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'''Residential segregation in the United States''' is the physical separation of two or more groups into different neighborhoods<ref name="Segregation-281">{{cite journal|last1=Massey|first1=D. S.|last2=Denton|first2=N. A.|year=1988|title=The Dimensions of Residential Segregation|journal=Social Forces|volume=67|issue=2|pages=281–315|doi=10.1093/sf/67.2.281|jstor=2579183|doi-access=free}}</ref>—a form of segregation that "sorts population groups into various neighborhood contexts and shapes the living environment at the neighborhood level".<ref name="Health-265">Kawachi, Ichiro and Lisa F. Berkman. Neighborhoods and Health. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. page 265</ref> While it has traditionally been associated with racial segregation, it generally refers to any kind of sorting of populations based on some criteria (e.g. race, ethnicity, income).<ref name="Trust-569">Eric M. Uslaner, "Producing and Consuming Trust". Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 115, No. 4 (Winter, 2000-2001), pp. 569-590</ref> |
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While overt segregation is illegal in the United States, housing patterns show significant and persistent segregation for certain races and income groups. The history of American social and public policies, like [[Jim Crow laws]] and the [[Federal Housing Administration|Federal Housing Administration's]] early redlining policies, set the tone for segregation in housing. |
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Trends in residential segregation are attributed to suburbanization, [[discrimination]], and personal preferences. Residential segregation produces negative socioeconomic outcomes for minority groups. Public policies for housing reform, like the [[Housing choice voucher program|Housing Choice Voucher]] program, attempt to promote integration and mitigate these negative effects, but with mixed results. |
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== History == |
== History == |
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Early race-based residential segregation in American cities is tied to rapid urbanization, which began in the late 19th and early 20th century. Prior to that time, the African-Americans who lived in cities lived in scattered locations. |
Early race-based residential segregation in American cities is tied to rapid urbanization, which began in the late 19th and early 20th century. Prior to that time, the African-Americans who lived in cities lived in scattered locations. |
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Progressive social reformers attempted to ameliorate these conditions, but were unsuccessful, particularly with respect to African-Americans.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Hounmenou|first=Charles|date=2012|title=Black Settlement Houses and Oppositional Consciousness|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/23414663|journal=Journal of Black Studies|volume=43|issue=6|pages=646–666|doi=10.1177/0021934712441203|issn=0021-9347|jstor=23414663|s2cid=144352590}}</ref> The first ordinance establishing segregated neighborhoods was passed in Baltimore in 1910. Overt ordinances were struck down in ''[[Buchanan v. Warley]]'', 245 U.S. 60 (1917) but the practice continued and became deeply ingrained in urban culture, resulting in limited housing for an expanding population and development of the [[African-American ghetto]] with poor overcrowded housing and numerous social ills.<ref name="MLR">{{cite journal|author1=Garrett Power|date=1983|title=Apartheid Baltimore Style: the Residential Segregation Ordinances of 1910-1913|url=https://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr/vol42/iss2/4/|journal=Maryland Law Review|volume=42|issue=2|page=289|access-date=February 2, 2017}}</ref> In large part, residential discrimination was driven by school segregation, which was legal until ''[[Brown v. Board of Education]]'' was decided in 1954, but has persisted due to continuing segregated residential patterns in most American cities.<ref name="CL020217">{{cite news|author1=Emily Lieb|date=February 2, 2017|title=How Segregated Schools Built Segregated Cities: A closer look at the roots of racial division in urban America reveals how homeowners used "white-branded" schools to block black residents from moving in|work=CityLab|url=http://www.citylab.com/housing/2017/02/how-segregated-schools-built-segregated-cities/515373/|access-date=February 2, 2017}}</ref> |
Progressive social reformers attempted to ameliorate these conditions, but were unsuccessful, particularly with respect to African-Americans.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Hounmenou|first=Charles|date=2012|title=Black Settlement Houses and Oppositional Consciousness|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/23414663|journal=Journal of Black Studies|volume=43|issue=6|pages=646–666|doi=10.1177/0021934712441203|issn=0021-9347|jstor=23414663|s2cid=144352590}}</ref> The first ordinance establishing segregated neighborhoods was passed in Baltimore in 1910. Overt ordinances were struck down in ''[[Buchanan v. Warley]]'', 245 U.S. 60 (1917) but the practice continued and became deeply ingrained in urban culture, resulting in limited housing for an expanding population and development of the [[African-American ghetto]] with poor overcrowded housing and numerous social ills.<ref name="MLR">{{cite journal|author1=Garrett Power|date=1983|title=Apartheid Baltimore Style: the Residential Segregation Ordinances of 1910-1913|url=https://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr/vol42/iss2/4/|journal=Maryland Law Review|volume=42|issue=2|page=289|access-date=February 2, 2017}}</ref> In large part, residential discrimination was driven by school segregation, which was legal until ''[[Brown v. Board of Education]]'' was decided in 1954, but has persisted due to continuing segregated residential patterns in most American cities.<ref name="CL020217">{{cite news|author1=Emily Lieb|date=February 2, 2017|title=How Segregated Schools Built Segregated Cities: A closer look at the roots of racial division in urban America reveals how homeowners used "white-branded" schools to block black residents from moving in|work=CityLab|url=http://www.citylab.com/housing/2017/02/how-segregated-schools-built-segregated-cities/515373/|access-date=February 2, 2017}}</ref> |
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== Recent trends == |
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The [[index of dissimilarity]] allows measurement of residential segregation using census data. It uses United States census data to analyze housing patterns based on five dimensions of segregation: evenness (how evenly the population is dispersed across an area), isolation (within an area), concentration (in densely packed neighborhoods), centralization (near metropolitan centers), and clustering (into contiguous [[Ghetto|ghettos]]).<ref name="Denton-61">Denton, N.A. (2006). "Segregation and discrimination in housing." In ''A Right to Housing: Foundation for a New Social Agenda'', eds. Rachel G. Bratt, Michael E. Stone, and Chester Hartman, 61–81. Philadelphia: Temple University Press</ref> [[Hypersegregation]] is high segregation across all dimensions. |
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Another tool used to measure residential segregation is the neighborhood sorting indices, showing income segregation between different levels of the income distribution.<ref name="Watson">Watson, T. (2005). Metropolitan growth and neighborhood segregation by income. Seminar Paper, Department of Economics, Williams College. Retrieved: December 6, 2011 from: https://web.williams.edu/Economics/seminars/watson_brook_1105.pdf</ref> |
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=== Racial === |
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An analysis of historical [[U.S. Census]] data by [[Harvard University|Harvard]] and [[Duke University|Duke]] scholars indicates that racial separation has diminished significantly since the 1960s. Published by the [[Manhattan Institute for Policy Research]], the report indicates that the dissimilarity index has declined in all 85 of the nation's largest cities. In all but one of the nation's 658 housing markets, the separation of black residents from other races is now lower than the national average in 1970. Segregation continued to drop in the last decade, with 522 out of 658 housing markets recording a decline.<ref>{{cite web|title=End of the Segregated Century: Racial Separation in America's Neighborhoods, 1890–2010|url=http://journalistsresource.org/studies/economics/housing/racial-separation-america%E2%80%99s-neighborhoods-1890-2010/|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://archive.today/20120709141418/http://journalistsresource.org/studies/economics/housing/racial-separation-america%E2%80%99s-neighborhoods-1890-2010/|archive-date=2012-07-09|publisher=Journalist's Resource}}</ref><ref>[[Edward Glaeser]], Jacob Vigdor. "The End of the Segregated Century: Racial Separation in America's Neighborhoods, 1890–2010". Manhattan Institute, Number 66, January 2012</ref> |
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Despite recent trends, blacks remain the most segregated racial group. The dissimilarity-index indices in 1980, 1990 and 2000 are 72.7, 67.8, and 64.0, respectively.<ref name="CENSUS">Iceland, J., Weinberg, D.H., and Steinmetz, E. (2002). ''Racial and Ethnic Residential Segregation in the United States: 1980–2000'', [[U.S. Census Bureau]], Series CENSR-3. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Retrieved: October 9, 2011 from https://www.census.gov/hhes/www/housing/housing_patterns/pdftoc.html</ref> Blacks are hypersegregated in most of the largest metropolitan areas across the U.S., including [[Atlanta]], [[Baltimore]], [[Chicago]], [[Cleveland]], [[Detroit]], [[Houston]], [[Los Angeles]], [[New Orleans]], [[New York City|New York]], [[Philadelphia]] and [[Washington, DC]].<ref name="Denton-61" /> For Hispanics, the second most segregated racial group, the indices from 1980, 1990 and 2000 are 50.2, 50.0, and 50.9, respectively.<ref name="CENSUS" /> |
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Hispanics are highly segregated in a number of cities, primarily in northern metropolitan areas.<ref name="Denton-61" /> Segregation for Asians and Pacific Islanders has been consistently low and stable on the Index of Dissimilarity over the decades. The indices from 1980, 1990 and 2000 are 40.5, 41.2 and 41.1, respectively.<ref name="CENSUS" /> Segregation for Native Americans and Alaska Natives has also been consistently the lowest of all groups and has seen declines over the decades. The indices from 1980, 1990 and 2000 are 37.3, 36.8 and 33.3, respectively.<ref name="CENSUS" /> |
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=== Income === |
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Analysis of patterns for [[income segregation]] come from the National Survey of America's Families, the Census and [[Home Mortgage Disclosure Act]] data. Both the index of dissimilarity and the neighborhood sorting indices show that income segregation grew between 1970 and 1990. In this period, the Index of Dissimilarity between the affluent and the poor increased from .29 to .43.<ref name="Massey-Rothwell-Domina">{{cite journal|last1=Massey|first1=D. S.|last2=Rothwell|first2=J.|last3=Domina|first3=T.|year=2009|title=The Changing Bases of Segregation in the United States|journal=The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science|volume=626|issue=1|pages=74–90|doi=10.1177/0002716209343558|jstor=40375925|pmc=3844132|pmid=24298193}}</ref> |
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Poor families are becoming more isolated. Whereas in 1970 only 14 percent of poor families lived in predominantly poor areas, this number increased to 28 percent in 1990 and continues to rise.<ref name="Massey-Rothwell-Domina" /> Most low-income people live in the suburbs or [[Metropolitan area|central cities]]. When looking at areas classified as "high-poverty" or "low-poverty" in 2000, about 14% of low-income families live in high-poverty areas and 35% live in low-poverty areas.<ref name="Turner-Fortuny">Turner, M.A. and Fortuny, K. (2009). Residential Segregation and Low-Income Working Families. Urban Institute. Retrieved: October 12, 2011 from http://www.urban.org/uploadedpdf/411845_residential_segregation_liwf.pdf</ref> |
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=== Combined === |
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More than half of all low-income working families are racial minorities.<ref name="Turner-Fortuny" /> Over 60% of all low-income families lived in majority white neighborhoods in 2000. However, this statistic describes the settlement patterns mainly of white low-income people. Black and Hispanic low-income families, the two most racially segregated groups, rarely live in predominantly white or majority-white neighborhoods. A very small portion of low-income white families lives in high-poverty areas. One in three black low-income families live in high-poverty areas while one of every five Hispanic low-income families lives in high-poverty areas.<ref name="Turner-Fortuny" /> |
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== Segregation by tenure == |
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=== Homeownership === |
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National trends for [[homeownership]] show a general upward trend since the 1980s, with a 2010 rate of 66.9%. {{As of|2010}}, 71% of whites were homeowners. The rates for black, Hispanics, and all other races remain consistently and significantly below the national average. In 2010, the rates for blacks, Hispanics, and all other races were 45%, 48%, and 57% respectively.<ref name="CENSUS-2010">U.S. Census Bureau. (2010). Housing Vacancies and Homeownership Annual Statistics: 2010. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Retrieved: November 19, 2011 from https://www.census.gov/hhes/www/housing/hvs/annual10/ann10ind.html</ref> Looking at all homeowners in 2007, about 87% are white.<ref name="Schwartz-22">Schwartz, A.F. (2008). Housing Policy in the United States. New York: Routledge, 22.</ref> Low-income individuals are less likely to be homeowners than other income groups and pay a greater portion of their income on housing. Individuals living in poverty represent a very small portion of homeowners.<ref name="Schwartz-22" /> |
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=== Rental === |
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Census information on renters shows significant disparity between the races for renters. Of all renters, about 71% are white, 21% are black, 18% are Hispanic and 7% are Asian.<ref name="Schwartz-22" /> Renters are generally less affluent than homeowners. From 1991 to 2005, the percentage of low-income renters increased significantly.<ref name="Schwartz-22" /> |
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== Influences on segregation == |
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Current trends in racial and income based residential segregation in the United States are attributed to several factors, including:{{citation needed|date=September 2017}} |
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* [[Exclusionary zoning]] practices |
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* Location of [[public housing]] |
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* Discriminatory homeownership practices |
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* Attitudes and preferences towards housing location |
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* [[Gentrification]] |
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* [[Housing discrimination in the United States|Historical housing discrimination]] |
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These factors impact both racial and income segregation differently. |
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== Exclusionary zoning == |
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{{main|Exclusionary zoning}} |
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Exclusionary zoning influences both racial and income-based segregation. |
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=== Racial zoning === |
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Incidents of [[exclusionary zoning]] separating households by race appeared as early as the 1870s and 1880s, when municipalities in California adopted anti-Chinese policies. For example, an 1884 San Francisco ordinance regulated the operation of laundries, which were a source of employment and gathering places for Chinese immigrants. The ordinance withstood several legal challenges before the U.S. Supreme Court eventually struck it down because of its anti-Chinese motivations. |
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The prominent real estate developer [[Jesse Clyde Nichols|J.C. Nichols]] was famous for creating master-planned communities with [[Restrictive covenants|covenants]] that prohibited African Americans, Jews, and other races from owning his properties. |
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A decade later, the Supreme Court passage of [[Plessy v. Ferguson]] established "separate but equal" zoning ordinances that specified exclusively black, white and mixed districts and legally established segregation in housing opportunities. Many large and mid-sized cities in the South and mid-South adopted racial zonings between 1910 and 1915. In [[Buchanan v. Warley|''Buchanan v. Warley (1917)'']] the Supreme Court ruled that racial zoning was illegal but many local governments continued to enforce racial segregation with alternative land use designations.<ref name="Pendall-219">Pendall, R., Nelson, A., Dawkins, C., Knapp, G. (2005). Connecting smart growth, housing affordability, and Racial Equity. In The Geography of Opportunity, ed X. de Souza Briggs, 219-246. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution.</ref> |
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Many of these deeds and covenants remain active, and continue to influence settlement patterns. |
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=== Land-use zoning === |
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Local jurisdictions that adopt land-use zoning regulations such as large-lot zoning, minimum house size requirements, and bans on secondary units make housing more expensive. As a result, this excludes lower income racial and ethnic minorities from certain neighborhoods.<ref name="Pendall-219" /> |
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== Location of public housing == |
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{{main|Public housing}} |
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The location of [[public housing]] developments influences both racial and income segregation patterns. Racial segregation in public housing programs occurs when high concentrations of a certain minority group occupy one specific public housing development. Income segregation occurs when high concentrations of public housing are located in one specific income area. |
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=== Racial segregation in public housing === |
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Federal and local policies have historically racially segregated public housing. |
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Local jurisdictions determined whether to incorporate public housing into their locality and most had control over where low income housing sites were built. In many areas, the white majority would not allow public housing to be built in "their" neighborhoods unless it was reserved for poor whites. Black elected officials recognized the need for housing for their constituents, but felt that it would be politically unpopular to advocate for inclusionary housing.<ref name="Schwartz-132">Schwartz, A.F. (2008). Housing Policy in the United States. New York: Routledge, 132</ref> |
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Of the 49 public housing units constructed before World War II, 43 projects supported by the [[Public Works Administration]] and 236 of 261 projects supported by the U.S. Housing Authority were segregated by race.<ref name="Coulibaly">Coulibaly, M., Green, R.R., James, D. (1998) Segregation in Federally Subsidized Low-income Housing in the United States. Westport, CT: Praeger.</ref> Anti-discrimination laws passed after World War II led to a reduction in [[racial segregation]] for a short period of time, but as income-ineligible tenants were removed from public housing, the proportion of black residents increased.<ref name="Coulibaly" /> The remaining low-income white tenants were often elderly and moved to projects reserved specifically for seniors. Family public housing units then became dominated by racial minorities.<ref name="Coulibaly" /> |
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Three of the more infamous minority concentrated public housing projects in America were [[Pruitt–Igoe|Pruitt-Igoe]] in St. Louis and [[Cabrini-Green]] and [[Robert Taylor Homes]] in Chicago. |
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=== Income segregation in public housing === |
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Determining if a disproportionate level of public housing exists in low-income neighborhoods is hard because defining low, moderate and high income geographic locations, and locating projects in these locations is difficult.<ref name="Coulibaly" /> Assumptions affirming the density of public housing in low-income areas are supported by the fact that public housing units built between 1932 and 1963 were primarily located in slum areas and vacant industrial sites.<ref name="Coulibaly" /> This trend continued between 1964 and 1992, when a high density of projects were located in old core cities of metropolitan areas that were considered low income.<ref name="Coulibaly" /> |
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== Homeownership == |
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=== Redlining === |
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{{main|Redlining}} |
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[[File:Holc-chicago.jpg|thumb|This is a redlining map of Chicago, as created by the HOLC.]] |
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In 1933 the federally created [[Home Owners' Loan Corporation]] (HOLC) created maps that coded areas as credit-worthy based on the race of their occupants and the age of the housing stock. These maps, adopted by the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) in 1944, established and sanctioned "[[redlining]]". Residents in predominately minority neighborhoods were unable to obtain long-term mortgages on their homes because banks would not authorize loans for the redlined areas. Unlike their white counterparts, many minorities were not able to receive financing to purchase the homes they lived in and did not have the means to move to more affluent areas where banks would authorize home loans. |
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Due to the early discriminatory practices of mortgage lending, the black population remains less suburbanized than whites. Blacks, and to a lesser extent, other ethnic minorities remain isolated in urban environments with lesser access to transportation, jobs, health care and many of the amenities that are available to suburban residents. Thirty-nine percent of blacks live in the suburbs, compared to 58 percent of Asians, 49 percent of Hispanics and 71 percent of non-Hispanic whites.<ref name="Denton-65-66">Denton, pp. 65-66</ref> Further, post-World War II homebuilding in the suburbs benefitted whites, as housing prices tripled in the 1970s, enabling white homeowners to increase the equity of their homes. Because of this, blacks face higher costs of entry to the housing market, and those that are able to seek housing in the suburbs tend to live in lower-income, less desirable areas just outside the city limits.<ref name="Denton-65-66" /> |
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=== Steering === |
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{{main|racial steering}} |
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"The United States Supreme Court defines steering as a 'practice by which real estate brokers and agents preserve and encourage patterns of racial segregation in available housing by steering members of racial and ethnic groups to buildings occupied primarily by members of such racial and ethnic groups and away from buildings and neighborhoods inhabited primarily by members of other races or groups.'"<ref name="CERD">The Poverty Race Research Action Council and The National Fair Housing Alliance. "Racial Segregation and Housing Discrimination in the United States," 2008. Retrieved October 7, 2011 from https://www.prrac.org/pdf/FinalCERDHousingDiscriminationReport.pdf</ref> The theory supporting steering asserts that real estate agents steer people of color toward neighborhoods that are disproportionately black and/or Hispanic, while white homebuyers are directed to primarily white neighborhoods, continually reinforcing segregation. In some studies, real estate agents present fewer and more inferior options to black homeseekers than they do to whites with the same socioeconomic characteristics.<ref name="Turner-Ross">Turner, M.A. and Ross, S.L. (2005). How racial discrimination affects the search for housing. In The Geography of Opportunity: Race and Housing Choice in Metropolitan America, ed. Xavier de Souza Briggs, 81-100. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press</ref> |
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Even though the [[Civil Rights Act of 1964|Fair Housing Act]] made discrimination in housing illegal, there is a belief that steering is still common. For example, real estate agents will assume white homebuyer's initial requests are an accurate reflection of their preferences, while they second guess a minority homebuyer's request, and adjust it to their personal perceptions. Moreover, some real estate agents will acknowledge that their actions are prohibited by saying such things as: |
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* "'This area has a questionable ethnic mix, I could lose my license for saying this!'"<ref name="CERD" /> |
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* "'[The area] is different from here; its multicultural. ... I'm not allowed to steer you, but there are areas you wouldn't want to live in.'"<ref name="CERD" /> |
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A recent study of [[housing discrimination]] using matched pairs of home seekers who differed only in race to inquire about housing show that for those seeking rental units, blacks received unfavorable treatment 21.6 percent of the time, Hispanics 25.7 percent of the time, and Asians 21.5 percent of the time. Moreover, blacks interested in purchasing a home experienced discrimination 17 percent of the time, Hispanics 19.7 percent of the time and Asians 20.4 percent of the time.<ref name="CERD" /> |
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These conclusions are challenged because it is not clear what level of discrimination is necessary to make an impact of the housing market. There is also criticism of the methods used to determine discrimination and it is not clear if paired testing accurately reflects the conditions in which people are actually searching for housing.<ref name="VonHoff">von Hoffman, A., Beklsky, E. S., and Lee, K. "The Impact of Housing on Community: a Review of Scholarly Theories and Empirical Research," 2006. Joint Center for Housing Studies Harvard University. Retrieved October 8, 2011 from [https://web.archive.org/web/20060619100100/http://www.jchs.harvard.edu/publications/communitydevelopment/w06-1_impact_of_housing_on_community.pdf]</ref> |
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== Attitudes and preferences == |
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Theorists suggest that people make choices about the location of their residence based on the racial make-up of a specific neighborhood and that racial segregation occurs as a result of these preferences. |
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"[[White flight]]" is one theory supporting the idea that racial concentrations influence residential choice. The premise of this belief is that an increase in the population of blacks in a specific locality will cause whites to leave once the concentration of blacks [[Tipping point (sociology)|reaches a certain level]]. The support for this hypothesis is largely anecdotal but analyses of surveys of white and black attitudes toward the racial make-up of neighborhoods confirm that some whites are uncomfortable with even a small number of black neighbors.<ref name="Denton-61" /> |
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In spite of these statistics, white Americans have expressed a greater willingness to live in neighborhoods with minorities over the last half century. "From 1958 to 1997 Gallup polls found that the proportion of a national sample of whites who said they would move if a black moved next door fell from 44 to just 1 percent. Additionally, the proportion of white respondents who would move in the face of 'great numbers' of black ([[sic]]) dropped from 80 to 18 percent."<ref name="VonHoff" /> |
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Concepts like white flight misrepresent the issue of housing preference by suggesting that a specific population enters an area and another decides to leave it. "Empirical evidence shows that white flight does not cause racial transition in neighborhoods. Several preference studies and data from the American Housing Survey in 1980 and 1990 found both black and white households were less concerned about a neighborhood's racial mix - as long as a neighborhood remained stable, black and whites were willing to remain."<ref name="VonHoff" /> Therefore, white flight might be fueled by economic reasons.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Zubrinsky Charles|first=Camille|date=August 2000|title=Neighborhood Racial-Composition Preferences: Evidence From a Multiethnic Metropolis|url=http://www.econ.brown.edu/fac/glenn_loury/louryhomepage/teaching/Ec%20137/Ec%20137%20spring07/camille-charles.pdf|journal=Social Problems|volume=47|issue=3|pages=379–407|doi=10.1525/sp.2000.47.3.03x0297k|jstor=3097236|access-date=10 February 2013}}</ref> |
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Residential preferences of blacks are categorized by social-psychological and socioeconomic demographic characteristics. The theory behind social psychological residential preference is that segregation is a result of blacks choosing to live around other blacks because of cultural similarities, maintaining a sense of racial pride, or a desire to avoid living near another group because of fear of racial hostility. Other theories suggest demographic and socioeconomic factors such as age, gender and social class background influence residential choice. Empirical evidence to explain these assumptions is generally limited.<ref name="Farley">{{cite journal|last1=Farley|first1=Reynolds|last2=Fielding|first2=Elaine L.|last3=Krysan|first3=Maria|year=1997|title=The residential preferences of blacks and whites: A four‐metropolis analysis|journal=Housing Policy Debate|volume=8|issue=4|pages=763–800|doi=10.1080/10511482.1997.9521278}}</ref> |
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One empirical study completed in 2002 analyzed survey data from a random sample of blacks from Atlanta, Boston, Detroit and Los Angeles.<ref name="Farley" /> The results of this study found that the housing preferences of blacks are largely attributed to discrimination and white hostility, not a desire to live with a similar racial group.<ref name="Farley" /> In other words, the study found that blacks choose specific residences because they are afraid of hostility from whites. |
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Critics of these theories suggest that the survey questions used in the research design for these studies imply that race is a greater factor in residential choice than access to schools, transportation, and jobs. They also suggest that surveys fail to consider the market influences on housing including availability and demand.<ref name="VonHoff" /> |
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Existing data on the role of immigration on residential segregation trends in the US suggest that foreign-born Hispanics, Asians and blacks often have higher rates of segregation than do native-born individuals from these groups. Segregation of immigrants is associated with their low-income status, language barriers, and support networks in these enclaves. Research on [[Cultural assimilation|assimilation]] shows that while new immigrants settle in homogenous ethnic communities, segregation of immigrants declines as they gain socioeconomic status and move away from these communities, integrating with the native-born.<ref name="Iceland">{{cite journal|last1=Iceland|first1=J|last2=Scopilliti|first2=M|date=February 2008|title=Immigrant residential segregation in U.S. metropolitan areas, 1990-2000|journal=Demography|volume=45|issue=1|pages=79–94|doi=10.1353/dem.2008.0009|pmc=2831378|pmid=18390292}}</ref> |
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== Gentrification == |
== Gentrification == |
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[[Gentrification]] is another form of class- and race-based residential segregation<ref>{{Cite book|last=Edward.|first=Goetz,|url=http://worldcat.org/oclc/902700292|title=Gentrification in black and white : the racial impact of public housing demolition in American cities|oclc=902700292}}</ref>. Gentrification is defined as displacement of lower-income, frequently minority residents by higher-income, typically white residents and businesses in urban neighborhoods.<ref>{{Cite book|last=1951-|first=Henig, Jeffrey R.,|url=http://worldcat.org/oclc/7898330|title=Gentrification and displacement in urban neighborhoods : a comparative analysis|date=[1980?]|oclc=7898330}}</ref> [[Critical race theory]] is used to examine the intersection of race and class in demographic changes in the U.S.<ref name="Martinez-Cosio">Martinez-Cosio, Maria. "Coloring housing changes: Reintroducing race into gentrification" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, TBA, New York, New York City, Aug 11, 2007.</ref> |
[[Gentrification]] is another form of class- and race-based residential segregation<ref>{{Cite book|last=Edward.|first=Goetz,|url=http://worldcat.org/oclc/902700292|title=Gentrification in black and white : the racial impact of public housing demolition in American cities|oclc=902700292}}</ref>. Gentrification is defined as displacement of lower-income, frequently minority residents by higher-income, typically white residents and businesses in urban neighborhoods.<ref>{{Cite book|last=1951-|first=Henig, Jeffrey R.,|url=http://worldcat.org/oclc/7898330|title=Gentrification and displacement in urban neighborhoods : a comparative analysis|date=[1980?]|oclc=7898330}}</ref> [[Critical race theory]] is used to examine the intersection of race and class in demographic changes in the U.S.<ref name="Martinez-Cosio">Martinez-Cosio, Maria. "Coloring housing changes: Reintroducing race into gentrification" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, TBA, New York, New York City, Aug 11, 2007.</ref> |
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<references /> |
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== Consequences == |
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Location of housing is a determinant of a person's access to the job market, transportation, education, healthcare, and safety. People residing in neighborhoods with high concentrations of low-income and minority households experience higher mortality risks, poor health services, high rates of teenage pregnancy, and high crime rates.<ref>[http://www.difu.de/node/5951 "Immigration and Socio-Spatial Segregation - Opportunities and Risks of Ethnic Self-Organisation"]</ref> These neighborhoods also experience higher rates of unemployment, and lack of access to job networks and transportation, which prevents households from fully gaining and accessing employment opportunities. The result of isolation and segregation of minority and the economically disadvantaged is increased racial and [[income inequality]], which in turn reinforces segregation.<ref name="Denton-65-662">Denton, pp. 65-66</ref> A 2015 [[Measure of America]] [http://www.measureofamerica.org/youth-disconnection-2015/ report] on [[disconnected youth]] found that black youth in highly segregated metro areas are more likely to be disconnected from work and school.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Lewis and Burd-Sharps|url=http://www.measureofamerica.org/youth-disconnection-2015/|title=Zeroing In on Place and Race|publisher=Social Science Research Council|year=2015}}</ref> In 2014, the Child Opportunity Index measures very high to very low opportunity comparing race and ethnicity in the 100 largest US metropolitan areas in the US to compare inequalities and residential segregation.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Acevedo-Garcia|first1=D.|last2=McArdle|first2=N.|last3=Hardy|first3=E.F.|last4=Crisan|first4=U.I.|last5=Romano|first5=B.|last6=Norris|first6=D.|last7=Baek|first7=M.|last8=Reece|first8=J.|year=2014|title=The Child Opportunity Index: Improving Collaboration between Community Development and Public Health|journal=Health Affairs|volume=33|issue=11|pages=1948–1957|doi=10.1377/hlthaff.2014.0679|pmid=25367989}}</ref> |
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== Social policies and initiatives == |
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In 1948, the Supreme Court outlawed the enforcement of racial covenants with ''[[Shelley v. Kraemer]]'', and two decades later the [[Fair Housing Act|Fair Housing Act of 1968]] incorporated legislation that prohibited discrimination in private and publicly assisted housing. The 1975 [[Home Mortgage Disclosure Act]] and the 1977 [[Community Reinvestment Act]] limited mortgage lenders' ability to provide discretion in issuing loans and requiring that lenders provide full disclosure of where and to whom they were providing housing loans, in addition to requiring that they provide loans for all areas where they do business.<ref name="Denton-65-662" /> The passage of fair housing laws provided an opportunity for legal recourse against local and federal agencies that segregated residents and prohibited integrated communities. |
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Despite these laws, residential segregation still persists. More strict enforcement of these laws could prevent discriminatory lending practices and racial steering.<ref name="Yinger_2001">Yinger, John. 2001 "Housing Discrimination and Residential Segregation as Causes of Poverty," in Sheldon H. Danzinger and Robert H. Haveman, eds. Understanding Poverty. New York: Russell Sage Foundation</ref> Moreover, educating property owners, real estate agents, and minorities about the Fair Housing Act and housing discrimination could help reduce segregation. |
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The class action lawsuit [[Hills v. Gautreaux|Hills v. Dorothy Gautreaux]] alleged that the development of [[Chicago Housing Authority|Chicago Housing Authority's]] (CHA) public housing units in areas of high concentration of poor minorities violated federal [[United States Department of Housing and Urban Development|Department of Housing and Urban Development]] (HUD) policies and the Fair Housing Act. The 1976 court decision resulted in HUD and CHA agreeing to mediate segregation imposed on Chicago public housing residents by providing [[Section 8 (housing)|Section 8]] voucher assistance to more than 7,000 black families. The Section 8 assistance provided blacks the opportunity to move out of racially segregated areas and into mixed neighborhoods. Policymakers theorized that housing mobility would provide residents with access to "[[social capital]]", including ties to informal job networks. About seventy-five percent of the Gautreaux households were required to move to predominately white suburban neighborhoods while the remaining 25% were allowed to move to urban areas with 30% or more black residents.<ref name="Goering">Goering, J. (2005). The MTO experiment. In The Geography of Opportunity, ed X. de Souza Briggs, 219-246. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution</ref> |
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Social scientists researched the impacts of mobility on Gautreaux participants and found that children with access to better performing neighborhoods experienced improvements in educational performance, were less likely to drop out of school and more likely to take college preparation classes than their peers who had moved to more segregated areas of Chicago.<ref name="Goering" /> |
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Congress authorized the [[Moving to Opportunity|Moving to Opportunity for Fair Housing Demonstration]] (MTO) in 1993. MTO shares a similar design to Gautreaux. However, the program focuses on economic desegregation instead of racial desegregation. {{As of|2005}}, MTO has allocated nearly $80 million in federal and philanthropic funding to disperse and de-concentrate low-income neighborhoods, track the short and long-term effects of MTO program participants, and determine if small low-income de-concentration programs can be expanded to a national scale.<ref name="Goering" /> An early randomized, controlled study on differential mental health effects indicates the pairing of portability housing vouchers to promote quality housing and lives with other programs, such as tobacco use of youth.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Osypuk|first1=T. L.|last2=Tchetgen|first2=E.T.|last3=Acevedo-Garcia|first3=D.|last4=Earls|first4=R.J.|last5=Lincoln|first5=A.|last6=Schmidt|first6=N.M.|last7=Glymour|first7=A.M.|year=2012|title=Differential mental health effects on neighborhood relocation among vulnerable families: Results from a randomized trial|journal=Archives of General Psychiatry|volume=69|issue=12|pages=1284–1294|doi=10.1001/archgenpsychiatry.2012.449|doi-access=free}}</ref> |
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In addition to the MTO program, the federal government provided funding to demolish 100,000 of the nation's worst public housing units and rebuild the projects with mixed income communities. This program, known as [[HOPE VI]], has received mixed results. Some of the rebuilt projects continue to struggle with gangs, crime, and drugs. Some tenants choose not to return to the locations after redevelopment. While it may be too soon to determine the overall effect of the HOPE VI program, the Bush administration recommended termination of the program in 2004.<ref name="Goering" /> |
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[[Inclusionary zoning]] practices refer to local planning ordinances that can increase the supply of affordable housing, reduce the cost of creating housing, and enforce regulations that improve the health, safety and quality of life for low income and minority households.<ref name="Pendall-2192">Pendall, R., Nelson, A., Dawkins, C., Knapp, G. (2005). Connecting smart growth, housing affordability, and Racial Equity. In The Geography of Opportunity, ed X. de Souza Briggs, 219-246. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution.</ref> |
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== Residential segregation in Atlanta, GA == |
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Within the [[Atlanta metropolitan area|Atlanta Metropolitan Area]], residential segregation is highest among [[DeKalb County, Georgia|DeKalb]] and [[Fulton County, Georgia|Fulton]] Counties, the two most urbanized counties in the Atlanta Metropolitan Area.<ref name=":23">{{Cite journal|last=Dawkins|first=Casey J.|year=2004|title=Measuring the Spatial Pattern of Residential Segregation|journal=Urban Studies|volume=41|issue=4|pages=833–851|doi=10.1080/0042098042000194133|s2cid=154287942}}</ref> These counties consist of 70% of the black residents in Atlanta, meaning that a strong majority of Atlanta's black citizens are living in the city's most urbanized areas.<ref name=":02">{{Cite thesis|last=Mae|first=Hayes, Melissa|title=The Building Blocks of Atlanta: Racial Residential Segregation and Neighborhood Inequity|date=2006|publisher=Georgia State University|url=http://scholarworks.gsu.edu/sociology_theses/10|language=en}}</ref> In addition, white families have been steadily moving to suburban areas around Atlanta since the 1980s,<ref name=":13">{{Cite journal|last=Strait|first=John B.|year=2001|title=The Impact of Compositional and Redistributive Forces on Poverty Concentration|journal=Urban Affairs Review|volume=37|issue=1|pages=19–42|doi=10.1177/10780870122185172|s2cid=153847318}}</ref> leaving counties such as DeKalb and Fulton to consist of majority or nearly majority black residents, with 55.3% of residents in DeKalb County being black<ref>{{Cite web|title=U.S. Census Bureau QuickFacts: DeKalb County, Georgia|url=https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/dekalbcountygeorgia/PST045216|access-date=2018-04-09|website=www.census.gov|language=en}}</ref> and 44.5% of residents in Fulton County being black.<ref>{{Cite web|title=U.S. Census Bureau QuickFacts: Fulton County, Georgia; Fulton County, Arkansas; DeKalb County, Georgia|url=https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/fultoncountygeorgia,fultoncountyarkansas,dekalbcountygeorgia/PST045216|access-date=2018-04-09|website=www.census.gov|language=en}}</ref> Furthermore, the [[Suburb|suburban areas]] outside of Atlanta and Fulton and DeKalb county tend to be less racially segregated,<ref name=":13" /> yet black residents in these suburbs, as well as in more urban areas, are still the most segregated of any race of residents in Atlanta.<ref name=":02" /> According to the [[Annie E. Casey Foundation]], the current state of residential segregation, largely by race, occurred due to housing development practices and city infrastructure changes during the 20th century.<ref name=":33">{{Cite web|date=24 June 2015|title=As Atlanta's Economy Thrives, Many Residents of Color Are Left Behind - The Annie E. Casey Foundation|url=http://www.aecf.org/blog/as-atlantas-economy-thrives-many-residents-of-color-are-left-behind/|access-date=2018-04-12|website=The Annie E. Casey Foundation}}</ref> In order to implement new housing programs and interstates throughout the 20th century, the City of Atlanta chose to remove many poor or low income neighborhoods.<ref name=":33" /> The removal of these neighborhoods disproportionately affected black Atlanta citizens, and made housing more expensive and poverty more concentrated on the southern side of Atlanta, in counties such as DeKalb and Fulton.<ref name=":23" /><ref name=":33" /> |
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[[File:Atlanta-metroclean.png|thumb|A picture of Georgia by counties, with the counties in red representing the Atlanta Metropolitan Area.]] |
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=== Effects of residential segregation on poverty in Atlanta === |
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As more white residents moved to the suburbs throughout the 1980s, black residents remained in many of the same urban areas.<ref name=":13" /> The migration of much of the middle class to the suburbs of Atlanta decreased [[poverty]] levels for black residents in Atlanta as a whole,<ref name=":13" /> but it left residents at or near poverty exposed to much higher levels of poverty as the [[middle class]] migrated out and took resources with them.<ref name=":13" /> Furthermore, moves made by black residents at or below the poverty level to escape impoverished neighborhoods within Atlanta were overshadowed by the same moves made by white residents, leaving mainly black residents exposed to poverty within metropolitan Atlanta after movements made by the middle class.<ref name=":13" /> This shift in residence has disproportionately left black citizens in Atlanta exposed to poverty, with 80% of black children living in Atlanta being exposed to poverty.<ref name=":33" /> Within these areas, which are largely in southern Atlanta in areas of DeKalb and Fulton County,<ref name=":23" /> residents are having to spend 30% of their annual income on housing.<ref name=":33" /> |
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=== Effects of residential segregation and consequential poverty on education === |
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Research gathered from the [[Georgia Budget & Policy Institute|Georgia Budget and Policy Institute]] (GBPI) shows that in Georgia, schools with higher numbers of students living in poverty perform more poorly on standardized state exams and are given poorer scores from the Georgia Governor's Office of Student Achievement, with 99% of schools in extreme poverty and 79% of schools in high-poverty receiving grades of D or F from the Office of Student Achievement.<ref name=":4">{{Cite news|date=2017-12-04|title=Tackle Poverty's Effects to Improve School Performance|language=en-US|work=Georgia Budget and Policy Institute|url=https://gbpi.org/2017/tackle-povertys-effects-improve-school-performance/|access-date=2018-04-12}}</ref> In addition, the GBPI found that in most of these struggling schools, students are primarily of racial minorities: In 98% of public schools in Georgia considered to be extremely impoverished, 75% or more of the students are black or Hispanic.<ref name=":4" /> In Atlanta, students from northern counties are enrolled in pre-school in higher rates than in the southern counties (such as Fulton and DeKalb),<ref name=":33" /> and 11 of the top 14 performing schools within the Atlanta Public School District were in Atlanta's northern counties.<references /> |
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Latest revision as of 20:50, 25 October 2021
History
[edit]Early race-based residential segregation in American cities is tied to rapid urbanization, which began in the late 19th and early 20th century. Prior to that time, the African-Americans who lived in cities lived in scattered locations.
Development of segregated residential neighborhoods was associated with massive influxes of European immigrants and African-Americans. These groups had limited funds and job opportunities and ended up clustered in neighborhoods with poor housing. These neighborhoods were characterized by social unrest and diseases such as typhoid and tuberculosis. Racially restrictive covenants barred Black families from buying houses in white neighborhoods.[1]
Progressive social reformers attempted to ameliorate these conditions, but were unsuccessful, particularly with respect to African-Americans.[2] The first ordinance establishing segregated neighborhoods was passed in Baltimore in 1910. Overt ordinances were struck down in Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U.S. 60 (1917) but the practice continued and became deeply ingrained in urban culture, resulting in limited housing for an expanding population and development of the African-American ghetto with poor overcrowded housing and numerous social ills.[3] In large part, residential discrimination was driven by school segregation, which was legal until Brown v. Board of Education was decided in 1954, but has persisted due to continuing segregated residential patterns in most American cities.[4]
Gentrification
[edit]Gentrification is another form of class- and race-based residential segregation[5]. Gentrification is defined as displacement of lower-income, frequently minority residents by higher-income, typically white residents and businesses in urban neighborhoods.[6] Critical race theory is used to examine the intersection of race and class in demographic changes in the U.S.[7]
- ^ Boustan, Leah Platt (May 2013). "Racial Residential Segregation in American Cities" (PDF). Cambridge, MA: w19045. doi:10.3386/w19045.
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help) - ^ Hounmenou, Charles (2012). "Black Settlement Houses and Oppositional Consciousness". Journal of Black Studies. 43 (6): 646–666. doi:10.1177/0021934712441203. ISSN 0021-9347. JSTOR 23414663. S2CID 144352590.
- ^ Garrett Power (1983). "Apartheid Baltimore Style: the Residential Segregation Ordinances of 1910-1913". Maryland Law Review. 42 (2): 289. Retrieved February 2, 2017.
- ^ Emily Lieb (February 2, 2017). "How Segregated Schools Built Segregated Cities: A closer look at the roots of racial division in urban America reveals how homeowners used "white-branded" schools to block black residents from moving in". CityLab. Retrieved February 2, 2017.
- ^ Edward., Goetz,. Gentrification in black and white : the racial impact of public housing demolition in American cities. OCLC 902700292.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: extra punctuation (link) CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ 1951-, Henig, Jeffrey R., ([1980?]). Gentrification and displacement in urban neighborhoods : a comparative analysis. OCLC 7898330.
{{cite book}}:|last=has numeric name (help); Check date values in:|date=(help)CS1 maint: extra punctuation (link) CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ Martinez-Cosio, Maria. "Coloring housing changes: Reintroducing race into gentrification" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, TBA, New York, New York City, Aug 11, 2007.