1:13, 17.</ref>

In parallel, the concept that all men, whether Greek or barbarian, belonged to the same race was being developed by the [[sophism|Sophists]]<ref>For instance [[Hippias|Hippias of Elis]] apud Platon, ''[[Protagoras (dialogue)|Protagoras]]'', 337c; [[Antiphon (person)|Antiphon]], ''Pap. Oxyr.'', 9:1364.</ref> and thus that certain men were slaves although they had the soul of a freeman and vice versa.<ref>An idea already expressed by [[Euripides]], ''Ion'', 854–856frag.831.</ref> Aristotle himself recognized this possibility and argued that slavery could not be imposed unless the master was better than the slave, in keeping with his theory of "natural" slavery.<ref>''Politics'', 1:5, 10.</ref> The Sophists concluded that true servitude was not a matter of status but a matter of spirit; thus, as [[Menander]] stated, “be free in the mind, although you are slave: and thus you will no longer be a slave”.<ref>Menander, frag. 857.</ref> This idea, repeated by the [[stoicism|Stoics]] and the [[Epicurianism|Epicurians]], was not so much an opposition to slavery as a trivialisation of it.<ref>Garlan, p.130.</ref>
The Greeks could not comprehend an absence of slaves. Slaves exist even in the "[[wiktionary:Cloudcuckooland|Cloudcuckooland]]" of Artistophanes' ''[[The Birds (play)|The Birds]]'' as well as in the ideal cities of Plato's ''Laws'' or ''Republic''.<ref>''Republic'', 10:469b ''sq.'' and 470c.</ref> The utopian cities of [[Phaleas of Chalcedon]] and [[Hippodamus of Miletus]] are based on the equal distribution of property, but public slaves are used respectively as craftsmen<ref>Apud Aristotle, ''Politics'', 1267b.</ref> and land workers.<ref>Apud Aristotle, ''Politics'', 1268a.</ref> The "reversed cities" placed women in power or even saw the end of private property, as in ''[[Lysistrata]]'' or ''[[Assemblywomen]]'', but could not picture slaves in charge of masters. The only societies without slaves were those of the [[Golden Age]], where all needs were met. In this type of society, as explained by Plato,<ref>''Politics'', 271a–272b.</ref> one reaped generously without sowing. In Telekleides' ''Amphictyons''<ref>Apud [[Athenaeus]], 268 b–d.</ref> barley loaves fight with wheat loaves for the honour of being eaten by men. Moreover, objects move themselves—dough kneads itself, and the jug pours itself. Society without slaves is thus relegated to a different time and space. In a "normal" society, one needs slaves.

===Modern views===
[[Image:NAMA Masque esclave.jpg|thumb|right|220px|[[Ancient Greek theatre|Theatre]] mask of a ''First slave'' in [[Greek comedy]], 2nd century BC, [[National Archaeological Museum of Athens]]]]
Slavery in Greek antiquity has long been an object of [[apologetics|apologetic]] discourse among Christians, who awarded themselves the merit of its collapse. From the 16th century the discourse became moralizing in nature. The existence of [[colonialism|colonial]] slavery had significant impact on the debate, with some authors lending it civilizing merits and others denouncing its misdeeds.<ref>Garlan, p.8.</ref> Thus [[Henri Wallon]] in 1847 published a ''History of Slavery in Antiquity'' amongst his works for the [[Abolitionism|abolition of slavery]] in the [[French colonial empires|French colonies]].

In the 19th century a politico-economic discourse emerged. It concerned itself with distinguishing the phases in the organisation of human societies and correctly identifying the place of Greek slavery. The influence of [[Marx]] is decisive; for him the ancient society was characterized by development of private ownership and the dominant (and not secondary as in other pre-capitalist societies) character of slavery as a [[mode of production]].<ref>Garlan, p.10-13.</ref> The [[positivism|Positivists]] represented by the historian [[Eduard Meyer]] (''Slavery in Antiquity'', 1898) were soon to oppose the [[Marxism|Marxist]] theory. According to him slavery was the foundation of Greek democracy. It was thus a legal and social phenomena, and not economic.<ref>Garlan, p.13-14.</ref> Current historiography developed in the 20th century. Led by authors such as Joseph Vogt, it saw in slavery the conditions for the development of elites. Conversely, the theory also demonstrates an opportunity for slaves to join the elite. Finally, Vogt estimates that modern society, founded on humanist values, has surpassed this level of development.<ref>Garlan, p.19-20.</ref>
In 2007, Greek slavery remains the subject of historiographical debate, on two questions in particular: Can it be said that ancient Greece was a "slave society"? Did Greek slaves comprise a [[social class]]?<ref>Garlan, p.201.</ref>

==Notes==
{{reflist|2}}

==References==
<div class="references-small">
*''This article draws heavily on the [[:fr:Esclavage en Grèce antique|Esclavage en Grèce antique]] article in the French-language Wikipedia, which was accessed in the version of May 17, 2006.''

* {{Fr icon}} Brulé, P. (1978a) “Signification historique de la piraterie grecque ”, ''Dialogues d'histoire ancienne'' no.4 (1978), pp.1–16.
* {{Fr icon}} Brulé, P. (1992) “Infanticide et abandon d'enfants”, ''Dialogues d'histoire ancienne'' no.18 (1992), pp.53–90.
* [[Walter Burkert|Burkert, W.]] ''Greek Religion''. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 1985. ISBN 0-631-15624-6, originally published as ''Grieschische Religion der archaischen und klassischen Epoche''. Stuttgart: Verlag W. Kohlhammer, 1977.
* {{Fr icon}} Carlier, P. ''Le IVe siècle grec jusqu'à la mort d'Alexandre''. Paris: Seuil, 1995. ISBN 2-02-013129-3
* [[Paul Cartledge|Cartledge, P.]]. "Rebels and Sambos in Classical Greece", ''Spartan Reflections''. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003, p.127–152 ISBN 0-520-23124-4
* {{Fr icon}} Chantraine, P. ''Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque''. Paris: Klincksieck, 1999 (new edition). ISBN 2-252-03277-4
* {{Fr icon}} Dareste R., Haussoullier B., Reinach Th. ''Recueil des inscriptions juridiques grecques'', vol.II. Paris: E. Leroux, 1904.
* {{Fr icon}} Ducat, Jean. ''Les Hilotes'', BCH suppl.20. Paris: publications of the [[École française d'Athènes]], 1990 ISBN 2-86958-034-7
* {{Fr icon}} Dunant, C. and Pouilloux, J. ''Recherches sur l'histoire et les cultes de Thasos'' II. Paris: publications of the École française d'Athènes, 1958.
* [[Moses Finley|Finley, M.]] (1997). ''Économie et société en Grèce ancienne''. Paris: Seuil, 1997 ISBN 2-02-014644-4, originally published as ''Economy and Society in Ancient Greece''. London: Chatto and Windus, 1981.
* Garlan, Y. ''Les Esclaves en Grèce ancienne''. Paris: La Découverte, 1982. 1982 ISBN 2-7071-2475-3, translated in English as ''Slavery in Ancient Greece''. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1988 (1st edn. 1982) ISBN 0-8014-1841-0
* [[Geoffrey Kirk|Kirk, G.S.]] (editor). ''The Iliad: a Commentary'', vol.II (books 5–8). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990 ISBN 0-251-28172-5
* Jameson, M.H. “Agriculture and Slavery in Classical Athens”, ''Classical Journal'', no.73 (1977–1978), pp.122–145.
* [[Arnold Hugh Martin Jones|Jones, A.H.M.]]. ''Athenian Democracy''. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 1957.
* {{De icon}} Lauffer, S. "Die Bergwerkssklaven von Laureion", ''Abhandlungen'' no.12 (1956), pp.904–916.
* {{Fr icon}} Lévy, E. (1995). ''La Grèce au Ve siècle de Clisthène à Socrate''. Paris: Seuil, 1995 ISBN 2-02-0131-28-5
* {{Fr icon}} Lévy, E. (2003). ''Sparte''. Paris: Seuil, 2003 ISBN 2-02-032453-9
* {{Fr icon}} Mactoux, M.-M. (1980). ''Douleia: Esclavage et pratiques discursives dans l'Athènes classique''. Paris: Belles Lettres, 1980. ISBN 2-251-60250-X
* {{Fr icon}} Mactoux, M.-M. (1981). "L'esclavage comme métaphore : ''douleo'' chez les orateurs attiques", ''Proceedings of the 1980 GIREA Workshop on Slavery'', Kazimierz, 3-8 November 1980, ''Index'', 10, 1981, pp.20–42.
* {{Fr icon}} Masson, O. "Les noms des esclaves dans la Grèce antique", ''Proceedings of the 1971 GIREA Workshop on Slavery'', Besançon, 10-11 mai 1971. Paris: Belles Lettres, 1973, pp.9–23.
* {{Fr icon}} Mele, A. “Esclavage et liberté dans la société mycénienne”, ''Proceedings of the 1973 GIREA Workshop on Slavery'', Besançon 2-3 mai 1973. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1976.
* Morrow, G.R. “The Murder of Slaves in Attic Law”, ''Classical Philology'', Vol. 32, No. 3 (Jul., 1937), pp. 210–227.
* Oliva, P. ''Sparta and her Social Problems''. Prague: Academia, 1971.
* {{Fr icon}} Plassart, A. "Les Archers d'Athènes," ''Revue des études grecques'', XXVI (1913), pp.151-213.
* Pomeroy, S.B. ''Goddesses, Whores, Wives and Slaves''. New York: Schoken, 1995. ISBN 0-8052-1030-X
* Pritchett, W.K. and Pippin, A. (1956). "The Attic Stelai, Part II", ''Hesperia'', Vol.25, No.3 (Jul.–Sep., 1956), pp.178–328.
* Pritchett (1961). “Five New Fragments of the Attic Stelai”, ''Hesperia'', Vol.30, No. 1 (Jan.–Mar., 1961), pp.23–29.
* [[Ellen Meiksins Wood|Wood, E.M.]] (1983). “Agriculture and Slavery in Classical Athens”, ''American Journal of Ancient History'' No.8 (1983), pp.1–47.
* Von Fritz, K. “The Meaning of ἙΚΤΗΜΟΡΟΣ”, ''The American Journal of Philology'', Vol.61, No.1 (1940), pp.54–61.
* Wood, E.M. (1988). ''Peasant-Citizen and Slave: The Foundations of Athenian Democracy''. New York: Verso, 1988 ISBN 0-8609-1911-0.
</div>

==Further reading==
<div class="references-small">
;General studies
* Bellen, H., Heinen H., Schäfer D., Deissler J., ''Bibliographie zur antiken Sklaverei. I: Bibliographie. II: Abkurzungsverzeichnis und Register'', 2 vol. Stuttgart: Steiner, 2003. ISBN 3-515-08206-9
* Bieżuńska-Małowist I. ''La Schiavitù nel mondo antico''. Naples: Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane, 1991.
* [[Moses Finley|Finley, M.]]:
** ''[[The Ancient Economy (book)|The Ancient Economy]]''. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999 (1st edn. 1970). ISBN 0-520-21946-5
** ''Ancient Slavery & Modern Ideology''. Princeton: Markus Wiener, 1998 (1st edn. 1980). ISBN 1-55876-171-3
** ''Slavery in Classical Antiquity. Views and Controversies''. Cambridge: Heffer, 1960.
* Garnsey, P. ''Ideas of Slavery from Aristotle to Augustine''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. ISBN 0-521-57433-1
* [[G. E. M. de Ste. Croix|De Ste-Croix, G.E.M.]] ''[[The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World]]''. London: Duckworth; Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1981. ISBN 0-8014-1442-3
* [[Pierre Vidal-Naquet|Vidal-Naquet, P.]]:
** "Women, Slaves and Artisans", third part of ''The Black Hunter : Forms of Thought and Forms of Society in the Greek World''. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988 (1st edn. 1981). ISBN 0-8018-5951-4
** with [[Jean-Pierre Vernant|Vernant J.-P.]] ''Travail et esclavage en Grèce ancienne''. Bruxelles: Complexe, "History" series, 2006 (1st edn. 1988). ISBN 2-87027-246-4
* Wiedemann, T. ''Greek and Roman Slavery''. London: Routledge, 1989 (1st edn. 1981). ISBN 0-415-02972-4
* Westermann, W.L. ''[http://books.google.com/books?vid=ISBN0871690403&id=QXbkoJP_u5oC&printsec=frontcover&dq=greek&as_brr=1 The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity]''. Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1955.

;Specific studies
* Brulé, P. (1978b). ''La Piraterie crétoise hellénistique'', Belles Lettres, 1978. ISBN 2-251-60223-2
* Brulé, P. and Oulhen, J. (dir.). ''Esclavage, guerre, économie en Grèce ancienne. Hommages à Yvon Garlan''. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, "History" series, 1997. ISBN 2-86847-289-3
* Ducrey, P. ''Le traitement des prisonniers de guerre en Grèce ancienne. Des origines à la conquête romaine''. Paris: De Boccard, 1968.
* Foucart, P. “Mémoire sur l'affranchissement des esclaves par forme de vente à une divinité d'après les inscriptions de Delphes”, ''Archives des missions scientifiques et littéraires'', 2nd series, vol.2 (1865), pp.375–424.
* Hunt, P. ''Slaves, Warfare, and Ideology in the Greek Historians''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. ISBN 0-521-58429-9
* Ormerod, H.A. ''Piracy in the Ancient World''. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1924.
* Gabrielsen, V. "La piraterie et le commerce des esclaves", in E. Erskine (ed.), ''Le Monde hellénistique. Espaces, sociétés, cultures. 323-31 av. J.-C.''. Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2004, pp.495–511. ISBN 2-86847-875-1
</div>

==External links==
{{Commonscat|Slavery in Ancient Greece}}
* {{fr icon}} [http://ista.univ-fcomte.fr/pageLibre0001274a.html GIREA], The International Group for Research on Slavery in Antiquity (in French)
* [http://www.sfu.ca/nomoi/2004/06.htm#6f Greek law bibliographic database] at [http://www.sfu.ca/nomoi/ Nomoi]
* [http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/ancient/greek-slaves.html Documents on Greek slavery] on the [http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/ancient/asbook.html Ancient History Sourcebook].
* {{fr icon}} [http://ista.univ-fcomte.fr/acces_BDD_esclavage_antique.html Index thématiques de l'esclavage et de la dépendance] Subject index on slavery and related topics, by author.
* {{fr icon}} [http://ista.univ-fcomte.fr/catalogue_biblio_numerique.html Bibliothèque numérique ISTA] Free library
{{Ancient Greece}}

[[Category:Ancient Greek society]]
[[Category:Labor history]]
[[Category:Slavery by location|Greece, ancient]]
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[[it:Schiavitù nell'antica Grecia]]
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[[no:Slaveri i antikkens Hellas]]

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