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'''hehe i made this page look dumb'''''[[Italic text]] |
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{{For|the Italian political movement of "Fascism"|Italian Fascism}} |
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== Headline text == |
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{{For|the book published by Oxford University Press|Fascism (book)}} |
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{{Wiktionary|fascism}} |
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{{Fascism sidebar}} |
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{{Forms of government}} |
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'''Fascism''', {{pronEng|ˈfæʃɪzəm}}, is a [[Political radicalism|radical]] and [[Authoritarianism|authoritarian]] [[Nationalism|nationalist]] political [[ideology]].<ref>Girvin, Brian. ''The Right in the Twentieth Century''. Pinter, 1994. p. 83. Describes fascism as an "anti-liberal radical authoritarian nationalist movement".</ref><ref>Turner, Henry Ashby. ''Reappraisals of Fascism''. New Viewpoints, 1975. p. 162. States fascism's "goals of radical and authoritarian nationalism".</ref><ref>Payne, Stanley. Fascism in Spain, 1923-1977. [[University of Wisconsin Press]], 1992. p. 43. Payne describes Spanish fascist [[José Antonio Primo de Rivera]]'s objectives, saying "Young José Antonio's primary political passion was and would long remain the vindication of his father's work, which he was now trying to conceptualize in a radical, authoritarian nationalist form."</ref><ref>Larsen, Stein Ugelvik; Hagtvet, Bernt; Myklebust, Jan Petter. ''Who were the Fascists Fascists: social roots of European Fascism''. p. 424. This reference calls fascism an "organized form of integrative radical nationalist authoritarianism"</ref> Fascists seek to organize a [[nation]] on [[Corporatism|corporatist]] perspectives; values; and systems such as the political system and the economy.<ref>Wiarda, Howard J. ''Corporatism and comparative politics''. M.E. Sharpe, 1996. p. 12.</ref><ref>E.G. Noel O'Sullivan's five major themes of fascism are: corporatism, revolution, the leader principle, messianic faith, and autarky. The Fascism Reader by Aristotle A. Kallis says, "1. Corporatism. The most important claim made by fascism was that it alone could offer the creative prospect of a 'third way' between [[capitalism]] and socialism. [[Adolf Hitler]], in ''[[Mein Kampf]]'', spoke enthusiastically about the 'National Socialist corporative idea' as one which would eventually 'take the place of ruinous class warfare'; whilst [[Benito Mussolini]], in typically extravagant fashion, declared that 'the Corporative System is destined to become the civilization of the twentieth century.'"</ref> Scholars generally consider fascism to be on the [[far right]] of the conventional [[Left-right politics|left-right political spectrum]],<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.publiceye.org/eyes/whatfasc.html |title= What is Fascism? Some General Ideological Features |last=Lyons |first=Matthew N. |work=PublicEye.org |publisher=Political Research Associates |
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|accessdate=2009-10-27}}</ref><ref name="ah.brookes.ac.uk">Griffin, Roger: "The Palingenetic Core of Fascism", ''Che cos'è il fascismo? Interpretazioni e prospettive di ricerche'', Ideazione editrice, Rome, 2003 [http://ah.brookes.ac.uk/resources/griffin/coreoffascism.pdf AH.Brookes.ac.uk]</ref><ref name="GELM5-W_zMwC 1999, p 3">[http://books.google.com/books?id=GELM5-W_zMwC&pg=PA3 Stackleberg, Rodney: ''Hitler's Germany'', Routeledge, 1999, p 3]</ref><ref name="Eatwell, Roger pp 71">Eatwell, Roger: "A 'Spectral-Syncretic Approach to Fascism', ''The Fascism Reader'', Routledge, 2003 pp 71–80 |
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[http://books.google.com/books?id=tP2wXl5nzboC&pg=PA71 Books.google.com]</ref><ref name="Lipset, Seymour 2003, pp |
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112">Lipset, Seymour: "Fascism as Extremism of the Middle Class", ''The Fascism Reader'', Routledge, 2003, pp 112–116</ref><ref>[[Benito Mussolini]]'s ''[[Doctrine of Fascism]]'' regards fascism as [[right-wing politics|right-wing]] and [[collectivism|collectivist]], but it also declares that fascism is sympathetic to ameliorating the conditions that brought about the rise of [[Left-wing politics|left-wing]] political movements, such as [[class conflict]] [[socialism]] and [[liberal democracy]], while simultaneously opposing the [[egalitarianism]] associated with the left. "We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the 'right', a Fascist century." ... "We are free to believe that this is the 'collective' century, and thus the century of the state. It is eminently reasonable for a new doctrine to make use of still-vital elements from other doctrines," ... " "Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State—a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values—interprets, develops, and potentiates the whole life of a people." (p. 14) "The Fascist negation of socialism, democracy, liberalism, should not, however, be interpreted as implying a desire to drive the world backwards to positions occupied prior to 1789, a year commonly referred to as that which opened the demo-liberal century. History does not travel backwards. The Fascist doctrine has not taken De Maistre as its prophet. Monarchical absolutism is of the past, and so is ecclesiolatry. Dead and done for are feudal privileges and the division of society into closed, uncommunicating castes. Neither has the Fascist conception of authority anything in common with that of a police ridden State." ... "Fascism is therefore opposed to Socialism to which unity within the State (which amalgamates classes into a single economic and ethical reality) is unknown, and which sees in history nothing but the class struggle. Fascism is likewise opposed to trade unionism as a class weapon. But when brought within the orbit of the State, Fascism recognises the real needs which gave rise to socialism and trade-unionism, giving them due weight in the guild or corporative system in which divergent interests are coordinated and harmonised in the unity of the State." (p.15) "In rejecting democracy Fascism rejects the absurd conventional lie of political equalitarianism, the habit of collective irresponsibility, the myth of felicity and indefinite progress." ... "Fascism denies that numbers, as such, can be the determining factor in human society; it denies the right of numbers to govern by means of periodical consultations; it asserts the irremediable and fertile and beneficent inequality of men who cannot be leveled by any such mechanical and extrinsic device as universal suffrage." '''Doctrine of Fascism'''.</ref> although some scholars claim that fascism has been influenced by both the left and the right.<ref>Sternhell, Zeev; Sznajder, Mario; Ashéri, Maia; Massel, David (translation). ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press: 1994. pp. 190-193.</ref><ref>Payne, Stanley G. ''A history of fascism, 1914-1945''. Oxon: The Board of Regents of the University of Wisconson System, 2005 (digital edition). p. 112.</ref> |
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Fascists believe that a nation is an [[Organicism|organic]] community that requires strong leadership, singular collective identity, and the will and ability to commit violence and wage war in order to keep the nation strong.<ref name="Grčić, Joseph 2000. p. 120">Grčić, Joseph. ''Ethics and political theory''. Lanham, Maryland, USA: University of America, Inc, 2000. p. 120</ref> They claim that culture is created by collective national society and its state, that cultural ideas are what give individuals identity, and thus rejects [[individualism]].<ref name="Grčić, Joseph 2000. p. 120"/> In viewing the nation as an integrated collective community, they claim that [[Ontological pluralism|pluralism]] is a dysfunctional aspect of society, and justify a [[Totalitarianism|totalitarian]] state as a means to represent the nation in its entirety.<ref>Mussolini, Benito. 1935. Fascism: Doctrine and Institutions. Rome: Ardita Publishers. p 14. "The Fascist conception of the State is all-embracing; outside of it no human or spiritual values can exist, much less have value. Thus understood, Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State—a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values—interprets, develops, and potentiates the whole life of a people."</ref><ref>Griffen, Roger (ed). 1995. "The Legal Basis of the Total State" – by Carl Schmitt. ''Fascism''. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 72."Nazi political theorist [[Carl Schmitt]] described the Nazi intention to form a "strong state which guarantees a totality of political unity transcending all diversity" in order to avoid a "disasterous pluralism tearing the German people apart."</ref> They advocate the creation of a [[single-party state]].<ref>De Grand, Alexander. ''Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: the "fascist" style of rule''. Routledge, 2004. p. 28.</ref> Fascist governments forbid and suppress openness and opposition to the fascist state and the fascist movement.<ref>Kent, Allen; Lancour, Harold; Nasri, William Z. ''Encyclopedia of Library and Information Science: Volume 62 - Supplement 25 - Automated Discourse Generation to the User-Centered Revolution: 1970-1995.'' CRC Press, 1998. ISBN 0824720628, 9780824720629. p. 69.</ref> They identify violence and war as actions that create national [[regeneration]], spirit and [[Vitalism|vitality]].<ref>Griffin, Roger (ed.); Feldman, Matthew (ed.). ''Fascism: Fascism and culture''. London, UK; New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. p. 185.</ref> |
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Fascists reject and resist autonomy of cultural or ethnic groups who are not considered part of the fascists' nation and who refuse to assimilate or are unable to be assimilated.<ref name="Pax Romanizing">"[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,754480,00.html Pax Romanizing]". TIME Magazine, 31 December 1934. The Fascist International declared their opposition to the seeking of autonomy and cultural distinction of Jewish groups in Europe, claiming that such attempts were dangerous and an affront to national unity.</ref> They consider attempts to create such autonomy as an affront and threat to the nation.<ref name="Pax Romanizing"/> |
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Fascism is strongly opposed to core aspects of the [[Age of Enlightenment|Enlightenment]] and is an opponent of [[Liberalism|liberalism]], [[Marxism]], and [[Mainstream|mainstream]] [[Socialism|socialism]] for being associated with failures that fascists claim are inherent in the Enlightenment.<ref>Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Pp. 1-4.</ref> Fascists view [[Egalitarianism|egalitarianism]], [[Materialism|materialism]], and [[Rationalism|rationalism]] as failed elements of the Enlightenment.<ref>Payne, Stanley G. ''A history of fascism, 1914-1945''. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 1995, 2005 (Digital Printing edition). Pp. 8.</ref> They oppose [[liberalism]] — as a [[bourgeois]] movement — and [[Marxism]] — as a [[Proletariat|proletarian]] movement — for being exclusive economic class-based movements.<ref>Walter Laqueur, Walter. ''Fascism: A Readers' Guide : Analysis, Interpretations, Bibliography''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA: University of California Press, 1976 (first edition, 1978 (paperback edition). p. 338.</ref> They present their ideology as that of an economically trans-class movement that promotes ending economic [[class conflict]] to secure national solidarity.<ref>Griffin, Roger. ''The Nature of Fascism''. New York, New York, USA: St. Martins Press, 1991. pp. 222-223.</ref> They believe that economic classes are not capable of properly running a nation, and that a merit-based [[aristocracy]] of experienced military persons must rule through regimenting a nation's forces of production and securing the nation's independence.<ref>Gregor, Anthony James. ''Mussolini's intellectuals: fascist social and political thought''. Princeton University Press, 2004. p. 172.</ref> |
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Fascists support a "[[Third Position]]" in economic policy, which they believed superior to both the rampant [[individualism]] of [[laissez-faire|laissez-faire capitalism]] and the severe control of [[state socialism]].<ref>Peter Davies, Derek Lynch. The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. Routledge, 2002. p. 146</ref><ref>Heywood, Andrew. Key Concepts in Politics. Palgrave Macmillan, 2000. p. 78</ref> |
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Following the defeat of the [[Axis powers]] in [[World War II]] and the publicity surrounding the atrocities committed during the period of fascist governments, the term [[Fascist (epithet)|''fascist'']] has been used as a [[pejorative]] word,<ref>Gregor. Mussolini's Intellectuals: Fascist Social and Political Thought, Princeton University Press, 2005 ISBN 0691120099 282 p. 4</ref> often referring to widely varying movements across the political spectrum.<ref>George Orwell, What is Fascism? http://www.orwell.ru/library/articles/As_I_Please/english/efasc</ref> |
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==Etymology== |
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The term ''fascismo'' is derived from the [[Italian language|Italian]] word ''[[fascio]]'', which means "bundle" or group, and from the [[Latin language|Latin]] word ''[[fasces]]''. The fasces, which consisted of a bundle of rods that were tied around an axe, was an [[Ancient Rome|ancient Roman]] symbol of the authority of the civic [[Roman Magistrates|magistrate]]. They were carried by his [[lictor]]s and could be used for [[Corporal punishment|corporal]] and [[capital punishment]] at his command.<ref>{{cite book | last = New World | first =Websters | title =Webster's II New College Dictionary| publisher =Houghton Mifflin Reference Books| isbn =0618396012 | year = 2005}}</ref><ref name="paynee">{{cite book | last = Payne | first =Stanley | title =A History of Fascism, 1914-45| publisher =[[University of Wisconsin Press]]| isbn =0299148742 | year = 1995}}</ref> The word ''fascismo'' also relates to political organizations in Italy known as [[fasci]], groups similar to [[Guild|guilds]] or [[Syndicate|syndicates]]. |
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The symbolism of the fasces suggested ''strength through unity'': a single rod is easily broken, while the bundle is difficult to break.<ref>{{cite book | last =Doordan | first =Dennis P| title =In the Shadow of the Fasces: Political Design in Fascist Italy| publisher =The MIT Press| isbn =0299148742 | year =1995}}</ref> Similar symbols were developed by different fascist movements. For example the [[Falange]] symbol is a bunch of arrows joined together by a [[yoke]].<ref>{{cite book | last = Parkins | first =Wendy | title =Fashioning the Body Politic: Dress, Gender, Citizenship| publisher =Berg Publishers| isbn =1859735878 | year = 2002}}</ref> |
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==Definitions== |
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{{Main|Definitions of fascism}} |
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Historians, political scientists, and other scholars have engaged in long debates concerning the exact nature of fascism.<ref name="pheonix">{{cite book |last=Gregor |first=A. James |title=Phoenix: Fascism in Our Time |publisher=Transaction Publishers |isbn=0765808552 |year=2002}}</ref> Since the 1990s, scholars like [[Stanley Payne]], Roger Eatwell, [[Roger Griffin]] and [[Robert O. Paxton]] have begun to gather a rough consensus on the system's core tenets. Each form of fascism is distinct, leaving many definitions as too wide or too narrow.<ref name="deff">{{cite book |last=Payne |first=Stanley G |title=Fascism, Comparison and Definition |publisher=University of Wisconsin Press |isbn=0299080641 |year=1983}}</ref><ref name="intelligentguide">{{cite book |last=Griffiths |first=Richard |title=An Intelligent Person's Guide to Fascism |publisher=Duckworth}}</ref> |
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Griffin wrote: |
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<blockquote> |
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<nowiki>[Fascism is]</nowiki> a genuinely revolutionary, trans-class form of anti-liberal, and in the last analysis, anti-conservative nationalism. As such it is an ideology deeply bound up with modernization and modernity, one which has assumed a considerable variety of external forms to adapt itself to the particular historical and national context in which it appears, and has drawn a wide range of cultural and intellectual currents, both left and right, anti-modern and pro-modern, to articulate itself as a body of ideas, slogans, and doctrine. In the inter-war period it manifested itself primarily in the form of an elite-led "armed party" which attempted, mostly unsuccessfully, to generate a populist mass movement through a liturgical style of politics and a programme of radical policies which promised to overcome a threat posed by international socialism, to end the degeneration affecting the nation under liberalism, and to bring about a radical renewal of its social, political and cultural life as part of what was widely imagined to be the new era being inaugurated in Western civilization. The core mobilizing myth of fascism which conditions its ideology, propaganda, style of politics and actions is the vision of the nation's imminent rebirth from decadence.<ref>Roger Griffin, ''[http://ah.brookes.ac.uk/history/staff/griffin/coreoffascism.pdf The palingenetic core of generic fascist ideology]'', Chapter published in Alessandro Campi (ed.), ''Che cos'è il fascismo?'' Interpretazioni e prospettive di ricerche, Ideazione editrice, Roma, 2003, pp. 97–122.</ref></blockquote> |
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Paxton wrote that fascism is: |
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<blockquote> |
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a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion.<ref name="anatomnyfascismo"/></blockquote> |
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===Position in the political spectrum=== |
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Fascism is normally described as "[[Far right|extreme right]]",<ref>Eatwell, Roger: "A Spectral-Syncretic Approach to Fascism", ''The Fascism Reader'', Routledge, 2003, p 79. [http://books.google.com/books?id=tP2wXl5nzboC&pg=PA79 Books.Google.com]</ref> although some writers have found placing fascism on a conventional [[left (politics)|left]]-right [[political spectrum]] difficult.<ref>Turner, Stephen P., Käsler, Dirk: ''Sociology Responds to Fascism'', Routledge. 2004, p 222</ref> There is a scholarly consensus that fascism was influenced by both the left and the right.<ref name="ah.brookes.ac.uk">Griffin, Roger: "The Palingenetic Core of Fascism", ''Che cos'è il fascismo? Interpretazioni e prospettive di ricerche'', Ideazione editrice, Rome, 2003 [http://ah.brookes.ac.uk/resources/griffin/coreoffascism.pdf]</ref> A number of historians have regarded fascism either as a revolutionary centrist doctrine, as a doctrine which mixes philosophies of the left and the right, or as both of those things.<ref name="GELM5-W_zMwC 1999, p 3"/><ref name="Eatwell, Roger pp 71">Eatwell, Roger: "A 'Spectral-Syncretic Approach to Fascism', ''The Fascism Reader'', Routledge, 2003 pp 71–80 [http://books.google.com/books?id=tP2wXl5nzboC&pg=PA71]</ref><ref name="Lipset, Seymour 2003, pp 112">Lipset, Seymour: "Fascism as Extremism of the Middle Class", ''The Fascism Reader'', Routledge, 2003, pp 112–116</ref> |
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The historians [[Eugen Weber]],<ref>Weber, Eugen. ''Varieties of Fascism: Doctrines of Revolution in the Twentieth Century'', New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, [1964] 1982. p. 8.</ref> David Renton,<ref>Renton, David. ''Fascism: Theory and Practice'', London: Pluto Press, 1999.</ref> and Robert Soucy<ref>Jenkins, Brian (ed). ''France in the Era of Fascis''’, Oxford: Beghahan Books, 2005, p 66.</ref> view fascism as on the ideological right. Rod Stackelberg argues that fascism opposes [[egalitarianism]] (particularly racial) and democracy, which according to him are characteristics that make it an extreme right-wing movement.<ref>Stackleberg, Roderick: ''Hitler's Germany'', London: Routeledge, 1999, p 17</ref> Stanley Payne states that pre-war fascism found a coherent identity through alliances with right-wing movements<ref>Stanley G. Payne, ''Fascism: Comparison and Definition''. University of Wisconsin Press, 1983, p3.</ref> [[Roger Griffin]] argues that since the end of [[World War II]], fascist movements have become intertwined with the radical right, describing certain groups as part of a "fascist radical right".<ref>Roger Griffin, Interregnum or Endgame?: Radical Right Thought in the ‘Post-fascist’ Era, ''The Journal of Political Ideologies,'' vol. 5, no. 2, July 2000, pp. 163–78</ref><ref>‘Non Angeli, sed Angli: the neo-populist foreign policy of the "New" BNP', in Christina Liang (ed.) Europe for the Europeans: the foreign and security policy of the populist radical right (Ashgate, Hampshire, 2007) ISBN 0754648516</ref> |
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[[Walter Laqueur]] says that historical fascism "did not belong to the extreme Left, yet defining it as part of the [[Far right|extreme Right]] is not very illuminating either", but that it "was always a coalition between radical, populist ('fascist') elements and others gravitating toward the extreme Right".<ref>Laqueur, Walter. ‘’Fascism Past, Present and Future’’, Oxford, OUP, 1997</ref> |
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Payne says "fascists were unique in their hostility to all the main established currents, left right and center", noting that they allied with both left and right, but more often the right.<ref>Stanley G. Payne, ''Fascism: Comparison and Definition''. University of Wisconsin Press. 1983. ISBN 9780299080648. p. 8 an 104</ref><ref>[http://books.google.com/books?id=9wHNrF7nFecC&pg=RA1-PA16&dq=payne Books.google.com]</ref> However, he contends that German Nazism was closer to Russian communism than to any other non-communist system.<ref>Stanley G. Payne. ''Fascism: Comparison and Definition''. University of Wisconsin Press. 1983. ISBN 9780299080648. p. 104</ref> |
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The position that fascism is neither right nor left is supported by a number of contemporary historians and sociologists, including [[Seymour Martin Lipset]]<ref>Lipset, Seymour. ‘’Political Man’’, New York, Anchor Books, 1960, p 141</ref> and Roger Griffin.<ref>Griffin, Roger. ‘’The Nature of Fascism’’, London, Routeledge, 1991</ref> Griffin argued, "Not only does the location of fascism within the right pose taxonomic problems, there are good ground for cutting this particular Gordian knot altogether by placing it in a category of its own "beyond left and right."<ref name="natureoffascismo">{{cite book |last=Griffin |first=Roger |title=The Nature of Fascism |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |isbn=0312071329 |year=1991}}</ref> |
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On economic issues, fascists reject ideas of [[class conflict]] and [[Internationalism (politics)|internationalism]], which are commonly held by [[Marxist]]s and international socialists, in favour of [[class collaboration]] and [[statist]] [[nationalism]].<ref>{{cite book |last=Counts|first=George Sylvester|publisher=Ayer Publishing|title=Bolshevism, Fascism, and Capitalism: An Account of the Three Economic Systems|isbn=0836918665 |year=1970}}</ref><ref name="gentile">{{cite book |last=Gregor|first=A. James|publisher=Transaction Pub|title=Giovanni Gentile: Philosopher Of Fascism|isbn=0765805936 |year=2004}}</ref> However, Italian fascism also declared its objection to excessive capitalism, which it called [[Supercapitalism (concept in Italian Fascism)|supercapitalism]].<ref name="Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta 2000. Pp. 136">Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta. ''Fascist Spectacle: The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini's Italy''. University of California Press, 2000. Pp. 136.</ref> [[Zeev Sternhell]] sees fascism as an anti-[[Marxism|Marxist]] form of socialism.<ref>Sternhell, Zeev, in Laqueur (ed.), ''Fascism: A Reader's Guide'', Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976, pp. 315–76</ref> |
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A number of fascist movements described themselves as a "third force" that was outside the traditional political spectrum altogether.<ref>Mosse, G: "Toward a General Theory of Fascism", ''Fascism'', ed. Griffin, Routeledge, 2003</ref> Mussolini promoted ambiguity about fascism's positions in order to rally as many people to it as possible, saying fascists can be "aristocrats or democrats, revolutionaries and reactionaries, [[proletarians]] and anti-proletarians, pacifists and anti-pacifists".<ref name="Neocleous, Mark 1997. Pp. 54">Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis: [[University of Minnesota Press]], 1997. Pp. 54.</ref> Mussolini claimed that Italian Fascism's economic system of [[corporatism]] could be identified as either [[state capitalism]] or [[state socialism]], which in either case involved "the bureaucratisation of the economic activities of the nation."<ref name="Mussolini, Benito 1933 Pp. 158–159">Mussolini, Benito; Schnapp, Jeffery Thompson (ed.); Sears, Olivia E. (ed.); Stampino, Maria G. (ed.). "Address to the National Corporative Council (14 November 1933) and Senate Speech on the Bill Establishing the Corporations (abridged; 13 January 1934)". ''A Primer of Italian Fascism''. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. Pp. 158–159.</ref> Mussolini described fascism in any language he found useful.<ref name="Neocleous, Mark 1997. Pp. 54"/><ref>[http://books.google.com/books?id=F4AYGALitgsC&pg=PA198 Books.Google.com] "a final indicator of the amibiguity between left and right extremes is that many militants switch sides, including the very founder of fascism, Benito Mussolini" Terrorism today, Christopher C. Harmon, Routledge, 2000 ISBN 0714649988, 9780714649986 316 pages</ref> Spanish Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera was critical of both left-wing and right-wing politics, once saying that "basically the Right stands for the maintenance of an economic structure, albeit an unjust one, while the Left stands for the attempt to subvert that economic structure, even though the subversion thereof would entail the destruction of much that was worthwhile".<ref>Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997. Pp. 58.</ref> |
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Roger Eatwell sees terminology associated with the traditional “left-right” political spectrum as failing to fully capture the complex nature of the ideology<ref>Eatwell, Roger: "A Spectral-Syncretic Approach to Fascism", ''The Fascism Reader'', Routledge, 2003, pp 79–80</ref> and many other political scientists have posited multi-dimensional alternatives to the traditional linear left-right spectrum.<ref>[http://books.google.com/books?id=aiz8xT-imf8C&pg=PA28 Books.Google.com] Key concepts in politics, Andrew Heywood, Palgrave Macmillan, 2000 ISBN 0312233817, 9780312233815 281 pages page 28 "various horseshoe shaped and two dimensional spectrums have been developed to offer a more complete picture of ideological positions"</ref> In some [[Political spectrum|two dimensional political models]], such as the [[Political Compass]] (where left and right are described in purely economic terms), fascism is ascribed to the economic centre, with its extremism expressing itself on the authoritarianism axis instead.<ref>[http://www.politicalcompass.org/analysis2 The Political Compass, Analysis]</ref> |
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===''Fascist'' as epithet=== |
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{{Main|Fascist (epithet)}} |
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In political discourse, the term "fascist" is commonly used to denote authoritarian tendencies, but is often used as a pejorative [[epithet]] by adherents to both left-wing and right-wing politics to denigrate those with opposing viewpoints. [[George Orwell]] wrote in 1944 that "the word ‘Fascism’ is almost entirely meaningless ... almost any English person would accept ‘bully’ as a synonym for ‘Fascist’".<ref name="orwell1944">{{cite news|url=http://orwell.ru/library/articles/As_I_Please/english/efasc|publisher=Orwell.ru|title=George Orwell: ‘What is Fascism?’|date=8 January 2008}}</ref></blockquote> Richard Griffiths argued in 2005 that "fascism" is the "most misused, and over-used word, of our times".<ref name="intelligentguide">{{cite book |last=Griffiths |first=Richard |title=An Intelligent Person's Guide to Fascism|publisher=Duckworth|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=Y668AAAACAAJ&dq=Griffiths,+Richard |isbn=0715629182 |year=2000}}</ref> "Fascist" is sometimes applied to post-war organisations and ways of thinking that academics more commonly term "[[neo-fascism|neo-fascist]]".<ref>{{cite book |last=Woolf|first=Stuart |title=Fascism in Europe|publisher=Methuen|http://books.google.com/books?id=iaMOAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA18 |year=1981}}</ref> |
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==Historical causes of the rise of fascism== |
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There are a variety of views on what led to the rise of fascism. One view is that fascism in Italy was a response to the perceived failings of [[democracy]], [[liberalism]] and [[Marxism]], which were seen as either favouring [[individualism]] or [[Internationalism (politics)|internationalism]] at the expense of the [[nation]].<ref name="Griffin, Roger 1998. pp. 177-178">Griffin, Roger (ed.). Linz, Juan. "Crisis of democracy after the First World War". ''International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus''. London: Arnold Publishers, 1998. pp. 177–178.</ref><ref>Turner, Stephen P. (ed.); Käsler, Dirk (ed.). Sociology Responds to Fascism. Routledge. p. 128.</ref> Fascism presented itself as a radical [[Nationalism|nationalist]] alternative to [[Bolshevism]]. It nevertheless incorporated aspects of Bolshevism, such as the single-party state, elite rule over the masses, and appeals to the [[proletariat]].<ref>Griffin, Roger (ed.). Linz, Juan. "Crisis of democracy after the First World War". ''International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus''. London: Arnold Publishers, 1998. pp. 176, 180.</ref> At a time when war veterans were facing unemployment and other economic problems, fascists promoted a form of [[collectivism]], calling for the end of [[bourgeois]] individualism, as well as opposing Marxism for its [[anti-nationalism]] and perceived anti-patriotism.<ref name="Griffin, Roger 1998. pp. 177-178"/> |
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The creation of the [[League of Nations]] after World War I aggravated nationalists, who saw the organization as imposing an internationalist political order upon nations.<ref name="Griffin, Roger 1998. p. 180">Griffin, Roger (ed.). Linz, Juan. "Crisis of democracy after the First World War". ''International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus''. London: Arnold Publishers, 1998. p. 180.</ref> Fascists saw the league as only benefiting wealthy capitalist democracies.<ref name="Griffin, Roger 1998. p. 180"/> Disillusionment with liberalism deepened with the [[Wall Street Crash of 1929|1929 stock market crash]] and the [[Great Depression]].<ref>Turner, Stephen P. (ed.); Käsler, Dirk (ed.). Sociology Responds to Fascism. Routledge. pp. 128, 131.</ref> Alfredo Rocco, Benito Mussolini and Giovanni Gentile justified fascism as answering a need for purpose in an absurd world.<ref>A. Rocco, The Political Doctrine of Fascism, 1925</ref><ref>Benito Mussolini, The Doctrine of Fascism, 1932</ref><ref>Giovanni Gentile, The Philosophic Basis of Fascism, 1928</ref> Mussolini wrote: |
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...it is a spiritualized conception, itself the result of the general reaction of modern times against the flabby materialistic positivism of the nineteenth century. Anti-positivistic, but positive: not skeptical, nor agnostic, nor pessimistic, nor passively optimistic, as are, in general, the doctrines (all negative) that put the center of life outside man, who with his free will can and must create his own world. Fascism desires an active man, one engaged in activity with all his energies: it desires a man virilely conscious of the difficulties that exist in action and ready to face them. It conceives of life as a struggle, considering that it behooves man to conquer for himself that life truly worthy of him, creating first of all in himself the instrument (physical, moral, intellectual) in order to construct it.<ref>Benito Mussolini, The Doctrine of Fascism, 1932, translated in The Social and Political Doctrines of Contemporary Europe, 1939, ed. Michael Oakeshott, Cambridge University Press</ref> |
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</blockquote> |
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== Ideological origins of Fascism == |
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Fascism is based upon a number of ideological origins from across the political spectrum. Benito Mussolini had a strong attachment to the works of [[Plato]].<ref>Ludwig, Emile; Mussolini, Benito. ''Talks with Mussolini''. Boston: Little Brown & Company, 1933. p. 130.</ref> In ''[[The Republic (Plato)|The Republic]]'' (c. 380 BCE), Plato advocated a system of elite minority rule by highly educated, intellectual rulers called [[philosopher king]]s who were within a class of elite warriors named "guardians" that were allowed to exercise total control over the politics and security of a society. This argument has been considered an inspiration for fascism's promotion of elite rule by a supreme leader and a single-party state.<ref>Jayapalan, N. ''Plato''. New Delhi, India: Atlantic Publishers and Distributors, 1999. p. 81.</ref> Similarly, [[Vilfredo Pareto]]'s endorsement of an elite minority-led [[Oligarchy|oligarchical]] government was an influence on fascists.<ref>Aron, Raymond Main Currents in Sociological Thought: Durkheim, Pareto, Weber. Vol. 2. New Brunswick, New Jersey, USA: Transaction Publishers, 2009 (3rd ed.). p. 194-195.</ref> Mussolini and [[Margherita Sarfatti]] identified both Plato and Pareto as the source of fascism's constantly changing character.<ref name="Mussolini, Benito 2004. p. 102">Mussolini, Benito; Sarfatti, Margherita G; Whyte, Frederic (translator). ''The Life of Benito Mussolini''. Kessinger Publishing: 1925 (original), 2004. p. 102.</ref> They claim that movement and correction of flaws in ideas renews an ideology and keeps it from becoming corrupt or outdated.<ref name="Mussolini, Benito 2004. p. 102"/> |
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Mussolini modeled his dictatorship and totalitarian aims on [[Julius Caesar]].<ref>Griffin, Miriam. A Companion to Julius Caesar. Oxford, UK; West Sussex, UK; Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, Ltd, 2009. p. 437.</ref> Mussolini described his personal admiration of Caesar, claiming that Caesar had "the resolve of a warrior and the resourcefulness of a wise man".<ref>Wyke, Maria. ''Julius Caesar in western culture''. Malden, Massachusetts, USA; Oxford, England, UK; Carlton, Victoria, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, Ltd, 2006. Pp. 249.</ref> The Fascists' [[March on Rome]] in 1922 was based on the crossing of the [[Rubicon]] river by Caesar and his forces when they seized power in Rome in 49 BCE.<ref>Borgese, G. A. ''Goliath - The March of Fascism''. New York, USA: Viking Press, 2007. p. 242.</ref> Shortly after seizing power with the March on Rome, Mussolini went to the [[Roman Forum]] and stood before the ruins to pay homage to Caesar.<ref>Wyke, Maria. ''Julius Caesar in western culture''. Malden, Massachusetts, USA; Oxford, England, UK; Carlton, Victoria, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, Ltd, 2006. Pp. 249.</ref> The Italian Fascist government presented Caesar as a national hero and had multiple statues of Caesar constructed across Italy.<ref>Wyke, Maria. ''Julius Caesar in western culture''. Malden, Massachusetts, USA; Oxford, England, UK; Carlton, Victoria, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, Ltd, 2006. Pp. 249.</ref> |
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Mussolini studied ''[[The Prince]]'' (1532) by [[Niccolo Machiavelli]], and produced a thesis on it for the [[University of Bologna]] in 1924.<ref name="Mussolini, Benito 2004. p. 102"/> Mussolini admired Machiavelli as a capable statesman and a thinker.<ref name="Mussolini, Benito 2004. p. 102"/> Mussolini identified Machiavelli's conception of "the prince" as the personification of the state, and sympathized with Machiavelli's negative conception of most people having the tendency to be self-centred and unethical.<ref name="Mussolini, Benito 2004. p. 102"/> Mussolini, like Machiavelli, claimed that populations were unfit to govern themselves, and that they needed leadership to direct their lives.<ref>Mussolini, Benito; Sarfatti, Margherita G; Whyte, Frederic (translator). ''The Life of Benito Mussolini''. Kessinger Publishing: 1925 (original), 2004. p. 132.</ref> |
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Fascism is believed to have been significantly influenced by the political concept of [[Absolute monarchy|absolute monarchy]] as conceived by [[Thomas Hobbes]] in ''[[Leviathan (book)|Leviathan]]'' (1651).<ref>Downs,Robert B. Books That Changed the World. Revised ed. New York, New York, USA: New American Library, 2004. Pp. 25.</ref>.<ref>Borgese, G. A. ''Goliath - The March of Fascism''. New York, USA: Viking Press, 2007. p. 335.</ref> |
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Fascism is connected to the theories of [[Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel]]. This connection to [[Hegelianism]] is also shared by [[Marxism]], but fascism focuses on the elements of [[Hegelianism]] that [[Karl Marx]] detracted from.<ref>Berman, Art. ''Preface to modernism''. Chicago, Illinois, USA: Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois, 1994. Pp. 242.</ref> While Marxism focuses on rationalism and [[empiricism]] elements of Hegelianism, fascism focuses on the [[Spiritualism|spiritualist]] elements of Hegelianism.<ref>Berman, Art. ''Preface to modernism''. Chicago, Illinois, USA: Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois, 1994. Pp. 242.</ref> Fascism's link to Hegelianism is linked to the nationalistic Italian [[Neo-idealism|neo-idealist]] movement that adhered to Hegel's positive perception of the state and his advocacy of a [[Corporatism|corporative]] [[Organicism|organic]] state.<ref>Marcuse, Herbet. ''Reason and revolution: Hegel and the rise of social theory, Volume 1954.'' 7th ed. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul Limited, 1977. 402-403.</ref> that One of fascism's major philosophers, [[Giovanni Gentile]] was a Hegelian.<ref>Germino, Dante L. ''The Italian Fascist Party in power: a study in totalitarian rule''. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota / Jones Press, Inc, 1959. Pp. 135.</ref> Gentile faced opposition from some Italian Fascists who attacked him for being too attached to Hegelianism and for being too dominant to be considered loyal to fascism and to Mussolini.<ref>Germino, Dante L. ''The Italian Fascist Party in power: a study in totalitarian rule''. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota / Jones Press, Inc, 1959. Pp. 135.</ref> After the [[Second Italo-Abyssinian War]] Gentile's influence in the [[National Fascist Party]] (PNF) collapsed, with philosophical influence being centralized to Mussolini's will.<ref>Germino, Dante L. ''The Italian Fascist Party in power: a study in totalitarian rule''. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota / Jones Press, Inc, 1959. Pp. 135.</ref> |
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Mussolini and [[Gabriele d'Annunzio]] were influenced by [[Friedrich Nietzsche]]'s concept of ''[[übermensch]]'' ("overman" or "superman") and his themes of living dangerously.<ref>Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. ''Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy''. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 236.</ref> D'Annunzio played an important role in bringing Nietzsche's themes into Italy.<ref name="Golomb, Jacob 2002. p. 241">Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. ''Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy''. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 241.</ref> Like Nietzsche, d'Annunzio idealized the [[Renaissance]] as a period of time during which ''übermensch'' ruled and the power of [[Decadence|decadent]] [[nobility]] was disintigrating.<ref name="Golomb, Jacob 2002. p. 241"/> Nietzsche and d'Annunzio both held contempt for [[Christianity]], the [[bourgeois]]ie, democracy, and reformist politics.<ref>Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. ''Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy''. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 241.</ref> D'Annunzio supported the creation of a new state based on an aristocracy of intellectuals, a cult of strength and opposition to democracy.<ref name="Golomb, Jacob 2002. p. 241"/> He believed that the best ideology to exemplify Nietzsche's ''übermensch'' and living dangerously was aggressive [[nationalism]].<ref>Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. ''Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy''. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 242.</ref> During [[World War I]], d'Annunzio evoked Italian nationalist themes of [[irredentism]], claiming that Italy was the heir to the Roman Empire.<ref>Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. ''Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy''. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 242-243.</ref> |
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Mussolini's early political views were heavily influenced by his father, [[Alessandro Mussolini]], a revolutionary socialist who idolized 19th century [[Italian nationalism|Italian nationalist]] figures with [[Humanism|humanist]] tendencies such as [[Carlo Pisacane]], [[Giuseppe Mazzini]], and [[Giuseppe Garibaldi]].<ref>Gregor, Anthony James. ''Young Mussolini and the intellectual origins of fascism''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA; London, England, UK: University of California Press, 1979. Pp. 29</ref> Alessandro Mussolini's political outlook combined the views of [[Anarchism|anarchist]] figures like [[Carlo Cafiero]] and [[Mikhail Bakunin]], the military authoritarianism of Garibaldi, and the nationalism of Mazzini.<ref>Gregor, Anthony James. ''Young Mussolini and the intellectual origins of fascism''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA; London, England, UK: University of California Press, 1979. Pp. 31.</ref> In 1902, at the anniversary of Garibaldi's death, Mussolini made a public speech in praise of the [[Republicanism|republican]] nationalist.<ref>Gregor, Anthony James. ''Young Mussolini and the intellectual origins of fascism''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA; London, England, UK: University of California Press, 1979. Pp. 31.</ref> |
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Prior to becoming a fascist, Mussolini as a socialist was influenced by Nietszche's anti-Christian ideas and negation of God's existence.<ref name="Golomb, Jacob 2002. p. 249">Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. ''Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy''. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 249.</ref> Mussolini saw Nietzsche as similar to [[Jean-Marie Guyau]], who advocated a philosophy of action.<ref name="Golomb, Jacob 2002. p. 249"/> Mussolini's use of Nietzsche made him a highly unorthodox socialist, due to Nietzsche's promotion of elitism and anti-egalitarian views.<ref name="Golomb, Jacob 2002. p. 249"/> Mussolini felt that socialism had faltered due to the failures of Marxist determinism and [[Social democracy|social democratic]] [[reformism]], and believed that Nietzsche's ideas would strengthen socialism.<ref>Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. ''Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy''. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 249.</ref> By the 1900s, Mussolini's writings indicated that he had abandoned [[Marxism]] and [[egalitarianism]] in favour of Nietzsche's ''übermensch'' concept and anti-egalitarianism.<ref>Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. ''Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy''. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 250.</ref> Unlike fascists, however, Nietzsche did not admire the state; in his work ''[[Thus Spoke Zarathustra]]'', he referred to the state as "the coldest of all monsters".<ref>Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. ''Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy''. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 237.</ref> |
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[[Syndicalism|Syndicalist]] philosopher [[Georges Sorel]] is considered a major inspiration for both [[Bolshevism]] and fascism, both of which Sorel supported because they challenged [[bourgeois]] [[democracy]].<ref name="Talmon, Jacob Leib 1991">Talmon, Jacob Leib. ''The Myth of the Nation and Vision of Revolution: Ideological Polarization in the Twentieth Century''. New Brunswick, New Jersey, USA: Transaction Publishers, 1991. pp. 451-452.</ref> Sorel's work ''Reflections on Violence'' (1908) claimed that violence could be moral, especially revolutionary violence that brings substantive positive change in society.<ref name="Payne, Stanley 2005. p. 28">Payne, Stanley. ''A history of fascism, 1914-1945''. UCL Press Ltd, 1995 (original); Digital Printing, 2005. p. 28</ref> Sorel rebuked Marxism, accusing it of becoming decadent, and arguing that it should not resist the free market and free competition, because they would quicken the demise of the bourgeoisie and the victory of the proletariat.<ref name="Payne, Stanley 2005. p. 28"/> |
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Sorel argued that socialists should reject the materialism and rationalism of Marx and instead adopt moral and emotional appeals of ideals and myths to promote their cause.<ref name="Payne, Stanley 2005. p. 28"/> Sorel argued that excessive rationalism is a trait of the bourgeoisie, and that the proletariat's mind is more "primitive", being more able to accept myths.<ref name="Roberts, David D. 1979. p. 77">Roberts, David D. ''The syndicalist tradition and Italian fascism''. University of North Carolina Press, 1979. p. 77</ref> Sorel believed that this was beneficial, because the proletariat would be more willing to accept moral renewal.<ref name="Roberts, David D. 1979. p. 77"/> ''Reflections on Violence'' was highly popular amongst Italian revolutionary syndicalists,<ref name="Payne, Stanley 2005. p. 28"/> one of whom was Mussolini, who later as a fascist acknowledged Sorel's influence on him, saying "What I am, I owe to Sorel".<ref name="Talmon, Jacob Leib 1991"/> |
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Fascism initially had close connections to [[futurism]]; the ''[[Futurist Manifesto]]'' (1909) by [[Filippo Tommaso Marinetti]] "glorified action, technology, and war" and promoted [[Aestheticism#Irrationalism_and_Aestheticism|irrationalism]] over rationalism; the revolutionary entrenchment of [[Modernism (art)|modernist]] and violent art and aesthetics; the destruction of all past aesthetic traditions to liberate modern aesthetics; the promotion of patriotism and [[militarism]]; and contempt of women and [[feminism]].<ref>Pugliese, Stanislao G. ''Fascism, anti-fascism, and the resistance in Italy: 1919 to the present''. Lanham, Maryland, USA: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc, 2004. p. 25-27.</ref> Futurism, like fascism, identified the state in a [[Corporatism|corporatist]] manner as an organic body connected to the nation.<ref name="Hewitt, Andrew 1993. p. 144">Hewitt, Andrew. ''Fascist Modernism: Aesthetics, Politics, and the Avant-Garde.'' Stanford, California, USA: Stanford University Press, 1993. p. 144</ref> However, unlike fascism, the futurist conception of the state proscribed the continuation of democracy, with Marinetti arguing: "Italian democracy is for us a body which must be liberated", this liberation would be achieved through technological development.<ref name="Hewitt, Andrew 1993. p. 144"/> Marinetti was initially drawn to fascism, but rejected it as it adopted more moderate conservative aesthetics once it attained power in Italy.<ref>Pugliese, Stanislao G. ''Fascism, anti-fascism, and the resistance in Italy: 1919 to the present''. Lanham, Maryland, USA: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc, 2004. p. 25</ref> |
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[[Conservatism|Conservative]] influences became a strong factor in Fascism in Italy in spite of differences with other more revolutionary factions of the Italian Fascists.<ref>De Grand, Alexander. ''Italian fascism: its origins & development''. 3rd ed. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. Pp. 145.</ref> Conservatism in Italy was less of an organized political movement like other ideologies, but involved common social traditions such as the emphasis of family, landownership, and faith in religion.<ref>Fascists and conservatives: the radical right and the establishment in twentieth-century Europe. Routledge, 1990. Pp. 14.</ref> Conservative nationalism in particular was an important ideological influence upon fascism. Italian Fascism was influenced by conservative nationalist [[Enrico Corradini]], writer of the prominent nationalist newspaper ''[[Il Regno]]'' and one of the founders and key members of the [[Italian Nationalist Association]].<ref>Bosworth, R. J. B. ''The Oxford Handbook of Fascism''. New York, New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 2009. Pp. 22.</ref> |
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Corradini combined nationalism with [[Social Darwinism|social Darwinism]] and spoke of the need for Italy to overcome its weaknesses by Italy accepting the "iron laws of race", including eliminating foreign influences, pursuing imperialism, incorporating workers into the nation, regenerating the bourgeoisie, while opposing "feminine humanitarianism", liberalism, democracy, and socialism.<ref>Bosworth, R. J. B. ''The Oxford Handbook of Fascism''. New York, New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 2009. Pp. 22.</ref> Two prominent concepts promoted by Corradini inspired fascism , one was Corradini's theory of "war as revolution" and his theory of "proletarian nationalism".<ref>Talmon, Jacob Leib. ''The Myth of the Nation and the Vision of Revolution: The Origins of Ideological Polarization''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA: University of California Press Pp. 484.</ref> Though Corradini opposed the revolutionary socialism in Italy for its anti-patriotism, anti-militarism, internationalism, and its advocacy of class conflict, he and other nationalists admired its revolutionary and conquering spirit, and in a 1910 of the Italian Nationalist Association declared support for proletarian nationalism, saying: |
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“We are the proletarian people in respect to the rest of the world. Nationalism is our socialism. This established, nationalism must be founded on the truth that Italy is morally and materially a proletarian nation.” ''Manifesto of the Italian Nationalist Association, December 1910.''<ref>Talmon, Jacob Leib. ''The Myth of the Nation and the Vision of Revolution: The Origins of Ideological Polarization''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA: University of California Press Pp. 484.</ref> |
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</blockquote> |
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Corradini also studied Sorel's ''Reflections on Violence'', and claimed that in spite of some ideological differences between syndicalism and nationalism, that he desired "a syndicalism which stops at the nation's shores and does not proceed farther".<ref>Talmon, Jacob Leib. ''The Myth of the Nation and the Vision of Revolution: The Origins of Ideological Polarization''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA: University of California Press Pp. 484.</ref> |
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The influence of conservatives in Italian Fascism rose in prominence in 1921, when the National Fascist Party made major alterations to its political agenda, abandoning its previous [[Populism|populism]], [[Republicanism|republicanism]], and [[Anticlericalism|anticlericalism]] resulting in the Italian Fascists adopting policies in support of [[Free enterprise|free enterprise]], and acceptance of the [[Roman Catholic Church]] and the monarchy as institutions in Italy.<ref>De Grand, Alexander. ''Italian fascism: its origins & development''. 3rd ed. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. Pp. 145.</ref> Fascism adopted policies to appeal to Italian conservatives such promoting family values, including promotion of a woman's role as a mother; Roman Catholicism; and opposition to populism.<ref>Fascists and conservatives: the radical right and the establishment in twentieth-century Europe. Routdlege, 1990. Pp. 14.</ref> Upon being appointed Prime Minister of Italy, Mussolini immediately sought support from the leader of Italy's conservative faction in Parliament, [[Luigi Federzoni]], a conservative [[Monarchism|monarchist]] and nationalist who was a member of the [[Italian Nationalist Association]] (ANI) political party, to appease the King of Italy, resulting in close political alliance between the Italian Fascists and Italian conservatives.<ref>De Grand, Alexander. ''Italian fascism: its origins & development''. 3rd ed. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. Pp. 45 and 54.</ref> The ANI along with Federzoni and other members joined the National Fascist Party in 1923.<ref>De Grand, Alexander. ''Italian fascism: its origins & development''. 3rd ed. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. Pp. 45.</ref> |
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Another conservative nationalist from the ANI to become a Fascist, was the prominent economic theorist [[Alfredo Rocco]].<ref>Fascists and conservatives: the radical right and the establishment in twentieth-century Europe. Routdlege, 1990. Pp. 24.</ref><ref>De Grand, Alexander. ''Italian fascism: its origins & development''. 3rd ed. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. Pp. 145.</ref> Rocco was a proponent of economic [[Corporatism|corporatism]] and was a key figure in designing fascist economic policy in Italy that mandated employers and workers to negotiate under the supervision and arbitration of the state, the enhancement of state power over the economy, and forbidding trade union strikes.<ref>The seizure of power: fascism in Italy, 1919-1929. 3rd ed. Abingdon-Oxxon, England, UK; New York, New York, USA, 2004. Pp. 330-331.</ref> Rocco's economic policies were deemed conservative due to their repression of dissent by organized labour and the limited rights accorded to workers that resulted in animosity to the policies by a number fascists associated with organized labour.<ref>The seizure of power: fascism in Italy, 1919-1929. 3rd ed. Abingdon-Oxxon, England, UK; New York, New York, USA, 2004. Pp. 330-331.</ref> |
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Rocco as Minister of Justice of Italy during the Fascist era, spoke of fascism constituting a "conservative revolution" that supported orderly and controlled political change to be carried out by elites that would create policy while resisting pluralism, independent initiative, and attempts at political change by the masses.<ref>Fascists and conservatives: the radical right and the establishment in twentieth-century Europe. Routdlege, 1990. Pp. 21.</ref> These Italian Fascist factions that favoured conciliation with traditional institutions like the monarchy were met with resistance by "[[Intransigent]]" Fascists, hardliners commonly associated with the militant [[Blackshirts]], who wanted the total entrenchment Fascism as the basis of Italy's government.<ref>Payne, Stanley G. 1996. ''A History of Fascism, 1914-1945''. 3rd ed. Ambingdon-Oxxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 Pp. 112.</ref> |
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==Core tenets== |
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===Nationalism=== |
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Fascists saw the struggle of nation and race as fundamental in society, in opposition to communism's perception of class struggle.<ref>Ebenstein, William. 1964. ''Today's Isms: Communism, Fascism, Capitalism, and Socialism.'' Prentice Hall (original from the University of Michigan). p. 178. [http://books.google.com/books?id=Ym0AAAAAMAAJ&q=fascism+%22corporatism%22&dq=fascism+%22corporatism%22&lr=&pgis=1 Books.Google.com]</ref> The fascist view of nation is as a single organic entity which binds people together by their ancestry and is a natural unifying force of people.<ref>Oliver Zimmer, Nationalism in Europe, 1890-1940 (London, Palgrave, 2003), chapter 4, pp. 80–107.</ref> Fascism seeks to solve economic, political, and social problems by achieving a [[Millenarianism|millenarian]] national rebirth, exalting the [[nation]] or [[race (biology)|race]] above all else, and promoting cults of unity, strength and purity.<ref name="anatomnyfascismo">{{cite book |last=Paxton |first=Robert |title=The Anatomy of Fascism |publisher=Vintage Books }}</ref><ref name="natureoffascismo"/><ref name="walterlaq">{{cite book |last=Laqueuer |first=Walter |title=Fascism: Past, Present, Future |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=019511793X |year=1997}} p. 223</ref><ref name="britannicafasc">{{cite news |url=http://search.eb.com/eb/article-9117286 |publisher=[[Encyclopædia Britannica]] |title=Fascism |date=8 January 2008}}</ref><ref name="Passmore">{{cite book |last=Passmore |first=Kevin |title=Fascism: A Very Short Introduction |publisher=Oxford University Press |url=http://books.google.com/books?id=EQG0AAAACAAJ&dq=A+Very |isbn=0192801554 |year=2002}}</ref> Benito Mussolini stated in 1922, "For us the nation is not just territory but something spiritual... A nation is great when it translates into reality the force of its spirit."<ref>Griffen, Roger (ed). ''Fascism''. Oxford University Press, 1995. ISBN0192892495. p. 44.</ref> |
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According to [[Eoin O'Duffy]], an Irish national [[corporatist]]: "before everything we must give a national lead to our people...The first essential is national unity. We can only have that when the Corporative system is accepted".<ref>Griffen, Roger (ed). ''Fascism''. Oxford University Press, 1995. ISBN0192892495. p. 183.</ref> |
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[[Joseph Goebbels]] described the Nazis as being affiliated with authoritarian nationalism: |
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It enables us to see at once why democracy and Bolshevism, which in the eyes of the world are irrevocably opposed to one another, meet again and again on common ground in their joint hatred of and attacks on authoritarian nationalist concepts of State and State systems. For the authoritarian nationalist conception of the State represents something essentially new. In it the French Revolution is superseded.<ref>"Goebbels on National-Socialism, Bolshevism and Democracy, ''Documents on International Affairs'', vol. II, 1938, pp. 17–19. Accessed from the Jewish Virtual Library on February 5, 2009. [http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Holocaust/Goebbels091038.html JewishVirtualLibrary.org] Joseph Goebbels describes the Nazis as being allied with countries which had "authoritarian nationalist" ideology and conception of the state.</ref> |
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</blockquote> |
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[[Plínio Salgado]], leader of the Brazilian [[Brazilian Integralism|Integralist Action]] party emphasized the role of the nation: |
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The best governments in the world cannot succeed in pulling a country out of the quagmire, out of apathy, if they do not express themselves as national energies...Strong governments cannot result either from conspiracies or from military coups, just as they cannot come out of the machinations of parties or the Machiavellian game of political lobbying. They can only be born from the actual roots of the Nation.<ref>Griffen, Roger (ed). ''Fascism''. Oxford University Press, 1995. ISBN0192892495. p. 236.</ref> |
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</blockquote> |
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====Foreign policy==== |
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Italian fascists described expansionist [[imperialism]] as a necessity. The 1932 ''Italian Encyclopedia'' stated: "For Fascism, the growth of empire, that is to say the expansion of the nation, is an essential manifestation of vitality, and its opposite a sign of decadence."<ref>[http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/mussolini-fascism.html Fordham.edu]</ref> Similarly, the Nazis promoted territorial expansionism to provide "living space" to the German nation.<ref>Kershaw, Ian. 2000. Hitler, 1889-1936: Hubris. W. W. Norton & Company. p. 442. [http://books.google.com/books?id=nV-N10gyoFwC&pg=PA442&dq=hitler+expansionism Books.Google.com]</ref> Fascists opposed [[pacifism]] and believed that a nation must have a warrior mentality.<ref name="Payne, Stanley G. 1945. pp. 485-486">Payne, Stanley G. ''A History of Fascism, 1914-1945.'' Routledge, 1996. pp. 485–486.</ref> Benito Mussolini spoke of war idealistically as a source of masculine pride, and spoke negatively of pacifism: |
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War alone brings up to their highest tension all human energies and puts the stamp of nobility upon the peoples who have the courage to meet it. Fascism carries this anti-pacifist struggle into the lives of individuals. It is education for combat...war is to man what maternity is to the woman. I do not believe in perpetual peace; not only do I not believe in it but I find it depressing and a negation of all the fundamental virtues of a man.<ref>Bollas, Christopher. 1993. Being a Character: Psychoanalysis and Self-Experience. Routledge. ISBN 0415088151, 9780415088152. p. 205. [http://books.google.com/books?id=n7ZjIeqieRwC&pg=PA205&dq=fascism+anti-pacifist&lr= Books.Google.com] Speaks of Italian Fascism supporting war and opposing pacifism.</ref></blockquote> |
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===Authoritarianism=== |
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Many fascist movements support the creation of a [[totalitarian]] state. Mussolini's ''[[Doctrine of Fascism]]'' states: "The Fascist conception of the State is all-embracing; outside of it no human or spiritual values can exist, much less have value. Thus understood, Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State—a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values—interprets, develops, and potentiates the whole life of a people."<ref>Mussolini, Benito. 1935. Fascism: Doctrine and Institutions. Rome: Ardita Publishers. p 14.</ref> |
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Some have argued that in spite of Italian fascism's attempt at totalitarianism, fascism in Italy became an authoritarian cult of personality around Mussolini.<ref>Linz, Juan José. 2000. ''Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes: with a major new introduction''. Lynne Rienner Publishers. p. 7. [http://books.google.com/books?id=8cYk_ABfMJIC&pg=PA7&dq=fascism+totalitarianism&lr= Books.google.com]</ref> |
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In ''The Legal Basis of the Total State'', Nazi political theorist [[Carl Schmitt]] described the Nazi intention to form a "strong state which guarantees a totality of political unity transcending all diversity" in order to avoid a "disasterous pluralism tearing the German people apart"<ref>Griffen, Roger (ed). 1995. "The Legal Basis of the Total State" – by Carl Schmitt. ''Fascism''. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 72.</ref> |
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Japanese fascist [[Nakano Seigo]] advocated that Japan follow the Italian and German models, which were "a form of more democratic government going beyond democracy" which itself had "lost its spirit and decayed into a mechanism which insists only on numerical superiority without considering the essence of human beings."<ref>Griffen, Roger (ed). 1995. "The Need for a Totalitarian Japan" – by Nakano Seigo. ''Fascism''. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 239.</ref> |
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A key authoritarian element of fascism is its endorsement of a prime national leader, who is often known simply as the "Leader" or a similar title, such as: ''[[Duce]]'' in Italian, ''[[Führer]]'' in German, ''[[Caudillo]]'' in Spanish, ''[[Poglavnik]]'' in Croatia, or ''[[Conducător]]'' in Romanian. Fascist leaders who ruled countries were not always heads of state, but heads of government, such as Benito Mussolini, who held power under the King of Italy, [[Victor Emmanuel III]]. |
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===Social Darwinism=== |
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Fascist movements have commonly held [[Social Darwinism|social Darwinist]] views of nations, races, and societies.<ref name="Payne, Stanley G. 1945. pp. 485-486"/> They argue that in order for nations and races to survive in a world defined by perpetual national and racial conflict, nations and races must purge themselves of socially and biologically weak or [[Degeneration|degenerate]] people while simultaneously promoting the creation of strong people.<ref>Griffen, Roger (ed.). Fascism. Oxford University Press, 1995. p. 59.</ref> |
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Italian Fascist philosopher [[Giovanni Gentile]] in ''[[The Doctrine of Fascism|The Origins and Doctrine of Fascism]]'' promoted the concept of conflict being an act of progress by stating that "mankind only progresses through division, and progress is achieved through the clash and victory of one side over another".<ref name="Hawkins, Mike 1997. p. 285">Hawkins, Mike. ''Social Darwinism in European and American Thought, 1860-1945: Nature as Model and Nature as Threat''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. p. 285.</ref> Italian Fascist [[Alfredo Rocco]] claimed that conflict was inevitable:<blockquote> |
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Conflict is in fact the basic law of life in all social organisms, as it is of all biological ones; societies are formed, gain strength, and move forwards through conflict; the healthiest and most vital of them assert themselves against the weakest and less well adapted through conflict; the natural evolution of nations and races takes place through conflict. ''Alfredo Rocco''<ref name="Hawkins, Mike 1997. p. 285"/></blockquote> |
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In Germany, the Nazis utilized social Darwinism to promote their [[Racialism|racialist]] concept of the German nation as being part of the [[Aryan race]] and the need for the Aryan race to be strong in order to be victorious in what the Nazis believed was ongoing competition and conflict between races.<ref>Hawkins, Mike. ''Social Darwinism in European and American Thought, 1860-1945: Nature as Model and Nature as Threat''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. pp. 282, 284.</ref> They attempted to strengthen the Aryan race in Germany by killing those they regarded as weaker. To this end, the [[T4 project]] was introduced in the late 1930s and organized the killing of around roughly 275,000 handicapped and elderly German civilians using carbon monoxide gas.<ref>Hunt, Lynn, Thomas R. Martin, Barbara H. Rosenwein, R. Po-chia Hsia, and Bonnie G. Smith. The Making of the West: Peoples and Cultures. 2nd ed. Vol. C. Boston: Bedford St. Martins, 2005. p. 1064.</ref> |
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===Social interventionism=== |
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Generally, fascist movements endorsed [[social interventionism]] dedicated to influencing society to promote the state's interests.{{Citation needed|date=January 2009}} According to G.V. Rimlinger, one cannot speak of “fascist social policy” as a single concept with logical and internally consistent ideas and common identifiable goals.<ref>Rimlinger, G.V. ‘’Social Policy Under German Fascism’’ in [http://books.google.com/books?id=2E24qf2_8hEC&dq Stagnation and Renewal in Social Policy: The Rise and Fall of Policy Regimes] by Martin Rein, Gosta Esping-Andersen, and Lee Rainwater, p. 61, M.E. Sharpe, 1987.</ref> |
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Fascists spoke of creating a "new man" and a "new civilization" as part of their intention to transform society.<ref>Gentile, Emilio. The Struggle for Modernity: Nationalism, Futurism, and Fascism. p. 86. [http://books.google.com/books?id=TNmrDDs8lSkC&dq=fascism+nationalism&pg=PP1&lpg=PP1&sig=ACfU3U35eQa-qe6OulhpRjWALQGLD36UmA&q=totalitarian+nazi#PPA86,M1 Books.Google.com]</ref> Mussolini promised a “social revolution” for “remaking” the Italian people.<ref>Knight, Patricia [http://books.google.com/books?id=UChQ6AkxkpcC&dq Mussolini and Fascism], p. 72, Routledge, 2003.</ref> [[Adolf Hitler]] promised to purge Germany of non-Aryan influences on society and create a pure Aryan race through [[eugenics]]. |
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====Indoctrination==== |
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Fascist states pursued policies of social [[indoctrination]], through propaganda in education and the media, and through regulation of the production of education and media material.<ref>Pauley, Bruce F. 2003. Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini: Totalitarianism in the Twentieth Century Italy. Wheeling: Harlan Davidson, Inc. Pauley, p. 117.</ref><ref>Payne, Stanley G. 1996. ''A History of Fascism, 1914-1945''. Routledge p. 220. [http://books.google.com/books?id=9wHNrF7nFecC&pg=PA220&dq=fascism+indoctrination Books.Google.com]</ref> Education was designed to glorify the fascist movement and inform students of its historical and political importance to the nation. It attempted to purge ideas that were not consistent with the beliefs of the fascist movement, and taught students to be obedient to the state.<ref>Pauley, 2003. 117–119.</ref> |
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Thus fascism tends to be [[anti-intellectual]].<ref>Griffin, Roger and Matthew Feldma [http://books.google.com/books?id=kne26UnE1wQC&pg=PT477&dq=fascism+anti-intellectualism+griffin&sig=ACfU3U0MKyugOI5gQ2sSK-hN7PdnFTQy5g#PPT478,M1 Fascism: Critical Concepts in Political Science], 2004 Taylor and Francis</ref> The Nazis, in particular, despised intellectuals and university professors. Hitler declared them unreliable, useless and even dangerous.<ref>Evans, pg. 299</ref> He said: "When I take a look at the intellectual classes we have - unfortunately, I suppose, they are necessary; otherwise one could one day, I don't know, exterminate them or something - but unfortunately they're necessary."<ref>Domarus, ''Hitler'' II. 251–252</ref> |
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====Abortion, eugenics and euthanasia==== |
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The Fascist government in Italy banned literature on [[birth control]] and increased penalties on abortion in 1926, declaring them both crimes against the state.<ref>De Grazia, Victoria. 2002. ''How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922-1945''. [[University of California Press]]. p. 55.</ref> The Nazis decriminalized abortion in cases where fetuses had hereditary defects or were of a race the government disapproved of, while the abortion of healthy "pure" German, "[[Aryan race|Aryan]]" fetuses remained strictly forbidden.<ref>Henry Friedlander, ''The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution'' (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of Northern Carolina Press, 1995): 30.</ref> For non-Aryans, abortion was often compelled.<ref>McLaren, Angus, Twentieth-Century Sexuality, p. 139 Blackwell Publishing 1999</ref> Their [[eugenics]] program stemmed also from the "progressive biomedical model" of [[Weimar Germany]].<ref>McLaren, Angus, Twentieth-Century Sexuality p. 139 Blackwell Publishing 1999</ref> |
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In 1935 Nazi Germany expanded the legality of [[history of abortion|abortion]] by amending [[Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Diseased Offspring|its eugenics law]], to promote abortion for women with hereditary disorders.<ref>{{cite book |last=Friedlander |first=Henry |title=The origins of Nazi genocide: from euthanasia to the final solution |publisher=[[University of North Carolina Press]] |location=[[Chapel Hill, North Carolina]] |year=1995 |page=[http://books.google.com/books?id=gqLDEKVk2nMC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_summary_r&cad=0#PPA30,M1 30] |isbn=0-8078-4675-9 |oclc=60191622 |accessdate=2008-12-10}}</ref> The law allowed abortion if a woman gave her permission, and if the fetus was not yet viable,<ref>{{cite book |last=Proctor |first=Robert E. |title=Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis |publisher=[[Harvard University Press]] |location=[[Cambridge, Massachusetts]] |year=1989 |page=[http://books.google.com/books?id=hogbxS2Gp1QC&pg=RA1-PA366 366] |isbn=0-674-74578-7 |oclc=20760638 |quote=This emendation allowed abortion only if the woman granted permission, and only if the fetus was not old enough to survive outside the womb. It is unclear if either of these qualifications was enforced.}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |first=Margaret |last=Arnot |coauthors=Cornelie Usborne |title=Gender and Crime in Modern Europe |publisher=[[Routledge]] |location=[[New York City]] |year=1999 |page=[http://books.google.com/books?id=q1BFiRa3KHkC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_summary_r&cad=0#PPA241,M1 241] |isbn=1-85728-745-2 |oclc=249726924 |accessdate=2008-12-10}}</ref> and for purposes of so-called racial hygiene.<ref>{{cite book |last=Proctor |first=Robert E. |title=Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis |publisher=[[Harvard University Press]] |location=[[Cambridge, Massachusetts]] |year=1989 |pages=122–123 |isbn=0-674-74578-7 |oclc=20760638 |quote=Abortion, in other words, could be allowed if it was in the interest of racial hygiene… the Nazis did allow (and in some cases even required) abortions for women deemed racially inferior… On November 10, 1938, a Luneberg court declared abortion legal for Jews.}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Tierney |first=Helen |title=Women's studies encyclopedia |publisher=[[Greenwood Publishing Group]] |location=[[Westport, Connecticut]] |year=1999 |page=[http://books.google.com/books?id=gQLqRd7hJq0C&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_summary_r&cad=0#PPA589,M1 589] |isbn=0-313-31072-6 |oclc=38504469 |accessdate=2008-12-10 |quote=In 1939, it was announced that Jewish women could seek abortions, but non-Jewish women could not.}}</ref> |
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====Culture, gender and sexuality==== |
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Fascism promoted principles of [[masculine]] heroism, militarism, and discipline; and rejected [[cultural pluralism]] and [[multiculturalism]].<ref>Roger Griffin, The `post-fascism' of the Alleanza Nazionale: a case-study in ideological morphology, ''Journal of Political Ideologies'', Vol. 1, No. 2, 1996</ref> |
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Initially, [[Italian Fascism]] officially stood in favour of expanding voting rights to women. In 1920, Benito Mussolini declared that "Fascists do not belong to the crowd of the vain and skeptical who undervalue women's social and political importance. Who cares about voting? You will vote!".<ref name="Gori, Gigliola 2004. p. 58">Gori, Gigliola. ''Italian fascism and the female body: sport, submissive women and strong mothers''. Routledge, 2004. p. 58</ref> Women were briefly given the right to vote until 1925 when the Italian Fascist government abolished elections.<ref name="Gori, Gigliola 2004. p. 58"/> In the 1920s, the Italian Fascist government's ''[[Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro]]'' (OND) allowed working women to attend various entertainment and recreation events, including sports that in the past had traditionally been played by men.<ref>Gori, Gigliola. ''Italian fascism and the female body: sport, submissive women and strong mothers''. Routledge, 2004. pp. 144–145.</ref> The regime was criticized by the [[Roman Catholic Church]], which claimed that these activities were causing "masculinization" of women.<ref name="Gori, Gigliola 2004. p. 145">Gori, Gigliola. ''Italian fascism and the female body: sport, submissive women and strong mothers''. Routledge, 2004. p. 145.</ref> The Fascists responded to such criticism by restricting women to only being allowed to take part in "feminine" sports, forbidding them to be part of sports that were played mostly by men.<ref name="Gori, Gigliola 2004. p. 145"/> |
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Mussolini perceived women's primary role as childbearers while men should be warriors, once saying "war is to man what maternity is to the woman".<ref>Bollas, Christopher. 1993. Being a Character: Psychoanalysis and Self-Experience. Routledge. ISBN 0415088151, 9780415088152. p. 205.</ref> The Italian Fascist government gave financial incentives to women who raised large families and initiated policies designed to reduce the number of women employed, in an effort to increase birthrates.<ref>McDonald, Harmish. 1999. ''Mussolini and Italian Fascism''. Nelson Thornes. p. 27.</ref> Italian Fascism called for women to be honoured as "reproducers of the nation" and the Italian Fascist government held ritual ceremonies to honour women's role within the Italian nation.<ref>Mann, Michael. ''Fascists''. Cambridge University Press, 2004. p. 101.</ref> In 1934, Mussolini declared that employment of women was a "major aspect of the thorny problem of unemployment", which Italy was facing at the time and said that women working was "incompatible with childbearing".<ref>Durham, Martin. ''Women and fascism''. Routledge, 2004. p. 15.</ref> Mussolini went on to say that the solution to unemployment for men was the "exodus of women from the work force".<ref>Durham, Martin. ''Women and fascism''. Routledge, 1998. p. 15.</ref> |
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Nazi policies toward women strongly encouraged them to stay at home to bear children and keep house.<ref>Evans, 331–332</ref> This policy was reinforced by bestowing the Cross of Honor of the German Mother on women bearing four or more babies. The unemployment rate was cut substantially, mostly through arms production and sending women home so that men could take their jobs. Nazi propaganda sometimes promoted premarital and extramarital sexual relations, unwed motherhood and divorce, but at other times the Nazis opposed such behaviour.<ref>Ann Taylor Allen. [http://www.h-net.msu.edu/reviews/showrev.cgi?path=36061145897125. Review of Dagmar Herzog, Sex after Fascism: Memory and Morality in Twentieth-Century Germay] (broken link) H-German, H-Net Reviews, January 2006</ref> The growth of Nazi power, however, was accompanied by a breakdown of traditional sexual morals with regard to extramarital sex and licentiousness.<ref>Hau, Michael, Sex after Fascism: Memory and Morality in Twentieth-Century Germany (review) Modernism/modernity – Volume 14, Number 2, April 2007, pp. 378–380, The Johns Hopkins University Press</ref> |
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Fascist movements and governments opposed [[homosexuality]]. The Italian Fascist government declared it illegal in Italy in 1931.<ref>McDonald, 1999. p. 27.</ref> The Nazis thought homosexuality was degenerate, effeminate, perverted and undermined the masculinity which they promoted, because it did not produce children.<ref>Evans, pg. 529</ref> They considered homosexuality curable through therapy, citing modern [[scientism]] and the study of [[sexology]], which said that homosexuality could be felt by "normal" people and not just an abnormal minority.<ref>Ann Taylor Allen. Review of Dagmar Herzog, Sex after Fascism January 2006</ref> Critics have claimed that the Nazis' claim of scientific reasons for their promotion of racism, and hostility to homosexuals is [[pseudoscience]],<ref>Baumslag, Naomi; Pellgrino, Edmund D. 2005. ''Murderous medicine: Nazi doctors, human experimentation, and typhus''. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 37. Claims Nazi scientific reasoning for racial policy was pseudoscience</ref><ref>Lancaster, Roger N.''The Trouble of Nature: Sex in Science and Popular Culture''. University of California Press. p. 10. Claims that Nazi scientific reasoning for anti-homosexual policy was pseudoscience</ref>. Open homosexuals were among those interned in Nazi concentration camps.<ref>http://www.ushmm.org/wlc/article.php?ModuleId=10005261</ref> The British Union of Fascists opposed homosexuality and pejoratively questioned their opponents' heterosexuality.<ref>Gottlieb, Julie V., Linehan, Thomas P. p. 93.</ref> The Romanian [[Iron Guard]] opposed homosexuality as undermining society.<ref>Volovici, Nationalist Ideology, p. 98, citing N. Cainic, Ortodoxie şi etnocraţie, pp. 162–4.</ref> |
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===Economic policies=== |
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{{POV|date=April 2009}} |
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{{Contradict|date=December 2009}} |
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{{See|Economics of fascism}} |
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Fascists promoted their ideology as a "[[Third Position]]" between capitalism and [[communism]].<ref>Philip Morgan, ''Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945'', Taylor & Francis, 2003, p. 168.</ref> Italian Fascism involved corporatism, a political system in which the economy is collectively managed by employers, workers and state officials by formal mechanisms at national level.<ref>''The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right'' (2002) by Peter Jonathan Davies and Derek Lynch, Routledge (UK), ISBN 0415214947 p.143.</ref> Fascists advocated a new national class-based economic system, variously termed "national corporatism", "national socialism" or "national syndicalism".<ref name="deff"/> The common aim of all fascist movements was elimination of the autonomy or, in some cases, the existence of large-scale capitalism.<ref>Payne, Stanley (1996). ''A History of Fascism''. Routledge. ISBN 1857285956 p.10</ref> |
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Fascist governments exercised control over private property but did not nationalize it.<ref>Pauley. 2003. pp. 72, 84.</ref> They pursued economic policies to strengthen state power and spread ideology, such as consolidating trade unions to be state or party-controlled.<ref>Pauley. 2003. p. 85.</ref> Attempts were made by both Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to establish "[[autarky]]" (self-sufficiency) through significant economic planning, but neither achieved economic self-sufficiency.<ref>Pauley. 2003. p. 86.</ref> |
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====National corporatism, national socialism and national syndicalism==== |
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Fascists supported the unifying of proletarian workers to their cause along corporatistic, socialistic, or syndicalistic lines, promoting the creation of a strong proletarian nation, but not a proletarian class.<ref>Payne, Stanley G. 1996. A History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Routledge. p. 64.</ref> Italian Fascism's economy was based on [[corporatism]] and a number of other fascist movements similarly promoted corporatism. [[Oswald Mosley]] of the [[British Union of Fascists]] described fascist corporatism, saying that "it means a nation organized as the human body, with each organ performing its individual function but working in harmony with the whole".<ref name="Robert Eccleshall 1994. P. 208">Robert Eccleshall, Vincent Geoghegan, Richard Jay, Michael Kenny, Iain Mackenzie, Rick Wilford. ''Political Ideologies: an introduction''. 2nd ed. Routledge, 1994. P. 208.</ref> Fascists were not hostile to the [[petite bourgeoisie]] or to small businesses, and promised these groups protection alongside the proletariat from the upper-class bourgeoisie, big business, and Marxism. The promotion of these groups is the source of the term 'extremism of the centre' to describe fascism.<ref name="Griffen, Roger p. 101">Griffen, Roger (editor). Chapter 8: "Extremism of the Centre" – by Seymour Martin Lipset. ''International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus.'' Arnold Readers. p. 101.</ref> |
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Fascism blamed capitalist [[liberal democracies]] for creating class conflict and communists for exploiting it.<ref name="books.google.com">Welch, David. Modern European History, 1871-2000. p. 57. [http://books.google.com/books?id=-Dyb7RFhnVAC&pg=PA57&dq=fascism+opposes+democracy&lr= Books.Google.com] (Speaks of fascism opposing capitalism for creating class conflict and communism for exploiting class conflict).</ref> In Italy, the Fascist period presided over the creation of the largest number of state-owned enterprises in [[Western Europe]] such as the nationalisation of [[petroleum]] companies into a single state enterprise called the Italian General Agency for Petroleum (''Azienda Generale Italiani Petroli'', AGIP).<ref>Schachter, Gustav; Engelbourg, Saul. 2005. ''Cultural Continuity In Advanced Economies: Britain And The U.S. Versus Continental Europe.'' Published by Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 302. [http://books.google.com/books?id=4nQj2Ym7OuoC&pg=PA302&dq=mussolini+fascist+nationalized+petroleum+company&lr=&sig=ACfU3U0oCd7BXk0iZbWbELd7J18gDargxw Books.Google.com]</ref> Fascists made populist appeals to the [[middle class]] (especially the lower middle class) by promising to protect small business and small property owners from communism, and by promising an economy based on competition and profit while pledging to oppose big business.<ref name="Griffen, Roger p. 101"/> |
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In 1933, Benito Mussolini declared Italian Fascism's opposition to "decadent capitalism" that he claimed prevailed in the world at the time, but did not denounce capitalism entirely. Mussolini claimed that capitalism had degenerated in three stages, starting with dynamic or [[Heroic capitalism (concept in Italian Fascism)|heroic capitalism]] (1830–1870) followed by static capitalism (1870–1914) and then reaching its final form of decadent capitalism, also known as [[Supercapitalism (concept in Italian Fascism)|supercapitalism]] beginning in 1914.<ref name="Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta 2000. p. 136">Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta. ''Fascist Spectacle: The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini's Italy''. University of California Press, 2000. p. 136.</ref> Mussolini argued that Italian Fascism was in favour of dynamic and heroic capitalism for its contribution to [[industrialism]] and technical developments but claimed that it did not favour supercapitalism, which he claimed was incompatible with Italy's agricultural sector.<ref name="Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta 2000. p. 136"/> |
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Thus Mussolini claimed that Italy under Fascist rule was not capitalist in the modern use of the term, which referred to supercapitalism.<ref name="Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta 2000. p. 136"/> Mussolini denounced supercapitalism for causing the "standardization of humankind" and for causing excessive consumption.<ref>Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta. ''Fascist Spectacle: The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini's Italy''. University of California Press, 2000. p. 137.</ref> Mussolini claimed that at the stage of supercapitalism "[it] is then that a capitalist enterprise, when difficulties arise, throws itself like a dead weight into the state's arms. It is then that state intervention begins and becomes more necessary. It is then that those who once ignored the state now seek it out anxiously."<ref>Mussolini, Benito; Schnapp, Jeffery Thompson (ed.); Sears, Olivia E. (ed.); Stampino, Maria G. (ed.). "Address to the National Corporative Council (14 November 1933) and Senate Speech on the Bill Establishing the Corporations (abridged; 13 January 1934)". ''A Primer of Italian Fascism''. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. p. 158.</ref> He saw Fascism as the next logical step to solve the problems of supercapitalism and claimed that this step could be seen either as a form of capitalism which involved state intervention, saying "our path would lead inexorably into [[state capitalism]], which is nothing more nor less than [[state socialism]] turned on its head. In either event, the result is the bureaucratization of the economic activities of the nation."<ref name="Mussolini, Benito 1933 pp. 158–159">Mussolini, Benito; Schnapp, Jeffery Thompson (ed.); Sears, Olivia E. (ed.); Stampino, Maria G. (ed.). "Address to the National Corporative Council (14 November 1933) and Senate Speech on the Bill Establishing the Corporations (abridged; 13 January 1934)". ''A Primer of Italian Fascism''. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. pp. 158–159.</ref> |
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Some fascists were indifferent or hostile to [[corporatism]]. The Nazis initially attempted to form a corporatist economic system like that in Fascist Italy, creating the National Socialist Institute for Corporatism in May 1933, which included many major economists who argued that corporatism was consistent with National Socialism.<ref>Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997. p. 47.</ref><ref>Peter Davies, Derek Lynch. The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. Routledge, 2002. p. 103</ref>. In ''[[Mein Kampf]]'', Hitler spoke enthusiastically about the "National Socialist corporative idea" as one which would eventually "take the place of ruinous class warfare"<ref>The Fascism Reader by Aristotle A. Kallis.</ref> However, the Nazis later viewed corporatism as detrimental to Germany and that it institutionalized and legitimized social differences within the German nation. Instead, the Nazis promoted economic organisation that emphasized the biological unity of the German national community.<ref>Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997. pp. 49.</ref> |
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Hitler continued to refer to corporatism in propaganda, but it was not put into place, even though a number of Nazi officials such as [[Walther Darré]], [[Gottfried Feder]], [[Alfred Rosenburg]], and [[Gregor Strasser]] were in favour of a [[Neo-medievalism|neo-medievalist]] form of corporatism, as corporations had been influential in German people's history in the [[medieval]] era.<ref>Vincent, Andrew. ''Modern Political Ideologies.'' 3rd edition. John Wiley & Sons, 2009. pp. 158–159.</ref> |
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Spanish Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera did not believe that corporatism was effective and denounced it as a propaganda ploy, saying "this stuff about the corporative state is another piece of windbaggery".<ref>Vincent, Andrew. ''Modern Political Ideologies.'' 3rd edition. John Wiley & Sons, 2009. p. 160.</ref> |
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====Economic planning==== |
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{{rquote|right|Fascism is capitalism in decay.| [[Vladimir Lenin]] <ref>''The Book of Poisonous Quotes'', by Colin Jarman, McGraw-Hill Professional, 1993, ISBN 0809236818, pg 245</ref>}} |
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Fascists opposed [[laissez-faire]] economic policies dominant in the era prior to the [[Great Depression]].<ref>David Baker, "The political economy of fascism: Myth or reality, or myth and reality?", ''New Political Economy'', Volume 11, Issue 2 June 2006 , pages 227–250.</ref> After the Great Depression began, many people from across the [[political spectrum]] blamed laissez-faire capitalism for the Great Depression, and fascists promoted their ideology as a "[[Third Position|third way]]" between capitalism and [[communism]].<ref>Philip Morgan, ''Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945'', Taylor & Francis, 2003, p. 168.</ref> |
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Fascists declared their opposition to [[finance capitalism]], [[interest]] charging, and profiteering.<ref>Frank Bealey & others. Elements of Political Science. Edinburgh University Press, 1999, p. 202</ref> [[Nazism|Nazis]] and other anti-Semitic fascists considered finance capitalism a "[[Parasitism|parasitic]]" "[[anti-Semitism|Jewish conspiracy]]".<ref>[[Moishe Postone|Postone, Moishe]]. 1986. "Anti-Semitism and National Socialism." ''Germans & Jews Since the Holocaust: The Changing Situation in West Germany'', ed. Anson Rabinbach and Jack Zipes. New York: Homes & Meier.</ref> Fascist governments [[Nationalization|nationalized]] some key industries, managed their [[Currency|currencies]] and made some massive state investments.{{Citation needed|date=January 2009}} They introduced [[Incomes policy|price controls]], wage controls and other types of [[Economic interventionism|economic interventionist]] measures.<ref name = "Andreski-p64">Stanislav Andreski, Wars, Revolutions, Dictatorships, Routledge 1992, page 64</ref> |
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Private [[property]] rights were supported, but were contingent upon service to the state.<ref>James A. Gregor, The Search for Neofascism: The Use and Abuse of Social Science, Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 7</ref> For example, "an owner of agricultural land may be compelled to raise wheat instead of sheep and employ more labour than he would find profitable."<ref name = "McGann-p30">Herbert Kitschelt, Anthony J. McGann. The Radical Right in Western Europe: a comparative analysis. 1996 University of Michigan Press. p. 30</ref> According to historian Tibor Ivan Berend, ''[[dirigisme]]'' was an inherent aspect of fascist economies.<ref>Tibor Ivan Berend, ''An Economic History of Twentieth-Century Europe'', Cambridge University Press, 2005, p. 93</ref> The [[Labour Charter of 1927]], promulgated by the [[Grand Council of Fascism]], stated in article 7: "The corporative State considers private initiative, in the field of production, as the most efficient and useful instrument of the Nation", then goes on to say in article 9: "State intervention in economic production may take place only where private initiative is lacking or is insufficient, or when are at stakes the political interest of the State. This intervention may take the form of control, encouragement or direct management."<ref>Italian: ''Lo Stato corporativo considera l’iniziativa privata, nel campo della produzione, come lo strumento più utile ed efficiente della Nazione.''</ref> |
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Fascists thought that private property should be regulated to ensure that "benefit to the community precedes benefit to the individual."<ref>Richard Allen Epstein, ''Principles for a Free Society: Reconciling Individual Liberty With the Common Good'', De Capo Press 2002, p. 168</ref> They also introduced [[Incomes policy|price controls]] and other types of [[Economic interventionism|economic planning]] measures.<ref name = "Andreski-p64"/> |
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Fascism had a [[Social Darwinism|social Darwinist]] view of human relations.<ref>Alexander J. De Grand, ''Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany'', Routledge, 1995. p. 47.</ref> They promoted the interests of successful businesses while banning [[trade union]]s and other workers' organizations.<ref>De Grand, ''Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany'', pp. 48–51.</ref> Mussolini wrote approvingly of the notion that profits should not, for any purpose, be taken away from those who produce them from their own labour, saying "I do not respect — I even hate — those men that leech a tenth of the riches produced by others".<ref>Benito Mussolini, Richard Washburn Child, Max Ascoli, Richard Lamb. ''My rise and fall''. Da Capo Press, 1998. p. 26.</ref> |
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====Social welfare==== |
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Benito Mussolini promised a "social revolution" that would "remake" the [[Italian people]]. According to Patricia Knight, this was only achieved in part.<ref name="Knight, Patricia p. 72">Knight, Patricia, Mussolini and Fascism, p. 72, Routledge, 2003.</ref> The people who primarily benefited from Italian fascist social policies were members of the [[middle class|middle]] and [[lower-middle class]]es, who filled jobs in the vastly expanding government workforce, which grew to about a million in 1930.<ref name="Knight, Patricia p. 72"/> Health and welfare spending grew dramatically under Italian fascism, with welfare rising from seven percent of the budget in 1930 to 20% in 1940.<ref>Pollard, John Francis, The Fascist Experience in Italy, p. 80 Routledge 1998</ref> |
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A major social welfare initiative in Fascist Italy was the ''[[Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro]]'' (OND) or "National After-work Program". Created in 1925, it was the state's largest recreational organisation for adults.<ref name="Pauley_3">Pauley, p113</ref> The ''Dopolavoro'' was responsible for establishing and maintaining 11,000 sports grounds, over 6,400 libraries, 800 movie houses, 1,200 theatres, and over 2,000 orchestras.<ref name="Pauley_3"/> Membership of the ''Dopolavoro'' was voluntary, but it had high participation because of its nonpolitical nature.<ref name="Pauley_3"/> It is estimated that, by 1936, the OND had organised 80 percent of salaried workers<ref>de Grazia, Victoria. ''The Culture of Consent: Mass Organizations of Leisure in Fascist Italy.'' Cambridge, 1981.</ref> and, by 1939, 40 percent of the industrial workforce. The sports activities proved popular with large numbers of workers. The OND had the largest membership of any of the mass Fascist organisations in Italy.<ref>Kallis, Aristotle, ed. (2003). ''The Fascism Reader,'' London: Routledge, pages 391–395.</ref> |
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The enormous success of the ''Dopolavoro'' in Fascist Italy was the key factor in Nazi Germany creating its own version of the ''Dopolavoro'', the ''[[Kraft durch Freude]]'' (KdF) or "Strength through Joy" program of the Nazi government's [[German Labour Front]], which was even more successful than the ''Dopolavoro''.<ref>Pauley, p113–114</ref> KdF provided government-subsidized holidays for German workers.<ref>''Social Policy in the Third Reich. The Working Class and the 'National Community'' – Mason, T.W., Oxford: Berg. 1993, Page 160</ref> KdF was also responsible for the creation of the original [[Volkswagen]] ("People's Car"), a state-manufactured automobile that was meant to be cheap enough to allow all German citizens to be able to own one. |
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While fascists promoted social welfare to ameliorate economic conditions affecting their nation or race as whole, they did not support social welfare for [[Egalitarianism|egalitarian]] reasons. Fascists criticised egalitarianism as preserving the weak. They promoted instead [[Social Darwinism|social Darwinist]] views, claiming that nations and races must preserve and promote their strengths to ensure survival in a world that is in a perpetual state of national and/or racial conflict and competition.<ref>Griffen, Roger; Feldman, Matthew. Fascism: Critical Concepts. p. 353. "When the Russian revolution occurred in 1917 and the 'Democratic' revolution spread after the First World War, anti-[[bolshevism]] and anti-egalitarianism rose as very strong "restoration movements" on the European scene. However, by the turn of that century no one could predict that fascism would become such a concrete, political reaction..."</ref><ref>Hawkins, Mike. ''Social Darwinism in European and American Thought, 1860-1945: Nature as Model and Nature as Threat''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. p. 285. "Conflict is in fact the basic law of life in all social organisms, as it is of all biological ones; societies are formed, gain strength, and move forwards through conflict; the healthiest and most vital of them assert themselves against the weakest ans less well adapted through conflict; the natural evolution of nations and races takes place through conflict." Alfredo Rocco, Italian Fascist.</ref> |
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Adolf Hitler was opposed to egalitarian and universal social welfare because, in his view, it encouraged the preservation of the degenerate and feeble.<ref>Adolf Hitler, ''Mein Kampf'', pgs. 27–28</ref> While in power, the Nazis created social welfare programs to deal with the large numbers of unemployed. However, those programs were neither egalitarian nor universal, but instead residual, excluding multiple minority groups and certain other people whom they felt were incapable of helping themselves, and who would pose a threat to the future health of the German people.<ref>Evans, pgs. 491–492</ref> |
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==Racism and racialism== |
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Fascists are not unified on the issues of [[racism]] and [[racialism]]. Mussolini, in a 1919 speech to denounce [[Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic|Soviet Russia]], claimed that Jewish bankers in [[London]] and [[New York City]] were bound by the chains of [[Race (classification of human beings)|race]] to [[Moscow]], and claimed that 80 percent of the [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] leaders were Jews.<ref name="Neocleous, Mark 1997. p. 35">Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997. p. 35.</ref> In his 1920 autobiography, he said: "Race and soil are strong influences upon us all", and said of [[World War I]]: "There were seers who saw in the European conflict not only national advantages but the possibility of a supremacy of race".<ref>Benito Mussolini, Richard Washburn Child, Max Ascoli, Richard Lamb. ''My rise and fall''. Da Capo Press, 1998. pp. 2, 38.</ref> In a 1921 speech in [[Bologna]], Mussolini stated that "Fascism was born... out of a profound, perennial need of this our [[Aryan]] and [[Mediterranean race]]".<ref name="Neocleous, Mark 1997. p. 35"/> He said in 1928:<blockquote> |
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<nowiki>[When the]</nowiki> city dies, the nation — deprived of the young life — blood of new generations — is now made up of people who are old and degenerate and cannot defend itself against a younger people which launches an attack on the now unguarded frontiers<nowiki>[...]</nowiki> This will happen, and not just to cities and nations, but on an infinitely greater scale: the whole White race, the Western race can be submerged by other coloured races which are multiplying at a rate unknown in our race.<ref>Griffen, Roger (ed.). ''Fascism''. Oxford University Press, 1995. p. 59.</ref></blockquote> |
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Many Italian fascists held [[Anti-Slavism|anti-Slavist]] views, especially against neighbouring [[Yugoslavs|Yugoslav]] nations, whom the Italian fascists saw as being in competition with Italy, which had claims on territories of [[Yugoslavia]], particularly [[Dalmatia]].<ref>Benito Mussolini, Richard Washburn Child, Max Ascoli, Richard Lamb. ''My rise and fall''. Da Capo Press, 1998. p. 106.</ref> Mussolini claimed that Yugoslavs posed a threat after Italy did not receive the territory along the [[Adriatic Sea|Adriatic]] coast at the end of World War I, as promised by the 1915 [[Treaty of London]]. He said: "The danger of seeing the Jugo-Slavians settle along the whole Adriatic shore had caused a bringing together in Rome of the cream of our unhappy regions. Students, professors, workmen, citizens—representative men—were entreating the ministers and the professional politicians.<ref>Benito Mussolini, Richard Washburn Child, Max Ascoli, Richard Lamb. ''My rise and fall''. Da Capo Press, 1998. pp. 105–106.</ref> Italian fascists accused [[Serbs]] of having "[[Atavism|atavistic]] impulses", and of being part of a "[[Social democracy|social democratic]], [[Freemasonry|masonic]] [[Jew]]ish internationalist plot".<ref>[[H. James Burgwyn|Burgwyn, H. James]]. Italian foreign policy in the interwar period, 1918-1940. p. 43. Greenwood Publishing Group, 1997.</ref> The fascists accused Yugoslavs of conspiring together on behalf of "Grand [[Orient]] masonry and its funds". |
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In 1933, Mussolini contradicted his earlier statements on race, saying: "Race! It is a feeling, not a reality: ninety-five percent, at least, is a feeling. Nothing will ever make me believe that biologically pure races can be shown to exist today. ... National pride has no need of the delirium of race."<ref>{{cite book | last = Montagu | first =Ashley | title =Man's Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race| publisher = Rowman Altamira| url =http://books.google.com/books?id=tkHqP3vgYi4C&pg=PA187&lpg=PA187&dq=%22+Nothing+will+ever+make+me+believe+that+biologically+pure+races+can+be+shown+to+exist+today%22&source=web&ots=ao7O_J0vr8&sig=22zZBSKlbcxbrBF1PXP3_PJygj0&hl=en | isbn =0803946481 | year = 1997}}</ref> |
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At the 1934 Fascist International Congress, the issue of [[anti-Semitism]] was debated amongst various fascist parties, with some more favourable to it, and others less favourable. Two final compromises were adopted, creating the official stance of the Fascist International: |
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<blockquote> |
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[T]he [[Jewish question]] cannot be converted into a universal campaign of hatred against the Jews[...] |
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Considering that in many places certain groups of Jews are installed in conquered countries, exercising in an open and occult manner an influence injurious to the material and moral interests of the country which harbors them, constituting a sort of state within a state, profiting by all benefits and refusing all duties, considering that they have furnished and are inclined to furnish, elements conducive to international revolution which would be destructive to the idea of patriotism and Christian civilization, the Conference denounces the nefarious action of these elements and is ready to combat them.<ref name="Pax Romanizing">"[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,754480,00.html Pax Romanizing]". TIME Magazine, 31 December 1934</ref> |
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</blockquote> |
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==Relation to religion== |
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The attitude of fascism toward religion has run the gamut from persecution, to denunciation, to cooperation,<ref name = "oktyar">Laqueur, Walter, Fascism: Past, Present, Future p. 41 1996 Oxford University Press.</ref> to embrace.<ref>''Turban for the Crown : The Islamic Revolution in Iran'' by Said Amir Arjomand. pp. 204–9.</ref> Stanley Payne notes that fundamental to fascism was the foundation of a purely materialistic "civic religion" that would "displace preceding structures of belief and relegate supernatural religion to a secondary role, or to none at all", and that "though there were specific examples of religious or would-be '[[Christian]] fascists,' fascism presupposed a post-Christian, post-religious, [[secularism|secular]], and immanent frame of reference."<ref>Payne, Stanley, A History of Fascism, 1914-1945, p. 9, Routledge 1996.</ref> |
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According to Payne, such "would be" religious fascists only gain hold where traditional belief is weakened or absent, as fascism seeks to create new non-rationalist myth structures for those who no longer hold a traditional view.<ref name="A History of Fascism, 1914-1945">Payne, Stanley [http://books.google.com/books?id=9wHNrF7nFecC&dq A History of Fascism, 1914-1945], p. 9, Routledge 1996.</ref> The rise of modern secularism in Europe and Latin America, and the incursion and large-scale adoption of western secular culture in the mid-east leave a void where this modern secular ideology, sometimes under a religious veneer, can take hold.<ref name="A History of Fascism, 1914-1945"/> |
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Many fascists were [[anti-clerical]] in both private and public life.<ref>Laqueur, Walter; Fascism: Past, Present, Future p. 42 1996 Oxford University Press.</ref> Although both Hitler and Mussolini were anti-clerical, they both understood that it would be rash to begin their [[Kulturkampf]]s prematurely, such a clash, possibly inevitable in the future, being put off while they dealt with other enemies.<ref>Laqueur, Walter, Fascism: Past, Present, Future pp. 31, 42, 1996 Oxford University Press.</ref> Hitler had a general plan, even before the Nazis' rise to power, to destroy Christianity within the Reich.<ref name=autogenerated4>Sharkey, [http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C0CE0DB1F39F930A25752C0A9649C8B63 Word for Word/The Case Against the Nazis; How Hitler's Forces Planned To Destroy German Christianity], New York Times, January 13, 2002</ref><ref>[http://www.lawandreligion.com/nurinst1.shtml The Nazi Master Plan: The Persecution of the Christian Churches], Rutgers Journal of Law and Religion, Winter 2001, publishing evidence compiled by the O.S.S. for the Nuremberg war-crimes trials of 1945 and 1946</ref><ref>[http://www.adherents.com/people/ph/Adolf_Hitler.html The Religious Affiliation of Adolf Hitler] Adherents.com</ref> Many Italian Fascists were disgusted by Mussolini's decision to abandon Fascism's anti-clericalism in favour of reconciliation with the Roman Catholic Church.<ref>Brendon, Piers. ''The dark valley : a panorama of the 1930s''. New York, New York, USA; Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Vintage Books, 2002 (2nd edition). Pp. 128.</ref> |
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The leader of the [[Hitler Youth]] stated "the destruction of Christianity was explicitly recognized as a purpose of the National Socialist movement" from the start, but "considerations of expedience made it impossible" publicly to express this extreme position.<ref name=autogenerated4 /> In [[Mexico]], the [[Red Shirts (Mexico)|Red Shirts]] were vehemently [[atheist]], renounced religion, killed priests, and on one occasion gunned down Catholics as they left [[Mass]].<ref>Krauze, Enrique, The Troubling Roots of Mexico's López Obrador: Tropical Messiah, The New Republic June 19, 2006.</ref><ref>Parsons, Wilfrid, Mexican Martyrdom, p. 238, 2003 Kessinger Publishing</ref><ref>"Garrido Canabal, Tomás". ''The Columbia Encyclopedia'' Sixth Edition (2005).</ref><ref>The New International Yearbook p. 442, Dodd, Mead and Co. 1966.</ref><ref>Millan, Verna Carleton, Mexico Reborn, p. 101, 1939 Riverside Press.</ref> |
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According to a biographer of Mussolini, "Initially, fascism was fiercely [[anti-Catholic]]" — the Church being a competitor for dominion of the people's hearts.<ref>Farrell, Nicholas, Mussolini: A New Life p. 5 2004 Sterling Publishing Company, Inc.</ref> Mussolini, originally an [[atheist]], published anti-Catholic writings and planned for the confiscation of Church property, but eventually moved to accommodation.<ref name = "oktyar"/> Mussolini endorsed the Roman Catholic Church for political legitimacy, as during the [[Lateran Treaty]] talks, Fascist Party officials engaged in bitter arguments with [[Roman Curia|Vatican]] officials and put pressure on them to accept the terms that the regime deemed acceptable.<ref>Pollard, John F. (1985). ''The Vatican and Italian Fascism, 1929-32.'' Cambridge, USA: Cambridge University Press. p. 53.</ref> [[Protestantism]] in Italy was not as significant as Catholicism, and the Protestant minority was persecuted.<ref>Rochat Giorgio, Regime fascista e chiese evangeliche, Torino, Claudiana, 1990.</ref> Mussolini's sub-secretary of Interior, Bufferini-Guidi issued a memo closing all houses of worship of the Italian Pentecostals and [[Jehovah's Witnesses]], and imprisoned their leaders.<ref>Bracco, Roberto. ''Persecuzione in Italia ''. Rome, n.d.</ref> In some instances, people were killed because of their faith.<ref>Rochat, Giorgio. ''Regime fascista e chiese evangeliche''. Torino: Claudiana, 1990.</ref> |
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A number of Italian Fascists were disgusted by Mussolini's decision to seek reconciliation with the Roman Catholic Church. |
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The [[Ustaše]] in [[Croatia]] had strong Catholic overtones, with some clerics in positions of power.<ref>Laqueur, Walter, Fascism: Past, Present, Future p. 148 1996 Oxford University Press.</ref> The fascist movement in Romania, known as the [[Iron Guard]] or the Legion of Archangel Michael, preceded its meetings with a church service, and their demonstrations were usually led by priests carrying icons and religious flags.{{Citation needed|date=January 2009}} The Romanian fascist movement promoted a cult of "suffering, sacrifice and martyrdom."<ref>source: Weber, E. "Rumania" in H. Rogger and E. Weber, eds., ''The European Right: A Historical Profile.'' Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965.</ref><ref>Nagy-Talavera, N. M. ''The Green Shirts and the Others. A History of Fascism in Hungary and Rumania''. Stanford: [[Hoover Institution Press]], 1970; pp. 247, 266–70.</ref> |
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In [[Latin America]], the most notable fascist movement was [[Plinio Salgado]]'s [[Brazil]]ian [[Integralism]]. Built on a network of lay religious associations, its vision was of an integral state that "comes from [[Christ]], is inspired in Christ, acts for Christ, and goes toward Christ."<ref>''Turban for the Crown : The Islamic Revolution in Iran'' by Said Amir Arjomand. pp. 208–9.</ref><ref>Hilton, S. "Acao Integralista Brasiliera: Fascism in Brazil, 1932-38" ''Lusa Brazilian Review'', v.9, n.2, 1972: 12.</ref><ref>Williams, M.T. "Integralism and the Brazilian Catholic Church." ''Hispanic American Historical Review'', v.54, n.3, 1974: pp. 436–40.</ref> Salgado, however, criticised the "dangerous [[pagan]] tendencies of Hitlerism".<ref>Payne, Stanley [http://books.google.com/books?id=9wHNrF7nFecC&dq A History of Fascism, 1914-1945], pp. 345–346, Routledge 1996.</ref> |
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Hitler and the Nazi regime attempted to found their own version of Christianity called [[Positive Christianity]] which made major changes in its interpretation of the [[Bible]] which said that [[Jesus Christ]] was the son of God, but was not a Jew; they further claimed that Christ despised Jews, and that the Jews were the ones solely responsible for his death.{{Citation needed|date=January 2009}} By 1940, however, it was public knowledge that Hitler had abandoned even the [[syncretism|syncretist]] idea of a positive Christianty.<ref>Poewe, Karla O, [http://books.google.com/books?id=rsR_Mrh2QSkC&dq New Religions and the Nazis], p. 30, Routledge 2006</ref> |
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The Catholic Church was particularly suppressed by Nazis in [[Poland]]. In addition to the deaths of some 3 million [[Polish Jew]]s, 2 million Polish Catholics were killed.<ref name="The Gentile Holocaust">Craughwell, Thomas J., [http://www.catholicculture.org/library/view.cfm?recnum=472 The Gentile Holocaust] Catholic Culture, Accessed July 18, 2008</ref> Between 1939 and 1945, an estimated 3,000 polish clergy (18 percent) were murdered; of these, 1,992 died in [[concentration camp]]s.<ref name="The Gentile Holocaust">Craughwell, Thomas J., [http://www.catholicculture.org/culture/library/view.cfm?recnum=472 The Gentile Holocaust] Catholic Culture, Accessed July 18, 2008</ref> In the annexed territory of ''Reichsgau Wartheland'' it was even harsher than elsewhere. Churches were systematically closed, and most priests were either killed, imprisoned, or deported to the [[General Government]]. |
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The Germans also closed [[seminary|seminaries]] and [[convent]]s persecuting monks and nuns throughout Poland. Eighty percent of the Catholic clergy and five of the bishops of [[Warthegau]] were sent to concentration camps in 1939; in [[Chełmno]], 48 percent.<ref name="The Gentile Holocaust"/> Of those murdered by the Nazi regime, 108 are regarded as blessed martyrs.<ref name="The Gentile Holocaust"/> Among them, [[Maximilian Kolbe]] was [[canonization|canonized]] as a saint. Not only in Poland were Christians persecuted by the Nazis. In the [[Dachau concentration camp]] alone, 2,600 Catholic priests from 24 different countries were killed.<ref name="The Gentile Holocaust"/> |
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One theory is that religion and fascism could never have a lasting connection because both are a "holistic weltanschauung" claiming the whole of the person.<ref name = "oktyar"/> Along these lines, [[Yale]] political scientist, [[Juan Linz]] and others have noted that secularization had created a void which could be filled by a total ideology, making totalitarianism possible<ref>Griffin, Roger, Fascism, Totalitarianism and Political Religion, p. 7 2005Routledge</ref><ref name="Jodi Bruhn p. 108">Maier, Hans and Jodi |
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Bruhn [http://books.google.com/books?id=Wozo1W7giZQC&dq Totalitarianism and Political Religions], p. 108, 2004 Routledge</ref>, and Roger Griffin has characterized fascism as a type of anti-religious [[political religion]].<ref>Eatwell, Roger [http://people.bath.ac.uk/mlsre/EWE1&2.htm The Nature of Fascism: or Essentialism by Another Name?] 2004</ref> Such political religions vie with existing religions, and try, if possible, to replace or eradicate them.<ref name="Jodi Bruhn p. 108"/> |
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==Variations and subforms== |
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{{See also|European fascist ideologies}} |
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Movements identified by scholars as fascist hold a variety of views, and what qualifies as fascism is often a hotly contested subject. The original movement which self-identified as Fascist was that of [[Benito Mussolini]] and his [[National Fascist Party]]. Intellectuals such as [[Giovanni Gentile]] produced [[The Doctrine of Fascism]] and founded the ideology. |
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The majority of strains which emerged after the original fascism, but are sometimes placed under the wider usage of the term, self-identified their parties with different names. Major examples include; [[Falangism]], [[Integralism]], [[Iron Guard]] and [[Nazism]] as well as various other designations.<ref>{{cite book | last = Mühlberger | first =Detlef | title =The Social Basis of European Fascist Movements| publisher =Routledge| url =http://books.google.com/books?id=suENAAAAQAAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=Falangism,+National+Syndicalism,+Integralism+and+National+Socialism&sig=ACfU3U33n_xq_eKDOGwFVLuXPKSGZOYFuA | isbn =0709935854 | year = 1987}}</ref> |
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===Europe=== |
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{{See also|European fascist ideologies}} |
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====Italian Fascism==== |
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{{Main|Italian Fascism}} |
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{{See also|The Doctrine of Fascism|Actual Idealism|March on Rome}} |
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[[Image:Mussolini biografia.jpg|thumb|150px|right|Benito Mussolini]] |
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Fascism was born during a period of social and political unrest following [[World War I]]. The war had seen Italy begin to feel a sense of nationalism, rather than its historic regionalism.<ref name="fsmith">{{cite news|url=http://www.fsmitha.com/h2/ch12.htm|publisher=FSmitha.com|title=Mussolini and Fascism in Italy|date=8 January 2008}}</ref> Despite being an [[Allies of World War I|Allied Power]], Italy was given what nationalists considered an unfair deal at the [[Treaty of Versailles]].<ref name="fsmith"/> |
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When the other allies told Italy to hand over the city of [[Fiume]] at the [[Paris Peace Conference, 1919|Paris Peace Conference]], war veteran [[Gabriele d'Annunzio]] declared the independent state there, the [[Italian Regency of Carnaro]].<ref name="macdonal">{{cite book |last=Macdonald |first=Hamish |title=Mussolini and Italian Fascism|publisher=Nelson Thornes|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=221W9vKkWrcC&pg=PT16&dq=Gabriele+d%27Annunzio+paris+peace&sig=ACfU3U1BTr2IQkCU7gfZKyLAg2TRbp6a8g |isbn=0748733868 |year=1999}}</ref> He named himself ''Duce'' of the nation and declared a [[constitution]], the ''[[Charter of Carnaro]]'', which was highly influential to early Fascism, though he himself never became a fascist.<ref name="macdonal"/> |
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[[Image:Italian Fascist flag 1930s-1940s.svg|left|thumb|220px|Flag of the [[National Fascist Party]].]] |
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[[Benito Mussolini]] founded Italian fascism as the [[Fasci italiani di combattimento]] after he returned from World War I, and published a [[Fascist manifesto]]. The birth of the Fascist movement can be traced to a meeting he held in the Piazza San Sepolcro in [[Milan]] on March 23, 1919, which declared the original principles of the Fascists through a series of declarations.<ref>Mediterranean Fascism, 1919-1945, Edited by Charles F. Delzell copyright 1970 p. 7.</ref> |
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These included a dedication to Italian war veterans,<ref>Mediterranean Fascism, 1919-1945, Edited by Charles F. Delzell copyright 1970 p. 8.</ref> a declaration of the fascists' loyalty to Italy and its opposition to foreign aggressors, a pronouncment that the fascists would fight against other political factions and a declaration of opposition to [[bolshevism]] and [[socialism]], particularly the socialism of the [[Italian Socialist Party]]. They also declared their intention to seize power and their opposition to the multiparty [[representative democracy]] in Italy. |
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The fascists took a moderate stance on the economy, effectively declaring that they favoured [[class collaboration]] while opposing excessive state intervention into the economy, and calling for pressure on industrialists and workers to be cooperative and constructive, saying: "As for economic democracy, we favour [[national syndicalism]] and reject State intervention whenever it aims at throttling the creation of wealth."<ref>Mediterranean Fascism, 1919-1945, Edited by Charles F. Delzell copyright 1970 p. 9.</ref> |
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Mussolini and the fascists were simultaneously [[revolutionary]] and [[tradition]]alist.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.jstor.org/pss/1852268|publisher=Roland Sarti|title=Fascist Modernization in Italy: Traditional or Revolutionary|date=8 January 2008}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.appstate.edu/~brantzrw/history3134/mussolini.html|publisher=Appstate.edu|title=Mussolini's Italy|date=8 January 2008}}</ref> because this was vastly different from anything else in the political climate of the time, it is sometimes described as "The Third Way".<ref>{{cite book |last=Macdonald|first=Hamish |title=Mussolini and Italian Fascism|publisher=Nelson Thornes|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=221W9vKkWrcC&pg=PT17&lpg=PT17&dq=%22third+way%22+mussolini&source=web&ots=YG16x28rgN&sig=u7p19AE4Zlv483mg003WWDKP8S4&hl=en|isbn=0748733868 |year=1999}}</ref> The Fascisti, led by one of Mussolini's close confidants, [[Dino Grandi]], formed armed squads of war veterans called [[Blackshirts]] (or ''squadristi'') with the goal of restoring order. The blackshirts clashed with [[Communism|communists]], socialists and [[Anarchism|anarchists]] at parades and demonstrations. The government rarely interfered with the blackshirts' actions, due in part to a widespread fear of a Communist revolution. |
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The Fascisti grew so rapidly that within two years, it transformed itself into the [[National Fascist Party]] at a congress in [[Rome]]. Also in 1921, Mussolini was elected to the [[Italian Chamber of Deputies|Chamber of Deputies]] for the first time and was later appointed as [[Prime Minister]] by the King in 1922. He then went on to install a [[dictatorship]] after 10 June 1924 assassination of [[anti-fascism|anti-fascist]] writer [[Giacomo Matteotti]] by agents of the Mussolini's ''Ceka'' secret police. |
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Mussolini's [[colonialism]] reached further into [[Africa]] in an attempt to compete with [[British Empire|British]] and [[French colonial empire|French]] colonial empires.<ref name="colonialism">{{cite book |last=Copinger|first=Stewart |title=The rise and fall of Western colonialism|publisher=F.A.Praeger|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=8tZBAAAAIAAJ&q=italian+empire+colonial+british+french&dq=italian+empire+colonial+british+french&pgis=1}}</ref> Mussolini spoke of making Italy a nation that was "great, respected and feared" throughout Europe, and indeed the world. An early example was his bombardment of [[Corfu]] in 1923. Soon after he succeeded in setting up a [[puppet state|puppet regime]] in [[Albania]] and forcibly ended a rebellion in [[Libya]], which had been a colony (loosely) since 1912. It was his dream to make the [[Mediterranean Sea|Mediterranean]] ''mare nostrum'' ("our sea" in [[Latin]]). |
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====Nazism (National Socialism, Germany)==== |
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{{Main|Nazism|National Socialism}} |
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[[Image:Flag of Germany 1933.svg|thumb|200px|right|Flag of the German [[Nazi Party]]]] |
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The National Socialist German Workers’ Party ([[Nazi Party]]) ruled [[Germany]] from 1933 until 1945. The party was originally formed as the [[German Workers' Party]] under the leadership of [[Anton Drexler]], and espoused a combination of [[Racialism|racialist]] ''[[Völkisch movement|völkisch]]'' [[nationalism]] and [[socialism]] that rejected the conditions imposed on Germany after [[World War I]]. The party accused [[Internationalism (politics)|international]] [[capitalism]] of being Jewish-dominated, and denounced capitalists for war profiteering in [[World War I]].<ref name="Spector, Robert Melvin p. 137">Spector, Robert Melvin. World Without Civilization: Mass Murder And The Holocaust, History, And Analysis. University of America Press. p. 137.</ref> To ease concerns among potential middle-class nationalist supporters, Drexler made clear that unlike Marxists, the party supported middle-class citizens, and that the party's socialist policy was meant to give social welfare to all German citizens who were deemed part of the [[Aryan race]].<ref name="Spector, Robert Melvin p. 137"/> |
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Drexler's insistence on the inclusion of the term "socialist" in the party's name had caused tension amongst members of the party including then-member [[Adolf Hitler]], who preferred that the party be named the "Social Revolutionary Party", until [[Rudolf Jung]] persuaded him to support the name "National Socialist German Workers' Party".<ref>[[Konrad Heiden]], "Les débuts du national-socialisme", Revue d'Allemagne, VII, No. 71 (Sept. 15, 1933), p. 821 |
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</ref> Drexler was ousted from the leadership in 1921 by Hitler, who secured himself the position of undisputed and permanent leader of the party. |
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Hitler admired Benito Mussolini and the Italian Fascists, and after Mussolini's successful [[March on Rome]] in 1922, presented the Nazis as a German version of Italian Fascism.<ref name="Fulda, Bernhard 2009. p. 65">Fulda, Bernhard. ''Press and Politics in the Weimar Republic''. Oxford University Press, 2009. p. 65.</ref><ref>Carlsten, F.L. The Rise of Fascism. 2nd ed. University of California Press, 1982. p. 80.</ref> Hitler endorsed Italian Fascism, saying that "with the victory of fascism in Italy the Italian people has triumphed [over] Jewry" and appraised Mussolini as "the brilliant statesman".<ref>Nazi foreign policy, 1933-1941: the road to global war. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. Pp. 10.</ref> Joseph Goebbels, Hitler's chief [[Nazi propaganda|propagandist]], credited Italian Fascism with starting a conflict against [[liberal democracy]], saying: |
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<blockquote>The march on Rome was a signal, a sign of storm for liberal-democracy. It is the first attempt to destroy the world of the liberal-democratic spirit<nowiki>[...]</nowiki> which started in 1789 with the [[Storming of the Bastille|storm on the Bastille]] and conquered one country after another in violent revolutionary upheavals, to let... the nations go under in [[Marxism]], democracy, [[anarchy]] and [[Class conflict|class warfare]]...<ref name="Carlsten, 1982. p. 80">Carlsten, 1982. p. 80.</ref></blockquote> |
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Following the Italians' example, the Nazis attempted a "March on Berlin" to topple the [[Weimar Republic]], which they characterised as "Marxist".<ref name="Carlsten, 1982. p. 80"/> |
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Days after Mussolini rose to power in October 1922, the major British national newspaper ''[[The Times]]'' referred to Hitler as Mussolini's promising pupil in Germany.<ref>Nazi foreign policy, 1933-1941: the road to global war. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. Pp. 10.</ref> A month after Mussolini had risen to power, amid claims by the Nazis that they were equivalent to the Italian fascists, Hitler's popularity in Germany began to grow, and large crowds began to attend Nazi rallies. The newspaper ''Berlin Lokal-Anzeiger'' featured a front page article about Hitler, saying "There are a lot of people who believe him to be the German Mussolini".<ref name="Fulda, Bernhard 2009. p. 65"/> |
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[[Image:Adolf Hitler cph 3a48970.jpg|thumb|150px|left|Adolf Hitler, German Nazi leader]] |
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In private, Mussolini expressed dislike of Hitler and the Nazis, seeing them as mere imitators of Italian Fascism. When Mussolini met with the Italian Consul in Munich prior to the Nazis' failed [[Beer Hall Putsch]] in 1923, he stated that the Nazis were "buffoons".<ref>Carlsten, 1982. p. 81.</ref> However by 1928, the Italian Fascist government recognized the utility of the Nazis and began to financially subsidize the Nazi party.<ref>Payne, Stanley G. ''A history of fascism, 1914-1945''. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 1995, 2005 (Digital Printing edition). Pp. 463.</ref> |
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Hitler remained impressed by Mussolini and Fascist Italy for many years in spite of resentments towards Italy by other Nazis. During the period of positive outlook towards Fascist Italy, Hitler became an [[Italophile]].<ref> Fortescue, William. ''The Third Republic in France, 1870-1940: conflicts and continuities''. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2000. Pp. 181.</ref> Hitler like Mussolini profoundly admired [[Ancient Rome]], and repeatedly mentioned it in ''[[Mein Kampf]]'' as being a model for Germany.<ref>Scobie, Alexander. ''Hitler's state architecture: the impact of classical antiquity''. Pennsylvania State University Press, 1990. Pp. 22, 38.</ref> In particular, Hitler admired ancient Rome's authoritarian culture, imperialism, town planning, and architecture, which were incorporated by the Nazis.<ref>Scobie, Alexander. ''Hitler's state architecture: the impact of classical antiquity''. Pennsylvania State University Press, 1990. Pp. 22</ref> Hitler considered the ancient Romans to have been a [[master race]].<ref>Scobie, Alexander. ''Hitler's state architecture: the impact of classical antiquity''. Pennsylvania State University Press, 1990. Pp. 22</ref> |
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In an unpublished sequel to ''Mein Kampf'', Hitler declared that he held no antagonism towards Italy for having waged war against Germany and [[Austria-Hungary]] in [[World War I]], saying that it was only in Italy became at war with Germany because of Germany's alliance with Austria Hungary which Italy had territorial claims on.<ref>Nazi foreign policy, 1933-1941: the road to global war. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. Pp. 9.</ref> Hitler declared his sympathy to the Italians for desiring to regain Italian-populated lands held by Austria-Hungary, claiming it was naturally in Italians' national interest to wage war to regain those lands.<ref>Nazi foreign policy, 1933-1941: the road to global war. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. Pp. 9.</ref> |
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Hitler made controversial concessions to gain Fascist Italy's approval and alliance, such as abandoning territorial claims on the [[Tyrol]] region of Italy that had a dense population of hundreds of thousands of Germans.<ref> Fortescue, William. ''The Third Republic in France, 1870-1940: conflicts and continuities''. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2000. Pp. 181.</ref> In ''Mein Kampf'' Hitler declared that it was not in Germany's interest to have war with Italy over South Tyrol.<ref>Nazi foreign policy, 1933-1941: the road to global war. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. Pp. 10.</ref> |
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The Nazis gained political power in Germany's government through a democratic [[German election, July 1932|election in 1932]]. Hitler was appointed [[Chancellor of Germany (German Reich)|Chancellor of Germany]] following the [[German election, 1933|1933 election]], subsequently putting into place the [[Enabling Act of 1933]], which effectively gave him the power of a [[dictator]], except over the German Roman Catholic Church, which was under the [[Reichskonkordat|Vatican]]. The Nazis announced a national rebirth, in the form of the [[Third Reich]], nicknamed the ''Thousand Year Empire'', promoted as a successor to the [[Holy Roman Empire]] and the [[German Empire]]. |
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Although the modern consensus sees Nazism as a type of generic fascism,<ref>Griffin, Roger and Matthew Feldman [http://books.google.com/books?id=2SlXXndbbCEC&dq Fascism: Critical Concepts in Political Science] p. 8, 2004 Taylor and Francis.</ref> some scholars, including Gilbert Allardyce, [[Zeev Sternhell]], [[Karl Dietrich Bracher]] and [[A.F.K. Organski]], argue that Nazism is not fascism{{ndash}} either because it is different in character or because they believe fascism cannot be generically defined.<ref>{{cite journal|author=Gilbert Allardyce|title=What Fascism Is Not: Thoughts on the Deflation of a Concept|year=1979|journal=American Historical Review|volume=84|issue=2|pages=367–388|doi=10.2307/1855138}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|author=Paul H. Lewis|title=Latin Fascist Elites|year=2000|publisher=Praeger/Greenwood|isbn=0-275-97880-X|pages=9}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|author=Karl Dietrich Bracher|title=Fascism: A Reader's Guide|year=1976|publisher=Harmondsworth|isbn=0520030338|pages=217–218}}</ref> Nazism differed from Italian fascism in that it had a stronger emphasis on race, religion, and ethnicity, especially exhibited as [[antisemitism]]. Roger Griffin, a leading exponent of the ''generic fascism'' theory, wrote: |
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<blockquote>It might well be claimed that Nazism and Italian fascism were separate species within the same genus, without any implicit assumption that the two species ought to be well-nigh identical. [[Ernst Nolte]] has stated that the differences could be easily reconciled by employing a term such as 'radical fascism' for Nazism. ... The establishment of fundamental generic characteristics linking Nazism to movements in other parts of Europe allows further consideration on a comparative basis of the reasons why such movements were able to become a real political danger and gain power in Italy and Germany, whereas in other European countries they remained an unpleasant, but transitory irritant...<ref>{{cite book | last =Griffin| first =Roger | title =Fascism: Critical Concepts in Political Science| publisher =Taylor & Francis| url =http://books.google.com/books?id=xeHuSpHzqGUC&pg=PA65&dq=%22claimed+that+Nazism+and+Italian%22&lr=&ei=UhdeSd7XKIuINpaSpDQ&hl=nl | isbn =0415290198 | year =2003}}</ref></blockquote> |
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Sternhell views Nazism as separate from fascism: |
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<blockquote>Fascism can in no way be identified with Nazism. Undoubtedly the two ideologies, the two movements, and the two regimes had common characteristics. They often ran parallel to one another or overlapped, but they differed on one fundamental point: the criterion of German national socialism was biological determination. The basis of Nazism was a [[racism]] in its most extreme sense, and the fight against Jews, against 'inferior' races, played a more preponderant role in it than the struggle against communism.<ref name="nazinotfasciststrenhell">{{cite book | last =Sternhell| first =Zeev | title =The Birth of the Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution| publisher =Princeton University Press| url =http://books.google.com/books?id=hnv0F88nLawC&pg=PA4&dq=%22Fascism+can+in+no+way+be+identified+with+Nazism.+%22&ei=m9jTSLTHOIHCigGv8PjmAw&sig=ACfU3U0_E5NsdBjbVMz_Inbk_I4s4I3OXA | isbn =0691044864 | year =1996}}</ref></blockquote> |
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====Iron Guard (Romania)==== |
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{{Main|Iron Guard}} |
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[[File:Corneliu Zelea Codreanu.jpg|thumb|160px|left|Corneliu Zelea Codreanu]] |
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[[File:Guardiadehierro.svg|thumb|right|180px|Symbol of the'' Iron Guard ''.]] |
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The Iron Guard was a fascist movement and political party in [[Romania]] from 1927 to 1941.<ref>Spicer, Kevin P. 2007. Antisemitism, Christian ambivalence, and the Holocaust. Indiana University Press on behalf of the Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies. p. 142.[http://books.google.ca/books?id=5y36kURk5w4C&pg=PA142&dq=iron+guard+totalitarian] (Describes the Romanian Iron Guard as a totalitarian nationalist and anti-Semitic movement.</ref> It was briefly in power from September 14, 1940 until January 21, 1941. It was founded by [[Corneliu Zelea Codreanu]] on 24 July 1927 as the "Legion of the [[Archangel Michael]]" (''Legiunea Arhanghelului Mihail''), and it was led by him until his death in 1938. |
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Adherents to the movement continued to be widely referred to as "legionnaires" (sometimes "legionaries"; {{lang-ro|legionari}}) and the organization as the "Legion" or the "Legionary Movement" (''Mişcarea Legionară''), despite various changes of the (intermittently banned) organization's name. |
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It was strongly anti-Semitic, promoting the idea that "Rabbinical aggression against the Christian world" in "unexpected 'protean forms': [[Freemasonry]], [[Sigmund Freud|Freudianism]], [[homosexuality]], [[atheism]], Marxism, Bolshevism, [[Spanish Civil War|the civil war in Spain]], and social democracy" were undermining society.<ref>Volovici, ''Nationalist Ideology'', p. 98, citing N. Cainic, ''Ortodoxie şi etnocraţie'', pp. 162–4.)</ref> |
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The Iron Guard "inserted strong elements of [[Orthodox Christianity]] into its political doctrine to the point of becoming one of the rare modern European political movements with a religious ideological structure."<ref>Ioanid, "The Sacralised Politics of the Romanian Iron Guard".</ref> |
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====Falangism (Spain)==== |
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{{Main|Falangism}} |
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{{See also|Falangism in Latin America|Kataeb Party}} |
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Falangism was a form of fascism founded by José Antonio Primo de Rivera in 1934, emerging during the [[Second Spanish Republic]].<ref name="spanishfascism">{{cite book | last =Payne | first =Stanley G| title =Falange: A History of Spanish Fascism| publisher =Textbook Publisherss| url =http://books.google.com/books?id=rsHyAAAACAAJ&dq=Spanish+Fascism&lr=| isbn =0758134452}}</ref> Primo de Rivera was the son of Spain's former dictator [[Miguel Primo de Rivera]]. Following the establishment of the [[Second Spanish Republic]] Spain went from a [[Monarchy|kingdom]] into a [[republic]]. |
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Primo de Rivera, inspired by Mussolini, founded the [[Falange|Falange Española]] party, which merged a year later with the [[Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista]] party of [[Ramiro Ledesma]] and [[Onésimo Redondo]].<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/308385/Juntas-de-Ofensiva-Nacional-Sindicalista|publisher=Britannica.com|title=Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista|date=8 January 2008}}</ref> The party and Primo de Rivera presented the [[Falange Manifesto]] in November 1934; it promoted [[nationalism]], unity, glorification of the [[Spanish Empire]] and dedication to the [[national syndicalism]] economic policy, inspired by [[integralism]] in which there is [[class collaboration]]. The manifesto supported [[agrarianism]], to improve the standard of living for the peasants of the rural areas, [[anti-capitalism]] and [[anti-Marxism]]. The Falange participated in the [[Spanish general election, 1936]] with low results compared to the leftist [[Popular Front (Spain)|Popular Front]], but soon after increased in membership rapidly. |
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[[Image:Bandera FE JONS.svg|thumb|right|200px|Flag of the FET and JONS parties.]] |
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Primo de Rivera was captured by Republicans on 6 July 1936 and held in captivity at [[Alicante]]. The [[Spanish Civil War]] broke out on 17 July 1936 between the Republicans and the Nationalists, with the ''Falangistas'' fighting for Nationalist cause. Despite his incarceration Primo de Rivera was a strong symbol of the cause, referred to as ''El Ausente'', meaning "the Absent One". He was [[summarily executed]] on 20 November after a trial by socialists.<ref>{{cite book | last =Loveday| first =Arthur Frederic | title =Spain, 1923-1948: Civil War and World War| publisher =Boswell Publishing Company| url =http://books.google.com/books?id=TVhYAAAAMAAJ&q=El+Ausente+primo+de+rivera&dq=El+Ausente+primo+de+rivera&pgis=1}}</ref> |
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General [[Francisco Franco]], already the leader of the rebel Nationalists, took over the leadership of the Falangists. Franco's focus was on victory in the war, and ensuring important flows of material from [[Fascist Italy]] and [[Nazi Germany]], so he was less ideological than his predecessor.<ref>{{cite book | last =Tucker| first =Spencer | title =Encyclopedia of World War II: A Political, Social, and Military History| publisher =ABC-CLIO| url =http://books.google.com/books?id=U0xblxV_pLgC&pg=PA8&dq=Spanish+Civil+War+soviet+union+germany+italy&sig=ACfU3U02ykBEvGZ9lWEwfAAeX2WhGpvCoQ|isbn=1576079996 | year =2004}}</ref> |
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A merger between the Falange and the [[Carlism|Carlists]] took place in 1937, creating the [[Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista|FET y de las JONS]], a more traditionalist, conservative party than the original Falagnists, and one which is described by some [[Authentic Falange|"authentic" Falangists]] as a move away from the party's original fascist principles.<ref name="spanishfascism"/><ref name="spanishfascism"/><ref>{{cite book | last = Del Boca | first =Angelo| title =Fascism Today: A World Survey| publisher =Pantheon Books| url =http://books.google.com/books?id=nadBAAAAIAAJ&q=%22authentic+Falangism%22&dq=%22authentic+Falangism%22&pgis=1}}</ref> Franco balanced several different interests of elements in his party, in an effort to keep them united, especially in regard to the question of monarchy.<ref name="francoyears">{{cite book | last =Payne | first =Stanley G| title =The Franco Regime, 1936-1975| publisher =University of Wisconsin Press| url =http://books.google.com/books?id=mgDWLYcTYIAC&dq=Francisco+Franco+payne&lr=&source=gbs_summary_s&cad=0| isbn =0299110702 | year =1987}}</ref> |
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Franco's traditionalist, conservative stance means the Francoist regime is not generally considered to be fascist, as it lacked any revolutionary, transformative aspect.<ref>Laqueur, Walter [http://books.google.com/books?id=fWggQTqioXcC&dq Fascism: Past, Present, Future] p. 13 1996 Oxford University Press</ref><ref>De Menses, Filipe Ribeiro [http://books.google.com/books?id=InPG_1wKfCIC&dq Franco and the Spanish Civil War], p. 87, Routledge</ref><ref>Gilmour, David, [http://books.google.com/books?id=O-SEAAAAIAAJ&q=&pgis=1 The Transformation of Spain: From Franco to the Constitutional Monarchy], p. 7 1985 Quartet Books</ref><ref name=autogenerated1>Payne, Stanley [http://books.google.com/books?id=NiD3UeOCSGsC&dq Fascism in Spain, 1923–1977], p. 476 1999 Univ. of Wisconsin Press</ref><ref>Payne, Stanley [http://books.google.com/books?id=NiD3UeOCSGsC&dq Fascism in Spain, 1923–1977], p. 347, 476 1999 Univ. of Wisconsin Press</ref> [[Stanley G. Payne]], author of "Falange: a history of Spanish fascism", and supporter of minority revisionist historians who see the Spanish civil war as a result of leftist influences, wrote: "scarcely any of the serious historians and analysts of Franco consider the generalissimo to be a core fascist."<ref>Laqueur, Walter [http://books.google.com/books?id=fWggQTqioXcC&dq Fascism: Past, Present, Future], p. 13, 1997 Oxford University Press US</ref> Those who fought in the civil war against Franco saw it as a fight against Fascism even if it meant as [[Roman Catholics]] going against the prevailing sentiments of their Church.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/4818356.stm "Spanish Civil War veterans look back", BBC News, 17 March 2006]</ref> |
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The ideas of Falangism were also exported, mainly to parts of the [[Hispanosphere]], especially in [[South America]].<ref name="safalange">{{cite book | last =Chase| first =Allan| title =Falange: The Axis Secret Army in the Americas| publisher =G.P. Putnam's Sons| url =http://books.google.com/books?id=2LobAAAAMAAJ&q=%22+South+American+Falange%22&dq=%22+South+American+Falange%22&lr=&pgis=1}}</ref> In some countries these movements were obscure, in others they had some impact.<ref name="safalange"/> The [[Bolivian Socialist Falange]] under [[Óscar Únzaga]] provided significant competition to the [[Revolutionary Nationalist Movement|ruling government]] during the 1950s until the 1970s.<ref>{{cite book | last =Gunson| first =Phil| title =The Dictionary of Contemporary Politics of South America| publisher =Routledge| url =http://books.google.com/books?id=tU0OAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA38&dq=Bolivian+Socialist+Falange+Oscar+%C3%9Anzaga&lr=&sig=ACfU3U3iwRJQmel2-H_TR_62Bb1kXYAaeg|ISBN=0415028086}}</ref> |
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In Peru, Catholic activist [[Luis Fernando Figari]] attempted to promote the ideals of Falangism, creating the youth Catholic association [[Sodalitium Christianae Vitae]], in which, during the 70's, future members were educated in the official social doctrine of the Church as well in the Falangismo. Falangism was significant in [[Lebanon]] through the [[Kataeb Party]] and its founder [[Pierre Gemayel]]<ref>{{cite book | last =Robertson| first =David| title =A Dictionary of Modern Politics| publisher =Routledge| url =http://books.google.com/books?id=qHXbGOUuF9YC&pg=PA181&dq=Falange+lebanon&lr=&sig=ACfU3U3TvgSS1Uhu16CWT75Ay7OSKcBEkA#PPA180,M1|ISBN=185743093X}}</ref>, fighting for national independence which was won in 1943. |
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===Americas=== |
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====Integralism (Brazil)==== |
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{{Main|Brazilian Integralism}} |
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[[File:Flag of Ação Integralista Brasileira.svg|200px|thumb|Integralist Flag]] |
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Brazilian Integralism (Ação Integralista Brasileira) was a form of fascism founded by [[Plinio Salgado]] in Brazil in October 1932. It is considered by many historians as the best, and maybe one of the only adaptations of fascist ideals in Latin America. From his magazine, Hierarquía directly inspired on “Gerarchia” from Italy, they persuade a great number of intellectuals to enter the group. 400,000 members were gained in the first two years alone, and by 1937 they were one of the most important parties in Latin America with around one million members. |
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They took many ideals from fascism instead of the “Italianità” and “Romanità”, in [[Italy]] they took the "Brasilianidade". Their principles included Corporativism, [[Catholicism]], and like other fascist movements exhbitied forms of an [[anti-capitalist]], and [[anti-communism|anti-communist]] agenda. They also took up and formed armed squads, nicknamed [[Greenshirts]]. |
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===Asia=== |
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====Kai-tsu p'ai faction of the Kuomintang (China)==== |
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[[File:Flag of the Republic of China-Nanjing (Peace, Anti-Communism, National Construction).svg|200px|thumb|Flag of the [[Republic of China-Nanjing]] under the ''Kai-tsu p'ai''.]] |
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[[Wang Jingwei]], a left-wing [[Nationalism|nationalist]] and [[Anti-communism|anti-communist]] member of the [[Kuomintang]] (Nationalist Party of China), and in particular the left-wing nationalist ''Kai-tsu p'ai'' (Reorganization) faction, was originally hostile to fascism in Europe, but gradually drifted to be in favour of [[left-wing fascism]], especially to the economic policies of [[Nazism]] in the late 1930s.<ref>Dongyoun Hwang. ''Wang Jingwei, The National Government, and the Problem of Collaboration.'' Ph.D. Dissertation, Duke University. UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor Michigain. 2000, 118.</ref><ref>Larsen, Stein Ugelvik (ed.). ''Fascism Outside of Europe''. New York: Columbia University Press, 2001. ISBN0880339888. P. 255.</ref> Wang Jingwei visited Germany in 1936, and changed his views towards fascism, speaking positively about European fascist states, saying that: "Several advanced countries have already expanded their national vitality and augmented their people's strength, and are no longer afraid of foreign aggression."<ref>Larsen, p255.</ref> Wang Jingwei became head of the Japanese [[client state]] the [[Republic of China-Nanjing]] during [[World War II]]. |
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[[Image:Wang and Nazis.jpg|thumb|right|250px|[[Wang Jingwei]] receiving [[Nazism|Nazi]] diplomats while head of state of [[Republic of China-Nanjing|China-Nanjing]] in 1941.]] |
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Publicist T'iang Leang-Li of the People's Tribune newspaper associated with the ''Kai-tsu p'ai'' promoted the positive nature of fascism in Europe while attempting to distance ''Kai-tsu p'ai'' from overtly negative aspects of fascism and wrote in 1937: "Whatever we may think about fascist and Nazi methods and policies, we must recognize the fact that their leaders have secured the enthuisiastic support of their respective nations".<ref>Larsen, P. 255</ref> T'iang Leang-Li claimed that the "foolish, unwise, and even cruel things" done in the fascist states had been done in a positive manner to bring about "tremendous change in the political outlook of the German and Italian people".<ref>Larsen, p255.</ref> |
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T'iang Leang-Li wrote articles that positively assessed the "socialist" character of [[Nazism]]. Similarly, Shih Shao-pei of the ''Kai-tsu p'ai'' rebuked Chinese critics of Nazism by saying "We in China <nowiki>[...]</nowiki> have heard too much about the 'national' and other flagwaving activities of the Nazis, and not enough about the 'socialist' work they are doing."<ref>Larsen, p255.</ref> Shih Shao-pei wrote about reports of improved working conditions in German factories, the vacations given to employees by ''[[Kraft durch Freude]]'', improved employer-employee relations, and the provision of public service work camps for the unemployed.<ref>Larsen, p255.</ref> Other works made by the People's Tribune spoke positively about Nazism, saying that it was bringing the "integration of the working classes...into the National Socialist state and the abolition of...the evil elements of modern capitalism".<ref>Larsen, p255.</ref> |
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==Para-fascism== |
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{{seealso|Fascist (epithet)}} |
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Some states and movements have certain characteristics of fascism, but scholars generally agree they are not fascist. Such putatively fascist groups are generally anti-liberal, anti-communist and use similar political or paramilitary methods to fascists, but lack fascism's [[palingenetic ultranationalism|revolutionary goal to create a new national character]].<ref name="Griffin p.8">Griffin, Roger and Matthew Feldman [http://books.google.com/books?id=2SlXXndbbCEC&dq Fascism: Critical Concepts in Political Science] p.8, 2004 Taylor and Francis</ref> ''Para-fascism'' is a term used to describe authoritarian regimes with aspects that differentiate them from true fascist states or movements.<ref>Davies, Peter Jonathan and Derek |
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Lynch [http://books.google.com/books?id=guUWv8FJ8wMC&dq The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right]. p. 3, 2002 Routledge</ref> |
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Para-fascists typically eschewed radical change and some viewed genuine fascists as a threat.<ref>Davies, Peter Jonathan and Derek |
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Lynch [http://books.google.com/books?id=guUWv8FJ8wMC&dq The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right]. p. 326, 2002 Routledge</ref> Para-fascist states were often the home of genuine fascist movements, which were sometimes suppressed or co-opted, sometimes collaborated with.<ref name="Griffin p.8"/> |
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===Fatherland Front (Austria)=== |
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{{Main|Austrofascism}} |
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[[Image:Engelbert Dollfuß Briefmarke.jpg|thumb|150px|right|[[Engelbert Dollfuss|Engelbert Dollfuß]]]] |
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[[Image:Fatherland Front of Austria.svg|thumb|200px|left|Flag of the Fatherland Front of Austria.]] |
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"Austrofascism" is a controversial category encompassing various para-fascist and semi-fascist movements in Austria in the 1930s.<ref>Davies, Peter Jonathan and Derek Lynch [http://books.google.com/books?id=guUWv8FJ8wMC&dq The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right]. p. 255, 2002 Routledge</ref> In particular it refers to the [[Fatherland's Front|Fatherland Front]], which became Austria's sole legal political party in 1934. |
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The Fatherland Front like fascism promoted [[corporatism]] but unlike fascism it did not promote it along secular and totalitarian grounds.<ref name="Morgan, Philip 2003. p. 170">Morgan, Philip. ''Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945''. London, UK; New York, USA: Routledge, 2003. p. 170.</ref> Dollfuß rejected the secular totalitarian state and instead promoted [[Christian corporatism]] based on [[Pope Pius XI|Pope Pius XI's]] encyclical ''[[Quadragesimo Anno]]'' (1931).<ref name="Morgan, Philip 2003. p. 170"/> The Fatherland Front's corporatism and Austrian corporatism in general was based on the state corporatist theory of Austrian conservative [[Othmar Spann]].<ref>Blinkhorn, Martin. ''Fascists and Conservatives''. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). Pp. 105.</ref> |
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They were similar in that both served to attack the idea of a [[class struggle]], accusing the left of destroying [[individuality]]. The leader of the Fatherland Front, [[Engelbert Dollfuss|Engelbert Dollfuß]], claimed he wanted to "out-Hitler" (''überhitlern'') Nazism. |
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Unlike the [[ethnic nationalism]] promoted by Italian Fascists and Nazis, the Fatherland Front focused entirely on cultural nationalism such as Austrian identity and distinction from Germany, extolling Austria's ties to the [[Roman Catholic Church]]. The notion of the Fatherland Front being fascist is usually based on the regime's support for and ideological similarities with of [[Fascist Italy]], but its intensely conservative nationalism is often distinguished from revolutionary fascism. |
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===Estado Novo (Portugal)=== |
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{{Main|Estado Novo}} |
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[[File:Antonio de Oliveira Salazar.jpg|right|150px|thumb|[[Antonio de Oliveira Salazar]], Prime Minister of Portugal from 1932 to 1968.]] |
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The [[Estado Novo]] ("New State") regime in Portugal from 1933 to 1974 has been described as having close similarities to fascism as well as significant differences. [[Antonio de Oliveira Salazar]] rose to power in Portugal as Prime Minister in an army coup in 1932. Salazar created an authoritarian [[Conservatism|conservative]] [[Nationalism|nationalist]] regime that gave him complete control of government affairs and instituted a [[police state]].<ref>Blinkhorn, Martin. ''Fascists and Conservatives''. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). Pp. 164.</ref> Also, like fascism, Salazar instituted economic [[corporatism]] and substantial state control over the economy.<ref>Blinkhorn, Martin. ''Fascists and Conservatives''. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). Pp. 161.</ref> Salazar like fascist leaders, denounced democracy as detrimental to nations.<ref>Blinkhorn, Martin. ''Fascists and Conservatives''. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). Pp. 164.</ref> While Salazar promoted nationalism, he personally made disctinction between his regime's nationalism and fascism's aggressive nationalism, saying in 1934, "Portugal has no need of wars, usurptions, or conquests".<ref>Blinkhorn, Martin. ''Fascists and Conservatives''. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). Pp. 164.</ref> Salazar described his regime's nationalism as "sane and non-aggressive".<ref>Blinkhorn, Martin. ''Fascists and Conservatives''. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). Pp. 164.</ref> In 1936, Salazar denounced the totalitarianism of fascism, [[Nazism]], and [[communism]].<ref>Blinkhorn, Martin. ''Fascists and Conservatives''. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). Pp. 165.</ref> Salazar in particular criticized the "pagan" nature of Italian Fascism, claiming that it "recognizes no moral or legal order".<ref>Blinkhorn, Martin. ''Fascists and Conservatives''. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). Pp. 164.</ref> |
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===Metaxas' 4th of August Regime (Greece)=== |
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[[File:Labrys-symbol.svg|thumb|left|150px|Labyris, the ancient Greek double-axe that was the symbol of Greece under Metaxas' rule]] |
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[[File:Metaxas.jpg|right|150px|thumb|Ioannis Metaxas, Prime Minister of Greece from 1936 to 1941.]] |
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[[Greece]] from 1936 to 1941 was a constitutional monarchy with the government in control of general [[Ioannis Metaxas]] as a dictator who created an authoritarian state based on fascism, Francisco Franco's regime in Spain, and Salazar's regime in Portugal. Metaxas promoted Greek nationalism, promoting a restoration of Hellenic civilization. The Metaxas regime used a fasces-like symbol for the regime, the [[Labrys]], an ancient Greek double-axe. Under Metaxas, Greek officials adopted the straight-armed salute. Unlike fascism, Metaxas' government did not have a political party in control of the state. |
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Metaxas' regime's relation with fascist states disintegrated in 1940 to 1941 with the invasion of Greece by Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany which toppled the regime. |
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===Imperial Rule Assistance Association (Japan)=== |
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[[Image:Taisei Yokusankai.svg|thumb|200px|left|Symbol of the [[Taisei Yokusankai|Imperial Rule Assistance Association]].]] |
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[[Image:Fumimaro Konoe clear background.jpg|right|150px|thumb|[[Fumimaro Konoe]] founded the [[Taisei Yokusankai|Imperial Rule Assistance Association]] in 1940.]] |
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The Imperial Rule Assistance Association (''Taisei Yokusankai'') was a coalition of fascist and [[Nationalism|nationalist]] political movements of Japan such as the [[Imperial Way Faction]] (''Kōdōha'') and the [[Tōhōkai|Society of the East]] (''Tōhōkai''). It was formed under the guidance of [[Prime Minister of Japan|Japanese Prime Minister]] [[Fumimaro Konoe]] who was seeking to unify competing Japanese fascist and nationalist groups to reduce political friction and strengthen relations with the fascist regimes in Germany and Italy.<ref name="Tsuzuki, Chushichi 1995. P. 244">Tsuzuki, Chushichi. ''The Pursuit of Power in Japan 1825-1995.'' Oxford University Press, 2000. P. 244.</ref><ref name="Nish, Ian 2001. P. 234">Nish, Ian. Japanese Foreign Policy. Routledge, 2001. P. 234.</ref> Prior to creation of the IRAA, Konoe had already effectively [[nationalization|nationalized]] strategic industries, the [[news media]], and [[labour union]]s, in preparation for [[total war]] with [[China]]. |
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Konoe's successor, [[Hideki Tōjō]] entrenched the IRAA as the country's ruling political movement, and attempted to establish himself as the absolute leader, or ''[[Shogun]]'', of Japan. In contrast to European fascism, though, the cult of personality for the movement focused not on the head of government, but on the [[Emperor of Japan]].<ref name="Tsuzuki, Chushichi 1995. P. 244"/><ref name="Nish, Ian 2001. P. 234"/> |
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The IRAA created ''[[Tonarigumi]]'' (Neighbourhood Association) and youth organisations, in which participation was mandatory. After the 1942 general election, all members of the Japanese parliament were forced to become members of the IRAA, making Japan a single-party state. |
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The IRAA government promoted Japanese expansionism and imperialism, declaring that Japan would form and lead a "[[Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere]]".<ref>Tsuzuki, Chushichi. ''The Pursuit of Power in Japan 1825-1995.'' Oxford University Press, 2000. P. 245.</ref> |
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==References== |
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===Notes=== |
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{{reflist|3}} |
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===Primary sources=== |
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<div class="references-small" style="-moz-column-count:2; column-count:2;"> |
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* [[Giovanni Gentile|Gentile, Giovanni]]. 1932. ''[[The Doctrine of Fascism]]''. [[Enciclopedia Italiana]]. |
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* [[António de Oliveira Salazar|de Oliveira Salazar, António]]. 1939. ''Doctrine and Action: Internal and Foreign Policy of the New Portugal, 1928-1939.'' Faber and Faber. |
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* [[Oswald Mosley|Mosley, Sir Oswald]]. 1968. ''[[My Life (Sir Oswald Mosley autobiography)|My Life]]''. Nelson Publications. |
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*[[José Antonio Primo de Rivera|de Rivera, José Antonio Primo]]. 1971. ''Textos de Doctrina Politica''. Madrid. |
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* [[Benito Mussolini|Mussolini, Benito]]. 1998. ''My Rise And Fall ''. Da Capo Press. ISBN 0306808641 |
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* [[Galeazzo Ciano|Ciano, Galezzo]]. 2001. ''The Ciano Diaries, 1939—1943''. Simon Publications. ISBN 1931313741 |
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* Mussolini, Benito. 2006. ''My Autobiography: With "The Political and Social Doctrine of Fascism"''. Dover Publications. ISBN 0486447774 |
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</div> |
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===Secondary sources=== |
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<div class="references-small" style="-moz-column-count:2; column-count:2;"> |
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* [[Richard J. Evans|Evans, Richard J]], ''The Third Reich in Power: 1933-1939'', The Penguin Press HC, 2005 |
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* [[Renzo De Felice|De Felice, Renzo]]. 1976. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=ia2BdNGHRYoC&pg=PP1&dq=Fascism+:+an+informal+introduction+to+its+theory+and+practice&lr=&sig=ACfU3U1uWnBOMKbE48eeyWoDBvGW1UIe5Q Fascism: An Informal Introduction to Its Theory and Practice]''. Transaction Books. ISBN 0878556192 |
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* [[Renzo De Felice|De Felice, Renzo]]. 1977. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=V7uxAAAACAAJ&dq=Interpretations+of+Fascism Interpretations of Fascism]''. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0674459628. |
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* [[Dimitri Kitsikis|Kitsikis, Dimitri]]. 2005. ''Pour une étude scientifique du fascisme''. Ars Magna Editions. ISBN 2-912164-11-7. |
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* [[Dimitri Kitsikis|Kitsikis, Dimitri]]. 2006. ''Jean-Jacques Rousseau et les origines françaises du fascisme''. Ars Magna Editions. ISBN 2-912164-46-X. |
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* Ben-Am, Shlomo. 1983. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=yvSEAAAAIAAJ&q=%224th+of+August+regime%22&dq=%224th+of+August+regime%22&lr=&pgis=1 Fascism from Above: The Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera in Spain, 1923-1930]''. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0198225962 |
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* [[Stanley Payne|Payne, Stanley G]]. 1987. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=mgDWLYcTYIAC&dq=Francisco+Franco+payne&lr=&source=gbs_summary_s&cad=0 The Franco Regime, 1936-1975]''. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0299110702 |
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* Vatikiotis, Panayiotis J. 1988. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=mT5DO_cVSfMC&dq=Popular+Autocracy+in+Greece,+1936-1941:+A+Political+Biography+of+General+Ioannis+Metaxas&lr=&source=gbs_summary_s&cad=0 Popular Autocracy in Greece, 1936-1941: A Political Biography of General Ioannis Metaxas]''. Routledge. ISBN 0714648698 |
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* Payne, Stanley G. 1995. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=NLiFIEdI1V4C&dq=A+History+of+Fascism+payne&lr=&source=gbs_summary_s&cad=0 A History of Fascism, 1914-45]''. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0299148742 |
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*Costa Pinto, António. 1995. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=Z8Y9AAAACAAJ&dq=Salazar%27s+Dictatorship+and+European+Fascism:+Problems+of+Interpretation&lr= Salazar's Dictatorship and European Fascism: Problems of Interpretation]''. Social Science Monographs. ISBN 0880339683 |
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*Griffiths, Richard. 2001. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=Y668AAAACAAJ&dq=Griffiths,+Richard+Fascism An Intelligent Person's Guide to Fascism]''. Duckworth. ISBN 0715629182 |
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*Lewis, Paul H. 2002. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=z3fgxOPSBb4C&dq=Latin+Fascist+Elites&lr=&source=gbs_summary_s&cad=0 Latin Fascist Elites: The Mussolini, Franco, and Salazar Regimes]''. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 027597880X |
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* Payne, Stanley G. 2003. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=rsHyAAAACAAJ&dq=Spanish+Fascism&lr= Falange: A History of Spanish Fascism]''. Textbook Publishers. ISBN 0758134452 |
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* [[Robert Paxton|Paxton, Robert O]]. 2005. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=oGMfAAAACAAJ&dq=The+Anatomy+of+Fascism The Anatomy of Fascism]''. Vintage Books. ISBN 1400033918 |
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* [[Roger Eatwell|Eatwell, Roger]]. 1996. ''Fascism: A History.'' New York: Allen Lane. |
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*[[Ernst Nolte|Nolte, Ernst]] ''The Three Faces Of Fascism: Action Française, Italian Fascism, National Socialism'', translated from the German by Leila Vennewitz, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1965. |
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* [[Wilhelm Reich|Reich, Wilhelm]]. 1970. ''The Mass Psychology of Fascism''. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux. |
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* [[George Seldes|Seldes, George]]. 1935. ''Sawdust Caesar: The Untold History of Mussolini and Fascism''. New York and London: Harper and Brothers. |
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* [[Alfred Sohn-Rethel]] ''Economy and Class Structure of German Fascism'', London, CSE Bks, 1978 ISBN 0906336007 |
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* Kallis, Aristotle A. ," To Expand or Not to Expand? Territory, Generic Fascism and the Quest for an 'Ideal Fatherland'" Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 38, No. 2. (Apr., 2003), pp. 237–260. |
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*[[Peter Fritzsche|Fritzsche, Peter]]. 1990. ''Rehearsals for Fascism: Populism and Political Mobilization in Weimar Germany''. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-505780-5 |
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* [[Roger Griffin|Griffin, Roger]]. 2000. "Revolution from the Right: Fascism," chapter in David Parker (ed.) ''Revolutions and the Revolutionary Tradition in the West 1560-1991'', Routledge, London. |
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* [[Walter Laqueur|Laqueur, Walter]]. 1966. ''Fascism: Past, Present, Future,'' New York: Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. ISBN 0-19-511793-X |
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*Sauer, Wolfgang "National Socialism: totalitarianism or fascism?" pages 404–424 from ''The American Historical Review'', Volume 73, Issue #2, December 1967. |
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* [[Zeev Sternhell|Sternhell, Zeev]] with [[Mario Sznajder]] and [[Maia Asheri]]. [1989] 1994. ''The Birth of Fascist Ideology, From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution.'', Trans. David Maisei. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. |
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* Baker, David. "The political economy of fascism: Myth or reality, or myth and reality?" New Political Economy, Volume 11, Issue 2 June 2006 , pages 227 – 250 |
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* Griffin, Roger. 1991. ''The Nature of Fascism''. New York: [[St. Martin’s Press]]. |
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* [[Eugen Weber|Weber, Eugen]]. [1964] 1985. ''Varieties of Fascism: Doctrines of Revolution in the Twentieth Century,'' New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, (Contains chapters on fascist movements in different countries.) |
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* [[Gentile, Emilio]]. 2005. ''The Origins of Fascist Ideology, 1918-1925: The First Complete Study of the Origins of Italian Fascism,'' New York: Enigma Books, ISBN 978-1-929631-18-6 |
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</div> |
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==External links== |
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{{Wiktionary}} |
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{{wikiquote}} |
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{{portal}} |
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* [http://www.worldfuturefund.org/wffmaster/Reading/Germany/mussolini.htm The Doctrine of Fascism] |
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*[http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/14058 Readings on Fascism and National Socialism by Various - Project Gutenberg] |
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{{Ideologies}} |
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{{Autocratic}} |
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[[Category:Politics of Italy]] |
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