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=== International relations ===
=== International relations ===
Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship formed good relationships with [[Fascist Italy (1922–1943)|Fascist Italy]].{{Sfn|Saz|1999|p=55}} Because the Spanish firm Masport refused to interact with Italy for political reasons, the dictatorship heavily fined them. The dictatorship banned the press from attacking Fascist Italy, and Primo de Rivera spoke of his admiration for [[Prime Minister of Italy|Italy’s Prime Minister]], [[Benito Mussolini|Mussolini]].{{Sfn|Ben-Ami|1983|pp=190-191}} Primo de Rivera also linked his dictatorship to Spain’s former colonies in Latin America.{{Sfn|Desmond|1924|pp=471-472}}{{Sfn|Saz|1999|p=54}}{{Sfn|San Narciso|Barral-Martínez|Armenteros|2020|pp=106-107}} The dictatorship organised many initiatives, such as the [[Ibero-American Exposition of 1929|1929 Iberian-American Exhibition]] in Seville, where it invited Latin American countries to attend.{{Sfn|Martínez del Campo|2021|p=209}}{{Sfn|Souto|2017|pp=82-83}} It signed commercial treaties with Argentina and Cuba,{{Sfn|Ben-Ami|1983|p=204}} and established [[Wireless telegraphy|radio-telegraph links]] with Uruguay{{Sfn|Gray|Fairbank|1930|p=208}} and Brazil, among other Latin-American countries.{{Sfn|Ben-Ami|1983|p=204}}{{Sfn|Lopez|2010|pp=1-2}}
Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship formed good relationships with [[Fascist Italy (1922–1943)|Fascist Italy]].{{Sfn|Saz|1999|p=55}} Because the Spanish firm Masport refused to interact with Italy for political reasons, the dictatorship heavily fined them. The dictatorship banned the press from attacking Fascist Italy, and Primo de Rivera spoke of his admiration for [[Prime Minister of Italy|Italy’s Prime Minister]], [[Benito Mussolini|Mussolini]].{{Sfn|Ben-Ami|1983|pp=190-191}} Primo de Rivera also linked his dictatorship to Spain’s former colonies in Latin America.{{Sfn|Desmond|1924|pp=471-472}}{{Sfn|Saz|1999|p=54}}{{Sfn|San Narciso|Barral-Martínez|Armenteros|2020|pp=106-107}} The dictatorship organised many initiatives, such as the [[Ibero-American Exposition of 1929|1929 Iberian-American Exhibition]] in Seville, where it invited Latin American countries to attend.{{Sfn|Martínez del Campo|2021|p=209}}{{Sfn|Souto|2017|pp=82-83}} It signed commercial treaties with Argentina and Cuba,{{Sfn|Ben-Ami|1983|p=204}} and established [[Wireless telegraphy|radio-telegraph links]] with Uruguay{{Sfn|Gray|Fairbank|1930|p=208}} and Brazil, among other Latin-American countries.{{Sfn|Ben-Ami|1983|p=204}}{{Sfn|Lopez|2010|pp=1-2}}

=== Economic policies ===
Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship [[Nationalization|nationalised]] Spain’s economy throughout the Civil Directory.{{Sfn|Quiroga|2007|pp=171-172}} It suppressed [[free trade]] and strictly supervised all economic activity in Spain.{{Sfn|Radcliff|2017|p=153}} For example, in 1927, the dictatorship created [[Campsa|CAMPSA]], a Spanish oil [[monopoly]], by confiscating the installations and sales outlets of private oil companies in Spain, including large foreign firms like [[Shell plc|Shell]].{{Sfn|Carr|1966|p=579}}{{Sfn|Whealey|1988|p=133}}{{Sfn|Carreras|Tafunell|Torres|2000|p=230}} Primo de Rivera also raised [[Tariff|tariffs]] on foreign goods, with the [[League of Nations]] labelling Spain the most [[Protectionism|protectionist]] country in 1927.{{Sfn|Martin|2019|p=277}}{{Sfn|Sharman|2021|p=200}} Spanish goods were promoted over foreign goods, and the dictatorship launched campaigns that presented buying Spanish goods as patriotic while it criticised Spaniards who assumed that foreign goods were better quality than Spanish goods.{{Sfn|Quiroga|2007|pp=171-172}}

Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship increased spending on [[public infrastructure]] and worked to improve roads, railways,{{Sfn|Carr|1966|pp=579-581}} irrigation networks,{{Sfn|Radcliff|2017|p=153}} and more.{{Sfn|Salvadó|1999|p=54}} The dictatorship paid for these improvements by taking on large amounts of [[Government debt#:~:text%3DA%20country's%20gross%20government%20debt%2Ca%20government's%20expenditures%20exceed%20revenues.|debt]],{{Sfn|Payne|1999|p=32}} and this led to a temporary increase in [[economic growth]].{{Sfn|Radcliff|2017|pp=153-154}}{{Sfn|Ben-Ami|1983|pp=274-281}}{{Sfn|Rial|1978|p=265}}{{Sfn|Martin|2019|pp=277-278}} In 1929, Spain experienced an economic downturn that coincided with the start of the [[Great Depression]], and Spaniards lost confidence in Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship.{{Sfn|Ben-Ami|1983|pp=334-338}} The dictatorship also struggled to maintain the [[exchange rate]] of Spain’s currency, the peseta, and no economic policy it tried stopped the peseta from falling in value.{{Sfn|Jorge-Sotelo|2019|pp=49-50}}{{Sfn|Rial|1978|pp=157-166}}{{Sfn|Ben-Ami|1983|p=338-349}}


== History ==
== History ==
Line 82: Line 87:
*{{Cite journal |last=Gray |first=G. H. |last2=Fairbank |first2=N. K. |date=1930 |title=Madrid-Buenos Aires Radio Link and Its Wire Connections |journal=Electrical Communication |volume=8 |pages=208-212}}
*{{Cite journal |last=Gray |first=G. H. |last2=Fairbank |first2=N. K. |date=1930 |title=Madrid-Buenos Aires Radio Link and Its Wire Connections |journal=Electrical Communication |volume=8 |pages=208-212}}
*{{Cite conference |last=Lopez |first=Jose M. Romeo |date=2010 |title=The First Spanish Short Wave Stations. Development of Radio & Tv Technology |url=http://ieeexplore.ieee.org/xpls/abs_all.jsp?arnumber=5735273 |conference=Second IEEE Region 8 Conference on the History of Telecommunications Conference, HISTELCON 2010 |location=Madrid}}
*{{Cite conference |last=Lopez |first=Jose M. Romeo |date=2010 |title=The First Spanish Short Wave Stations. Development of Radio & Tv Technology |url=http://ieeexplore.ieee.org/xpls/abs_all.jsp?arnumber=5735273 |conference=Second IEEE Region 8 Conference on the History of Telecommunications Conference, HISTELCON 2010 |location=Madrid}}
*{{Cite journal |last=Whealey |first=Robert H. |date=1988 |title=Anglo-American Oil Confronts Spanish Nationalism, 1927–31: A Study of Economic Imperialism |journal=Diplomatic History |volume=12 |issue=2 |pages=111-126}}
*{{Cite book |last=Carreras |first=Albert |title=The Rise and Fall of State-Owned Enterprise in the Western World |last2=Tafunell |first2=Xavier |last3=Torres |first3=Eugenio |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |year=2000 |isbn=9780521780810 |location=Cambridge |chapter=The Rise and Decline of Spanish State-Owned Firms}}
*{{Cite book |last=Sharman |first=Nick |title=Britain’s Informal Empire in Spain, 1830-1950: Free Trade, Protectionism and Military Power |publisher=[[Springer International Publishing]] |year=2021 |isbn=978-3-030-77949-8 |location=Cham |chapter=Economic Nationalism to Autarky}}
*{{Cite thesis |last=Jorge-Sotelo |first=Enrique |title=‘Escaping’ the Great Depression: Monetary Policy, Financial Crises and Banking in Spain, 1921-1935 |date=2019 |degree=PhD |publisher=[[London School of Economics and Political Science]] |url=http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3997/}}




Revision as of 12:00, 6 May 2022

Alfonso XIII and Miguel Primo de Rivera

The dictatorship of Primo de Rivera was the historical subperiod of the Bourbon Restoration in Spain, comprising the dictatorial government of General Miguel Primo de Rivera from 1923 to 1930, during the wider reign of Alfonso XIII.

Primo de Rivera established his dictatorship after a 1923 coup brought him into power. He suspended the 1876 Constitution, which had kept the liberal and parliamentary monarchy in power for the last 50 years.[1] However, his dictatorship ended when he resigned in 1930, and General Dámaso Berenguer succeeded him.[2]

Background

After the 1898 Spanish defeat to the United States, where Spain lost its remaining colonies in the Philippines, Cuba, and Puerto Rico, Spain experienced increasing social strife. Along with the defeat of Annual in 1921 against Riffian tribesmen in Spain’s Moroccan Protectorate, Spain was dominated by a desire for regeneration.[3][4] This culminated in Primo de Rivera’s coup.[5][6][7][8]

The coup (1923)

On 13 September, Primo de Rivera staged a successful coup d’état in Barcelona in the mold of 19th century pronunciamientos.[1] With the army’s support, he ousted the parliamentary government of Manuel García Prieto.[9] Primo de Rivera stated he would create a temporary government to save Spain from the corrupt politicians that had been mismanaging it since 1898.[10] King Alfonso XIII declared his support for Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship on 14 September and dismissed the civilian government.[11] He made Primo de Rivera the head of a new Military Directory, with powers to propose “whatever decrees are convenient” to the king.[12][13]

There was initially a lot of support in Spain for the coup and the directory. Not only were conservative newspapers such as La Vanguardia supportive,[14][15] but liberal media such as El Sol also stated their support for the regime on the understanding that Primo de Rivera would leave power in three months, as he initially declared.[16] The Catholic Church and the wider Spanish public also showed their backing of the dictatorship,[17][18] and the stock market rising immediately after the coup is indicative of the confidence Spaniards had in the new regime.[19] Some of the only detractors of the coup were the small Communist party (Partido Comunista de España) and Anarchist trade unions.[19][20]

The Military Directory (1923-1925)

Ideology

King Alfonso XIII made Primo de Rivera the prime minister of a new Military Directory on 14 September, a day after his coup.[11] The Military Directory consisted of eight generals and one admiral.[21][22] They were subordinate to Primo de Rivera, who could alone approve Decrees for the Directory and present them to the king to sign.[12][23] Primo de Rivera framed the formation of his dictatorship as a patriotic action against the ineffectiveness of Spain’s liberal system.[24][25][26][27] Through this, Primo de Rivera presented himself as Joaquín Costa’s ‘Iron Surgeon,’ who would perform surgery on Spain to cure the political corruption and social chaos that plagued it.[28][25] He stated: “I have no experience in government. Our methods are as simple as they are ingenious. They are methods for which the good of the [homeland] dictates and our resolutions are taken while we are kneeling at the shrine of the national spirit.”[29]

Primo de Rivera connected many of his speeches with religious themes, and Catholicism was integral to his dictatorship’s discourse.[30][31] Primo de Rivera stated how disseminating patriotism was ‘preaching’[31], and he collaborated with the Catholic Church throughout his dictatorship to promote patriotic ideas on a large scale.[32][33][34][28][31]

Policies

Primo de Rivera ordered the termination of all local governments as he attempted to remove political corruption in Spain,[35][28] replacing the civil officials with military supervised positions.[35][36][28][37] In April 1924, Primo de Rivera created the Unión Patriótica (UP).[38][39] UP was the official party of the dictatorship, and it united around vague patriotic ideas,[40][41] taking the motto: Nation, Church, and King.[29][42] The party’s creation aimed to give the dictatorship credibility and maintain the public’s conformity under Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship.[43][44] Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship quickly enforced laws against separatism, which banned using the Catalan language,[45] singing the Catalan national anthem, and displaying the Catalan flag.[46][47] After the coup, the dictatorship also imposed rigid censorship on the press.[48][47][49] It censored all publications, telephones, and telegraphs and encouraged them to promote patriotic ideas.[50]

The Rif War

Primo de Rivera promised early into the Military Directory that he would find a quick solution to the Rif War,[51][52] where Riffian rebels opposed the Spanish colonial presence in northern Morocco.[53] Primo de Rivera initially aimed to negotiate with Abd-el-Krim, the Riffian leader, to end the conflict. He withdrew 29,000 recruits from Spain’s Moroccan Protectorate by the end of 1923 and an additional 26,000 by March 1924.[54][55] In total, Primo de Rivera abandoned 180 military bases by mid-December.[56] In doing so, he also aimed to reduce the costs of the campaign to Spain and the dictatorship.[57][58] This withdrawal displeased many africanistas in the army, who encouraged a more aggressive policy in Morocco.[59] The pressure from the africanistas,[60] along with an escalating Riffian offensive in 1924, persuaded Primo de Rivera that continuing his withdrawal would have severe political consequences and could endanger his regime.[61][62] His dictatorship secured French aid in 1925, and following a successful military operation in Al Hoceima, Spain and France pushed back Abd-el-Krim’s forces and regained some control of the Spanish protectorate.[63][64] After the dictatorship’s victory, the Military Directory organised patriotic celebrations country-wide.[65] It awarded Primo de Rivera a high honour in the Spanish military, the Gran Cruz Laureada de San Fernando.[66][65]

The Civil Directory (1925-1930)

The new government

In December 1925, Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship transitioned from the Military Directory to the Civil Directory.[67][68] During the Civil Directory, Primo de Rivera created a national assembly where corporate interests were represented rather than voters’ individual interests.[69][70][71] Groups such as the UP, the Church, and the army were represented in the national assembly, along with local governments and various economic organisations.[69] Primo de Rivera also decreed that the military officials still holding government positions must return to their military duties, and civil governors were appointed to replace them.[72] With the creation of the Civil Directory, Primo de Rivera rejected returning to a parliamentary system, as promised in 1923,[47][73] and oriented towards a long-term rule for his dictatorship.[74][75]

International relations

Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship formed good relationships with Fascist Italy.[76] Because the Spanish firm Masport refused to interact with Italy for political reasons, the dictatorship heavily fined them. The dictatorship banned the press from attacking Fascist Italy, and Primo de Rivera spoke of his admiration for Italy’s Prime Minister, Mussolini.[77] Primo de Rivera also linked his dictatorship to Spain’s former colonies in Latin America.[78][79][80] The dictatorship organised many initiatives, such as the 1929 Iberian-American Exhibition in Seville, where it invited Latin American countries to attend.[81][82] It signed commercial treaties with Argentina and Cuba,[83] and established radio-telegraph links with Uruguay[84] and Brazil, among other Latin-American countries.[83][85]

Economic policies

Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship nationalised Spain’s economy throughout the Civil Directory.[86] It suppressed free trade and strictly supervised all economic activity in Spain.[87] For example, in 1927, the dictatorship created CAMPSA, a Spanish oil monopoly, by confiscating the installations and sales outlets of private oil companies in Spain, including large foreign firms like Shell.[88][89][90] Primo de Rivera also raised tariffs on foreign goods, with the League of Nations labelling Spain the most protectionist country in 1927.[91][92] Spanish goods were promoted over foreign goods, and the dictatorship launched campaigns that presented buying Spanish goods as patriotic while it criticised Spaniards who assumed that foreign goods were better quality than Spanish goods.[86]

Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship increased spending on public infrastructure and worked to improve roads, railways,[93] irrigation networks,[87] and more.[94] The dictatorship paid for these improvements by taking on large amounts of debt,[95] and this led to a temporary increase in economic growth.[96][97][98][99] In 1929, Spain experienced an economic downturn that coincided with the start of the Great Depression, and Spaniards lost confidence in Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship.[100] The dictatorship also struggled to maintain the exchange rate of Spain’s currency, the peseta, and no economic policy it tried stopped the peseta from falling in value.[101][102][103]

History

On 3 December 1925, Primo de Rivera installed a Civil Directorate with a Council of Ministers featuring civilians.[104]

Primo de Rivera, increasingly unpopular in the late 1920s, handed in his resignation in January 1930 after losing support from the military and the King,[105] who appointed General Dámaso Berenguer in order to replace him.

References

  1. ^ a b Ben-Ami 1977, p. 65.
  2. ^ Radcliff 2017, p. 155.
  3. ^ San Narciso, Barral-Martínez & Armenteros 2020, p. 94.
  4. ^ Smith 2007, p. 7.
  5. ^ Aresti 2020, p. 249.
  6. ^ James, 2017 & Tanner, p. 46.
  7. ^ Lee 2016, p. 266.
  8. ^ Quiroga & Blanco 2012, p. 34.
  9. ^ Martin 2019, pp. 263–64.
  10. ^ Cowans 2003, pp. 126–27.
  11. ^ a b Quiroga 2007, p. 2.
  12. ^ a b Ben-Ami 1983, pp. 75–76.
  13. ^ Narciso, Barral-Martínez & Armenteros 2020, p. 8.
  14. ^ Ben-Ami 1983, p. 61.
  15. ^ Dalmau 2017, p. xii.
  16. ^ Quiroga 2007, p. 33.
  17. ^ Salvadó 1999, pp. 48–49.
  18. ^ James & Tanner 2017, p. 51.
  19. ^ a b Quiroga 2007, pp. 33–34.
  20. ^ Martin 2019, pp. 281–82.
  21. ^ Casanova & Gil Andrés 2014, p. 88.
  22. ^ Rial 1978, pp. 56–57.
  23. ^ Desmond 1924, p. 466.
  24. ^ Ben-Ami 1983, p. 1983.
  25. ^ a b Quiroga 2007, pp. 35–36.
  26. ^ Ben-Ami 1979, p. 50.
  27. ^ Spencer 1927, pp. 542–543.
  28. ^ a b c d Radcliff 2017, p. 148.
  29. ^ a b Carr 1966, p. 566.
  30. ^ Ben-Ami 1983, pp. 102–7.
  31. ^ a b c Quiroga 2007, pp. 42–43.
  32. ^ Quiroga 2020, pp. 277–279.
  33. ^ Ben-Ami 1983, pp. 102–103.
  34. ^ Callahan 2000, pp. 151–153.
  35. ^ a b Rial 1978, pp. 54–59.
  36. ^ Tortella & Ruiz 2013, p. 102.
  37. ^ Salvadó 1999, p. 52.
  38. ^ Payne 1999, pp. 28–29.
  39. ^ Quiroga 2007, pp. 166–167.
  40. ^ Salvadó 1999, pp. 56–57.
  41. ^ Quiroga 2007, p. 167.
  42. ^ Rico-Gómez 2021, p. 385.
  43. ^ Salvadó 1999, p. 56.
  44. ^ Watson 1992, p. 45.
  45. ^ Martin 2019, pp. 265–266.
  46. ^ Quiroga 2007, pp. 49–50.
  47. ^ a b c Radcliff 2017, p. 149.
  48. ^ Martin 2019, p. 265.
  49. ^ Rial 1986, p. 60.
  50. ^ Quiroga 2007, p. 34.
  51. ^ Ben-Ami 1983, pp. 108–109.
  52. ^ Payne 1967, pp. 208, 210.
  53. ^ Pennell 1982, p. 20.
  54. ^ Fleming & Fleming 1977, p. 87.
  55. ^ Payne 1967, pp. 208–209.
  56. ^ Ben-Ami 1983, p. 113.
  57. ^ Fleming & Fleming 1977, pp. 86–87.
  58. ^ Seoane 1998, p. 53.
  59. ^ Fleming & Fleming 1977, pp. 87–88.
  60. ^ Payne 1967, pp. 210–213.
  61. ^ Ben-Ami 1983, p. 112.
  62. ^ Quiroga 2007, p. 39.
  63. ^ Ben-Ami 1983, pp. 114–116.
  64. ^ Fleming & Fleming 1977, pp. 90–94.
  65. ^ a b Quiroga 2007, pp. 41–42.
  66. ^ Ben-Ami 1983, p. 116.
  67. ^ Watson 1992, p. 47.
  68. ^ Desmond 1927, p. 283.
  69. ^ a b Radcliff 2017, pp. 149–150.
  70. ^ Payne 1999, p. 34.
  71. ^ Quiroga 2007, p. 65.
  72. ^ Ben-Ami 1983, p. 208.
  73. ^ Rial 1978, p. 65.
  74. ^ Ben-Ami 1983, pp. 206–207.
  75. ^ Salvadó 1999, pp. 55–56.
  76. ^ Saz 1999, p. 55.
  77. ^ Ben-Ami 1983, pp. 190–191.
  78. ^ Desmond 1924, pp. 471–472.
  79. ^ Saz 1999, p. 54.
  80. ^ San Narciso, Barral-Martínez & Armenteros 2020, pp. 106–107.
  81. ^ Martínez del Campo 2021, p. 209.
  82. ^ Souto 2017, pp. 82–83.
  83. ^ a b Ben-Ami 1983, p. 204.
  84. ^ Gray & Fairbank 1930, p. 208.
  85. ^ Lopez 2010, pp. 1–2.
  86. ^ a b Quiroga 2007, pp. 171–172.
  87. ^ a b Radcliff 2017, p. 153.
  88. ^ Carr 1966, p. 579.
  89. ^ Whealey 1988, p. 133.
  90. ^ Carreras, Tafunell & Torres 2000, p. 230.
  91. ^ Martin 2019, p. 277.
  92. ^ Sharman 2021, p. 200.
  93. ^ Carr 1966, pp. 579–581.
  94. ^ Salvadó 1999, p. 54.
  95. ^ Payne 1999, p. 32.
  96. ^ Radcliff 2017, pp. 153–154.
  97. ^ Ben-Ami 1983, pp. 274–281.
  98. ^ Rial 1978, p. 265.
  99. ^ Martin 2019, pp. 277–278.
  100. ^ Ben-Ami 1983, pp. 334–338.
  101. ^ Jorge-Sotelo 2019, pp. 49–50.
  102. ^ Rial 1978, pp. 157–166.
  103. ^ Ben-Ami 1983, p. 338-349.
  104. ^ Casanova & Gil Andrés 2014, p. 93.
  105. ^ Berman 2019, p. 267.

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  • Whealey, Robert H. (1988). "Anglo-American Oil Confronts Spanish Nationalism, 1927–31: A Study of Economic Imperialism". Diplomatic History. 12 (2): 111–126.
  • Carreras, Albert; Tafunell, Xavier; Torres, Eugenio (2000). "The Rise and Decline of Spanish State-Owned Firms". The Rise and Fall of State-Owned Enterprise in the Western World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521780810.
  • Sharman, Nick (2021). "Economic Nationalism to Autarky". Britain’s Informal Empire in Spain, 1830-1950: Free Trade, Protectionism and Military Power. Cham: Springer International Publishing. ISBN 978-3-030-77949-8.
  • Jorge-Sotelo, Enrique (2019). ‘Escaping’ the Great Depression: Monetary Policy, Financial Crises and Banking in Spain, 1921-1935 (PhD thesis). London School of Economics and Political Science.
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