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There are many scholars who argue that the Jesus of the Talmud provide no evidence of the historical individual. They point to the many inconsistencies. For example the accounts in the Tosefta and Talmud take place in different historical periods. Also, the tradition first seen in the writings of [[Celsus]] can not be regarded as a reliable reference to the historical [[Jesus]]. Furthermore Jesus was crucified and not hanged from a tree. Also the Bible makes no mention of a Roman soldier named Panthera.
There are many scholars who argue that the Jesus of the Talmud provide no evidence of the historical individual. They point to the many inconsistencies. For example the accounts in the Tosefta and Talmud take place in different historical periods. Also, the tradition first seen in the writings of [[Celsus]] can not be regarded as a reliable reference to the historical [[Jesus]]. Furthermore Jesus was crucified and not hanged from a tree. Also the Bible makes no mention of a Roman soldier named Panthera.


Some modern critical scholars view these references as references to Jesus as the messiah of Christianity, but not to the historical [[Jesus]] as an individual. Also Traditional and Orthodox Jewish commentators throughout the centuries rejected the view that the term "Yeshu" referred to Jesus. Whatever the case may be, in the medieval ''Toledot Yeshu'' narratives, "Yeshu" is used to refer to the Christian Jesus. The term was revived in the 20th century as a name for Jesus in modern Israeli Hebrew.<ref name="Dalman 1893 p. 74-76">Thiessen and Merz draw on Dalman (1893), Maier (1982), and Thoma (1990) in reaching this conclusion. Theissen, Gerd and Annette Merz. ''The historical Jesus: a comprehensive guide''. Fortress Press. 1998. translated from German (1996 edition). p. 74-76.</ref> And so the debate will continue.<ref name="Dalman 1893 p. 74-76"/><ref>[http://www.angelfire.com/mt/talmud/jesusnarr.html The Jesus Narrative In The Talmud] pp 1-2</ref>
Some modern critical scholars view these references as references to Jesus as the messiah of Christianity, but not to the historical [[Jesus]] as an individual. Also Traditional and Orthodox Jewish commentators throughout the centuries rejected the view that the term "Yeshu" referred to Jesus. Whatever the case may be, in the medieval ''Toledot Yeshu'' narratives, "Yeshu" is used to refer to the Christian Jesus. The term was revived in the 20th century as a name for Jesus in modern Israeli Hebrew.<ref name="Dalman 1893 p. 74-76">Thiessen and Merz draw on Dalman (1893), Maier (1982), and Thoma (1990) in reaching this conclusion. Theissen, Gerd and Annette Merz. ''The historical Jesus: a comprehensive guide''. Fortress Press. 1998. translated from German (1996 edition). p. 74-76.</ref><ref name="Dalman 1893 p. 74-76"/><ref>[http://www.angelfire.com/mt/talmud/jesusnarr.html The Jesus Narrative In The Talmud] pp 1-2</ref>
<ref>See also Jeffrey Rubenstein, ''Rabbinic Stories (The Classics of Western Spirituality)'' New York: The Paulist Press, 2002 & Daniel Boyarin, ''Dying for God: Martyrdom and the Making of Christianity and Judaism'', Stanford University Press, 1999.</ref>
<ref>See also Jeffrey Rubenstein, ''Rabbinic Stories (The Classics of Western Spirituality)'' New York: The Paulist Press, 2002 & Daniel Boyarin, ''Dying for God: Martyrdom and the Making of Christianity and Judaism'', Stanford University Press, 1999.</ref>

*''Avodah Zarah'', 16b-17a in the Babylonian Talmud essentially repeats the account of ''Chullin'' 2:24 about Rabbi Eliezer and adds additional material. It tells that Jacob quoted Deuteronomy 23:19: "You shall not bring the fee of a whore or the price of a dog into the house of the Lord your God in fulfillment of any vow." Jacob says that he was taught this by Yeshu. Jacob then asked Eliezer whether it was permissible to use a whore's money to build a retiring place for the High Priest? (Who spent the whole night preceding the Day of Atonement in the precincts of the Temple, where due provision had to be made for all his conveniences.) When Rabbi Eliezer did not reply, Jacob quoted Micah 1:7, "For they were amassed from whores' fees and they shall become whores' fees again." This was the teaching that had pleased Rabbi Eliezer.

The surname ben Pandera is not found in the Talmud account. (Rodkinson's translation drawing on the Tosefta account paraphrases the reference to Yeshu having taught Jacob by "so taught Jeshu b. Panthyra", in this case not translating "Yeshu" as "Jesus".) The name is found again in the [[Midrash]]ic text ''[[Kohelet Rabba]]'' 10:5 where a healer of the grandson of Rabbi [[Yehoshua ben Levi]] is described as being of ben Pandera. The source of this account is ''Shabbat'' 14:4-8 and ''Avodah Zarah'' 40 in the Jerusalem Talmud, but there ben Pandera is not mentioned. The word ''Yeshu'' is however found as a secondary marginal gloss to the first passage in the Leiden manuscript which together with the Midrashic version show that the account was understood to be about a follower of Yeshu ben Pandera. (Herford again takes liberty and adds "in the name of Jeshu Pandera" to his translation of the Talmud passages despite these words not being in the original text. Schäfer similarly provides a paraphrased translation mentioning "Jesus son of Pandera" which he admittedly has constructed himself by combining the Talmudic and Midrashic texts and the marginal glosses.<ref name="Schafer">Peter Schäfer, ''Jesus in the Talmud'', Princeton University Press, 2007</ref>) ''Kohelet Rabba'' also relates the account of Rabbi Eliezer (''Kohelet Rabba'' 1:24) in this case some copies mention ''Yeshu ben Pandera'' as in the Tosefta passage but others instead read ''peloni'' a [[placeholder name]] equivalent to English "so-and-so".<ref name="Schafer"/>

Jeffrey Rubenstein has argued that the accounts in ''Chullin'' and ''Avodah Zarah'' reveal an ambivalent relationship between rabbis and Christianity. In his view the tosefta account reveals that at least some Jews believed Christians were true healers, but that the rabbis saw this belief as a major threat. Concerning the Babylonian Talmud account in ''Avoda Zarah'', Dr. Boyarin views Jacob of Sechania as a Christian preacher and understands Rabbi Eliezer's arrest for [[minuth]] as an arrest by the Romans for practising Christianity (the text uses the word for heretic). When the Governor (the text uses the word for chief judge) interrogated him, the Rabbi answered that he "trusted the judge." Boyarin has suggested that this was the Jewish version of the [[Br'er Rabbit]] approach to domination, which he contrasts to the strategy of many early Christians, who proclaim their beliefs in spite of the consequences (i.e. martyrdom). Although Rabbi Eliezer was referring to God, the Governor interpreted him to be referring to the Governor himself, and freed the Rabbi. According to them the account also reveals that there was greater contact between Christians and Jews in the second century than commonly believed. They view the account of the teaching of Yeshu as an attempt to mock Christianity. According to Dr. Rubenstein, the structure of this teaching, in which a Biblical prooftext is used to answer a question about Biblical law, is common to both the Rabbis and early Christians. The vulgar content, however, may have been used to parody Christian values. Dr. Boyarin considers the text to be an acknowledgment that Rabbis often interacted with Christians, despite their doctrinal antipathy.<ref name="ReferenceB">Jeffrey Rubenstein ''Rabbinic Stories'' (The Classics of Western Spirituality) New York: The Paulist Press, 2002</ref>

===Christian interpretations===
===Christian interpretations===
Some Christian scholars believe the Talmud gives insight into the [[Historical Jesus]]. However, most scholars do not believe the Talmud provides evidence about the historical Jesus, because circumstances of the Talmud's creation demonstrate that the authors of the Talmud had no direct knowledge of Jesus as an individual. The Christian researchers contend that the Talmud's importance and credibility as an early source lies in the fact that it gives the "opposition view" to Jesus, and they have used the Talmud to draw the following conclusions about the historical Jesus:<ref>Robert E. Van Voorst, ''Jesus outside the New Testament: an introduction to the ancient evidence'', Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2000. pp 111-120</ref><ref>Norman Perrin, ''The New Testament, an introduction: proclamation and parenesis, myth and history'', Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1982. pp 407-408</ref><ref>R. Travers Herford, ''Christianity in Talmud and Midrash'', KTAV Publishing House Inc, 2007. pp 35-96</ref><ref>C. H. Dodd, ''Historical Tradition in the Fourth Gospel'', Cambridge University Press, 1976. pp 303-305</ref><ref>George R. Honig, ''The Alexandria Letter'', BookPros, LLC, 2010. pp 259-260</ref>
Some Christian scholars believe the Talmud gives insight into the [[Historical Jesus]]. However, most scholars do not believe the Talmud provides evidence about the historical Jesus, because circumstances of the Talmud's creation demonstrate that the authors of the Talmud had no direct knowledge of Jesus as an individual. The Christian researchers contend that the Talmud's importance and credibility as an early source lies in the fact that it gives the "opposition view" to Jesus, and they have used the Talmud to draw the following conclusions about the historical Jesus:<ref>Robert E. Van Voorst, ''Jesus outside the New Testament: an introduction to the ancient evidence'', Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2000. pp 111-120</ref><ref>Norman Perrin, ''The New Testament, an introduction: proclamation and parenesis, myth and history'', Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1982. pp 407-408</ref><ref>R. Travers Herford, ''Christianity in Talmud and Midrash'', KTAV Publishing House Inc, 2007. pp 35-96</ref><ref>C. H. Dodd, ''Historical Tradition in the Fourth Gospel'', Cambridge University Press, 1976. pp 303-305</ref><ref>George R. Honig, ''The Alexandria Letter'', BookPros, LLC, 2010. pp 259-260</ref>

Revision as of 18:04, 23 October 2010

The Talmud contains stories that some scholars have concluded are references to Jesus, the messiah of Christianity. During the disputations in the Middle Ages, advocates for the Christian church alleged that the Talmud contained insulting references to Jesus and his mother, Mary. Jewish apologists during the disputations denied that the references were to Jesus, and claimed they referred to other individuals. The disputations led to many of the references being removed from subsequent editions of the Talmud. Later Christian scholars analyzed the references with the goal of finding evidence of the Jesus as a historical individual. Travers Herford, a Christian scholar, concluded that the references did provide evidence of a historical individual.[1] Later scholarship - such as that by Johann Maier - concluded that there was no evidence of Jesus as a historical individual, but rather that the references were examples of anti-Christian polemics that were added late in the Talmudic period.[2] Scholar Peter Schafer concluded that they are references to Jesus as the messiah (that were incorporated in the Talmud during the third and fourth centuries) and that the references were parodies of parallel stories in the New Testament that illustrate the inter-sect rivalry between Judaism and nascent Christianity.[3]

Some editions of the Talmud are missing some of the references, as they were removed by Christian censors starting in the thirteenth century,[4] or by Jews themselves for fear of censors, or because such information was not considered worth saving. Some of this early material was probably omitted or lost by sheer negligence or accident without any intentional effort by "friend or foe." [5] However, most modern editions published since the early twentieth century have restored most of the references. Scholars have identified approximately twenty references (direct and indirect) to Jesus (considered as the messiah of Christianity) throughout various editions of Talmudic literature.[6]

History

During the Middle Ages a series of debates on Judaism were staged by the Christian church - including the Disputation of Paris, the Disputation of Barcelona, and Disputation of Tortosa - and during those disputations, Jewish converts to Christianity, such as Pablo Christiani and Nicholas Donin claimed the Talmud contained insulting references to Jesus.[7] An early work describing Jesus in the Talmud was Pugio Fidei ("Dagger of Faith") (c. 1280) by Raymond Marti, a Jewish convert to Christianity.[8] In 1681 Johann Christoph Wagenseil published a collection of Jewish anti-Christian polemics Tela Ignea Satanæ, sive Arcani et Horribiles Judæorum Adversus Christum, Deum, et Christianam Religionem Libri (Flaming Arrows of Satan, that is, the secret and horrible books of the Jews against Christ, God, and the Christian religion) which discussed Jesus in the Talmud.[9] The first book devoted solely to the topic of Jesus in the Talmud was Jesus in Talmude published in 1699 by Rudolf Martin Meelfuhrer.[10] In 1700, Johann Andreas Eisenmenger published Entdecktes Judenthum (Judaism Unmasked), which included descriptions of Jesus in the Talmud, and which would become the basis of much anti-Semitic literature in later centuries.[11]

Starting in twentieth century the topic of Jesus in Judaic literature became subject to more unbaised, scholarly research, such as Das Leben Jesu nach judischen Quellen written in 1902 by Samuel Krauss, which was the first shcolarly analysis of the Judaic anti-Christian polemicToledot Yeshu (The Biography of Jesus).[12] In 1903, Christian author Travers Heford wrote Christianity in Talmud and Midrash, which became the standard work on the topic in the Christian world, and he concluded that a large number of refrences referred to Jesus.[13] In 1910, Hermann Strack wrote Jesus, die Haretiker und die Christen nach den altesten judischen Angaben, which was an unbiased work on Jesus in the Talmud, which found no evidence of a historical Jesus.[14] In 1922 Joseph Klausner wrote Yeshu ha-Notzri (Jesus of Nazareth) which concluded that "the evidence [for a historical Jesus] is scanty and does not contribute much to our knowledge of the historical Jesus; much of it is legendary and reflects the Jewish attempt to counter Christian claims and reproaches" but he did conclude some material was historically reliable.[15]

In 1950 Morris Goldstein wrote Jesus in the Jewish Tradition. In 1951, Jacob Z. Lauterbach wrote the essay Jesus in the Talmud.[16] In 1978 Johann Maier wrote Jesus von Nazareth in der talmudischen Uberlieferung, which was a very thorough and detailed work on Jesus in the Talmud, in which he concludes that there is virtually no evidence of the historical Jesus, and that the references to Jesus were "legendary" and probably added late in the Talmudic era "as a reaction to Christian provocations".[17] In 2007, Peter Schäefer wrote Jesus in the Talmud in which he tried to find a middle ground between "anti-Jewish Christian" and "apologetic Jewish" interpretations. He concluded that the references to Jesus (as the messiah of Christianity) were included in the early (third and fourth century) versions of the Talmud, and that they were parodies of New Testament narratives.[18]

In the context of Christian-Judaic polemics

Alterations and censorship

The Christian church ordered the Talmud to be censored following the disputation of Barcelona in 1263. Many manuscript editions had references to Jesus removed or changed, and subsequent manuscripts sometimes omitted the passages entirely. Following the invention of the printing press, all printed editions of the Talmud, including the the Basel edition and the Vilna edition, were censored. In the twentieth century, editions began restoring the censored material, such as in the 1935 English Soncino edition.[19] Scholar Peter Schaefer compared several editions and documented the differing texts as shown in the following table (English translations from Schaefer, pp 133-140):

Edition / Manuscript Passage on execution
(Sanhedrin 43 a-b) 		Passage on punishment in hell
(b Gitten 57a) 		Passage on disciples
(Sanhedrin 43 a-b)
Herzog 1 on the eve of Passover they hanged Jesus the Nazarene Jesus the Nazarene had five disciples
Vatican 130 he went and brought up Jesus the Nazarene
Vatican 140 he went and brought up Jesus
Munich 95 on the eve of Passover they hanged [name erased] he went and brought up Jesus [text erased]
Firenze II.1.8-9 on Sabbath even and the eve of Passover they hanged Jesus the Nazarene Jesus the Nazarene had five disciples
Karlsruhe 2 on the eve of Passover they hanged Jesus the Nazarene Jesus the Nazarene had five disciples
Barco on the eve of Passover they hanged [not legible] [not legible] had five disciples
Soncino on the eve of Passover they hanged [not legible] he went and brought up [name missing]
Vilna [whole passage deleted by censor] he went and brought up the sinners of Israel [whole passage deleted by censor]

As evidence of a historical individual

There are many scholars who argue that the Jesus of the Talmud provide no evidence of the historical individual. They point to the many inconsistencies. For example the accounts in the Tosefta and Talmud take place in different historical periods. Also, the tradition first seen in the writings of Celsus can not be regarded as a reliable reference to the historical Jesus. Furthermore Jesus was crucified and not hanged from a tree. Also the Bible makes no mention of a Roman soldier named Panthera.

Some modern critical scholars view these references as references to Jesus as the messiah of Christianity, but not to the historical Jesus as an individual. Also Traditional and Orthodox Jewish commentators throughout the centuries rejected the view that the term "Yeshu" referred to Jesus. Whatever the case may be, in the medieval Toledot Yeshu narratives, "Yeshu" is used to refer to the Christian Jesus. The term was revived in the 20th century as a name for Jesus in modern Israeli Hebrew.[20][20][21] [22]

Christian interpretations

Some Christian scholars believe the Talmud gives insight into the Historical Jesus. However, most scholars do not believe the Talmud provides evidence about the historical Jesus, because circumstances of the Talmud's creation demonstrate that the authors of the Talmud had no direct knowledge of Jesus as an individual. The Christian researchers contend that the Talmud's importance and credibility as an early source lies in the fact that it gives the "opposition view" to Jesus, and they have used the Talmud to draw the following conclusions about the historical Jesus:[23][24][25][26][27]

  1. There was a religious man named Jesus.
  2. His "father" was a carpenter and his mother was Miriam.
  3. Miriam was accused of conceiving out of wedlock and it was believed that her "betrothed" was not the father of Jesus.
  4. Jesus went to Egypt
  5. Jesus had a number of disciples
  6. Jesus performed miraculous signs, which were perceived by many as sorcery.
  7. As Jesus became more widely known he was charged with practicing magic and leading Israel astray.
  8. All deserted him and none came to his defense.
  9. On the eve of Passover, Jesus was executed.

Specific References

Summary

Scholars have identified the following references in the Talmud that some conclude refer to Jesus, as the messiah of Christiainty:[28]

  • Jesus as the son of Stada, not the son of Pandera; reference to Mary (Shab 104b, Sanh 67a)
  • As a son or disciple that turned out badly (Sanh 193a/b; Ber 17b)
  • As a frivolous disciple (Sanh 107b; Sot 47a)
  • As a torah teacher (b AZ 17a; Hul 2:24; QohR 1:8)
  • Healing in the name of Jesus (Hul 2:22f; AZ 2:22/12; y Shab 124:4/13; QohR 1:8; b AZ 27b)
  • Jesus as a sorcerer, and Jesus' execution (b Sanh 43a-b)
  • Jesus' disciples (b Sanh 43a-b)
  • Jesus' punishment in hell (b Git 56b, 57a)

Disciples

(Talmud Sanhedrin 43a)

Our rabbis taught Jesus the Nazarene had five disciples, and these are they: Mattai, Naqqai, Netzer, Buni, and Todah. [29][30]

As a sorcerer

Sanhedrin 43a relates the trial and execution of Yeshu and his five disciples. Here, Yeshu is a sorcerer who has enticed other Jews to apostasy. A herald is sent to call for witnesses in his favour for forty days before his execution. No one comes forth and in the end he is stoned and hanged on the Eve of Passover. His five disciples, named Matai, Nekai, Netzer, Buni, and Todah are then tried. Word play is made on each of their names, and they are executed. It is mentioned that leniency could not be applied because of Yeshu's influence with the royal government (malkhut).

In the Florence manuscript of the Talmud (1177 CE) an addition is made to Sanhedrin 43a saying that Yeshu was hanged on the eve of the Sabbath.

The son who burns his food in public

Sanhedrin 103a and Berachot 17b talk about a Yeshu ha-Nosri (Jesus of Nazareth) who "burns his food in public", possibly a reference to pagan sacrifices or a metaphor for apostasy.[31] The account is discussing Manasseh the king of Judah infamous for having turned to idolatry and having persecuted the Jews (2 Kings 21). It is part of a larger discussion about three kings and four commoners excluded from paradise. These are also discussed in the Shulkhan Arukh where the son who burns his food is explicitly stated to be Manasseh.

As student of Joshua ben Perachiah

In Sanhedrin 107b and Sotah 47a Yeshu is mentioned as a student of Yehoshua ben Perachya who was sent away for misinterpreting a word that in context should have been understood as referring to the Inn, he instead understood it to mean the inkeeper's wife. His teacher said "Here is a nice Inn", to which he replied "Her eyes are crooked", to which his teacher responded "Is this what your are occupied in?" [32] After several returns for forgiveness he mistook Perachiah's signal to wait a moment as a signal of final rejection, and so he turned to idolatry;

In all circumstances (one should excercise) use the left hand to push (away) and the right (to) bring closeward ..not like Yehoshua ben Perachya who pushed him –to Yeshu- with both hands.. (here the Talmud begins a narration) at the time that Yannai the king was executing the Rabbis, Shimon ben Shatach(‘s sister) hid Rabbi Yehoshua ben Perachya, he (then, subsequently was able to) go and run (escape) to Alexandira of Egypt. When there was (came) and (an era of) peace, Shimon ben Shatach sent to him (a letter:) “from me Yerushalayim the holy city to you Alexander of Egypt -my sister, my husband dwells amongst you and I am sitting lonely” said (Rabbi Yeshushua ben Perachya) “I deduce (from the letter) that he (is enjoying)peace. As he (Rabbi Yehoshua ben Perachya) came they went up to a lodge, (they -at the lodge) stood for him with exemplary honor and did for him extended goodness. He sat and was in the midst of praising 'how beautiful is this lodging', (Yeshu) said to him “My master, her eyes are misshaped”. He said to him “Evil one!, in this you are busy with?!” he brought out four hundred Shofars and excommunicated him.

Every day he would come before him (intent on being readmitted,) and he did not accept him. One day he was reciting Krait Shema[33], he (Yeshu) came before him (the Rabbi) -it was on his (the Rabbi's) mind to accept him- he (the Rabbi) showed him with his hand, he (Yeshu) thought 'push he is pushing him', (Yeshu then) went erected a fish worship, he (his Rabbi) said to him 'return yourself' he (Yeshu) said to him '(so) I learnt from you; 'all who sin and cause others to sin we do not give (are not given) him the ability to repent'.

— Sotah 47a, Sanhedrin 107

The story ends by invoking a Mishnaic era teaching that Yeshu practised black magic, deceived and led Israel astray. This quote is seen by some as an explanation in general for the designation Yeshu.

According to Dr. Rubenstein, the account in Sanhedrin 107b recognizes the kinship between Christians and Jews, since Jesus is presented as a disciple of a prominent Rabbi. But it also reflects and speaks to an anxiety fundamental to Rabbinic Judaism. Prior to the destruction of the Temple in 70, Jews were divided into different sects, each promoting different interpretations of the law. Rabbinic Judaism domesticated and internalized conflicts over the law, while vigorously condemning any sectarianism. In other words, rabbis are encouraged to disagree and argue with one another, but these activities must be carefully contained, or else they could lead to a schism. Although this story may not present a historically accurate account of Jesus' life, it does use a fiction about Jesus to communicate an important truth about the Rabbis. Moreover, Rubenstein sees this story as a rebuke to overly harsh Rabbis. Boyarin suggests that the Rabbis were well aware of Christian views of the Pharisees and that this story acknowledges the Christian belief that Jesus was forgiving and the Pharisees were not (see Mark 2:1-2), while emphasizing forgiveness as a necessary Rabbinic value.[34]

Punishment in hell

In Gittin 56b, 57a a story is mentioned in which Onkelos -intent on converting to Judaism- summons up the spirit of Yeshu. He describes his punishment in the afterlife as boiling in excrement.

Onkelos the son of Klonimus..desired to convert himself (to Judaism)..he brought Yeshu (forth by means of/in) Séance..(Onkelos queried to Yeshu) whom is of importance in that world? He (Yeshu) answered him; Yisroel (the children of Israel). (Onkelos furthur queried) what/how (do you advise) to cleave to them? He (Yeshu) answered; "their benefit (lit. goodness) seek, their harm (lit. evil) do not seek (as) all/whomever touches them (with intent to harm) is as if (he) is touching the pupil of his (g-d's) eye". He (Onkelos) said to him (to Yeshu); the judgement of that man[35] is how/what? he (Yeshu) said to him (to Onkelos) "in excrement (that is) boiling".

(the Talmud goes on to praise the fact that Yeshu -as a Jew- spoke favorably about his Jewish bretheren, as opposed to Onkelos's preceding dialogue with Titus and Bilaam who both advised Onkelos to provoke the Jews;) "come and see (the stark) difference between (even those) sinners of Israel and the prophets of those nations who worship idols" (i.e. even a "sinner of Israel" is of superior spiritual quality than the prophet of idolatry)

— Babylonian Talmud, Gittin 57a

Practitioner of magic

(Talmud Sanhedrin 107b, Sotah 47a)

The master said: "Jesus the Nazarene practiced magic and deceived and led Israel astray." [36][37]

Execution

(Talmud Sanhedrin 43a)

On (Sabbath eve and) the eve of Passover Jesus the Nazarene was hanged and a herald went forth before him forty days heralding, 'Jesus the Nazarene is going forth to be stoned because he practiced sorcery and instigated and seduced Israel to idolatry. Whoever knows anything in defense may come and state it.' But since they did not find anything in his defense they hanged him on (Sabbath eve and) the eve of Passover.

Ulla said: Do you suppose that Jesus the Nazarene was one for whom a defense could be made? He was a mesit (someone who instigated Israel to idolatry), concerning whom the Merciful [God]says: Show him no compassion and do not shield him (Deut. 13:9). With Jesus the Nazarene it was different. For he was close to the government.[38][39]

Ben Sitida and Ben Pandira

(The Talmud queries; Is he really) The son of Sitida? the son of Pandira (the common understanding is that he is the son of Pandira)! Rav Chisda said (explains the seeming contradiction); The husband was/is Sitida (but the) lover[40] was/is Pandira. (The Talmud states as fact): (the true) Husband (is/was) Pappus Ben Yehuda. (so then, if his mother's true husband and his biological father where both not called Sitida then why is he called "the son of Sitida"?). Only (as the explantion of the contradiction) say, his mother was Sitida, (The Talmud furthur queries how this is plausible since) his mother (was called) Miriam (who) grow's/grew [the hair of] women[41], (at this point the Talmud gives a final explanation to resolve the reasoning of him being called "The son of Sitida") As is said (explained) in Pumbedita; "She strayed from her husband"[42]

— Sanhedrin 67a

(Talmud Shabbat 104b)

Rav Eliezer told the sages "Did not the son of Stada bring sorcery with him from Egypt in a cut that was on his skin?"

They said to him "He was a fool and you cannot bring proof from a fool.

Another title found in the Tosefta and Talmud is ben Stada (son of Stada). However in Shabbat 104b and Sanhedrin 67a in the Babylonian Talmud, a passage is found that some have interpreted as equating ben Pandera with ben Stada. The passage is in the form a Talmudic debate in which various voices make statements, each refuting the previous statement. In such debates the various statements and their refutations are often of a Midrashic nature, sometimes incorporating subtle humour and should not always be taken at face value. The purpose of the passage is to arrive at a Midrashic meaning for the term Stada.

Shabbat 104b relates that a ben Stada brought magic from Egypt in incisions in his flesh. Sanhedrin 67a relates that a ben-Stada was caught by hidden observers and hanged in the town of Lod on the Eve of Passover. The debate then follows. It begins by asking if this was not ben Pandera rather than ben Stada. This is refuted by the claim that it is both, his mother's husband was Stada but her lover was Pandera. This is countered with the claim the husband was Pappos ben Yehuda (a second century figure elsewhere remembered as having locked up his unfaithful wife and visiting R. Akiva in jail after the Bar-Kokhba revolt) and that the mother was named Stada. This is then refuted by the claim that the mother was named Miriam, the dresser of women's hair, but that she had gone astray from her husband (a Miriam the daughter of Bilgah, is mentioned elsewhere as having had an affair with a Roman soldier). In Aramaic, "gone astray" is satat da, thus a Midrashic meaning for the term Stada is obtained. Real historical relationships between the figures mentioned cannot be inferred due to the Midrashic nature of the debate. Pappos and Miriam might have been introduced simply as a result of their being remembered in connection with a theme of a woman having gone astray.

The character of Miriam the dresser of woman's hair is of interest. (Her name is also mentioned briefly in Chagigah 4b in the Babylonian Talmud where it is used together with Miriam the teacher of children simply as an arbitrary choice of names in illustrating a point.) Some[who?] suggest that the expression "dresser of women's hair" is a euphemism for a woman of ill repute. The original Aramaic for her name is Miriam megadela neshaya in which many[who?] see Mary Magdalene. Some[who?] have thus identified her with Mary Magdalene while others[who?] are more cautious merely suggesting dresser of women's hair as a possible meaning of Magdalene alternate to the traditional understanding of the name as a toponymic surname (Migdolit, from the town of Migdol).

Ben-Stada is also mentioned in the Jerusalem Talmud. In Shabbat 12:4 III he is mentioned as having learnt by cutting marks in his flesh. In Sanhedrin 7:12 I he is mentioned as an example of someone caught by hidden observers and subsequently stoned. This information is paralleled in the Tosefta in Shabbat 11:15 and Sanhedrin 10:11 respectively.

Meaning and etymology of Stada

The literal meaning of the term Stada is no longer known. It does not correspond to any known name, suggesting that son of Stada might also be a designation of a class of individuals rather an a patronymic, or perhaps an invented title like that of the Jewish general Bar Kochba (son of the star). The only known parallel to the term is found in the apocryphal Christian text the Acts of Peter where the villain Simon Magus describes himself as `uios `o stadios - the son who remains standing. The Toldoth Yeshu narratives combine elements from the Talmud about ben-Stada with elements resembling the account of Simon Magus in the Acts of Peter suggesting that there is indeed a connection. As a result of the difficulty in understanding the name some attempt to explain it by focusing on variant spellings in certain manuscripts containing an r (resh) instead of the d (daleth), however these variants are generally regarded as copyist errors.

Meaning and etymology of Pandera

The meaning and etymology of this name are uncertain:

Besides the form Pandera, variations have been found in different Tosefta manuscripts for example Pantiri and Pantera [43]. Saul Lieberman's investigation of Tosefta variations revealed Pandera to be the original form. (Some authors such as Herford spell it Pandira in English.)

Celsus in his discourse The True Word gives the name as Panthera in Greek [43]. This name is not known from any graves or inscriptions, but the surname Pantera (a Latin rendering) is known from the first century tombstone of Tiberius Iulius Abdes Pantera [44]. Origen (c. 248 CE) responded to Celsus' claim by saying that Pantheras was the patronymic of Joseph the husband of Mary on account of his father, Jacob, being called Panther. An alternative claim was made in the Teaching of Jacob (634 CE) where Panther is said to be the grandfather of Mary.[45] Friedrich August Nitzsch (1840) suggested that the name may refer to a panther being a lustful animal and thus have the meaning of "whore", additionally being a pun on parthenos meaning virgin.[46] Herford also considered the Greek pentheros meaning son-in-law [43], however he dismissed all of these forms including Celsus' Panthera as spurious explanations of the Hebrew Pandera as they do not match phonetically. He noted that Hebrew would have represented the sounds correctly if any of these were the origin.[43] The interpolated form Panthyra appearing in the Rodkinson translation of the Talmud suffers the same problem.

Neubauer understand the name to be Pandareus.[47] The Toldoth Yeshu narratives contain elements resembling the story of Pandareus in Greek mythology, namely stealing from a temple and the presence of a bronze animal.

Robert Eisler [48] considered the name to be derived from Pandaros. He also argued that it may not have been a real name but instead as a generic name for a betrayer. He notes that in the Iliad, Pandaros betrays the Greeks and breaks a truce confirmed by solemn oath. He argues that the name came to be used as a generic term for a betrayer and was borrowed by Hebrew. The name is indeed found in Genesis Rabba 50 in the expression qol Pandar (literally "voice of Pandaros" denoting false promises of a betrayer) used as a derogatory placeholder name for a judge of Sodom. The -a at the end of the form Pandera can be understood to be the Aramaic definite article [43].

The Pagan philosopher Celsus also relates a similar account, which undermines the story of the Virgin Birth of Jesus:

. . .[Jesus] came from a Jewish village and from a poor country woman who earned her living by spinning. He says that she was driven out by her husband, who was a carpenter by trade, as she was convicted of adultery. Then he says that after she had been driven out by her husband and while she was wandering about in a disgraceful way she secretly gave birth to Jesus. He states that because he [Jesus] was poor he hired himself out as a workman in Egypt, and there tried his hand at certain magical powers on which the Egyptians pride themselves; he returned full of conceit, because of these powers, and on account of them gave himself the title of God . . . the mother of Jesus is described as having been turned out by the carpenter who was betrothed to her, as she had been convicted of adultery and had a child by a certain soldier named Panthera. [49][50]

See also

Bibliography

  • Boyarin, Daniel: Dying for God, Stanford University Press, 1999
  • Dalman, Gustav: Jesus Christ in the Talmud, Midrash, Zohar, and the Liturgy of the Synagogue, Deighton, Bell, and Co., 1893
  • Eisenmenger, Johann Andreas. Entdecktes Judenthum, 1711. English translations: 1732-34 by J.P. Stekelin "The Traditions of the Jews, with the Expositions and Doctrines of the Rabbins,"; English translation re-published in 2006 as "The traditions of the Jews", by Independent History & Research. German edition online here.
  • Goldstein, Morris, Jesus in the Jewish Tradition, Macmillan, 1950
  • Herford, R. Travers, Christianity in Talmud and Midrash, London: Williams & Norgate, 1903 (reprint New York, KTAV, 1975)
  • Hirshman , Mark, A Rivalry of Genius: Jewish and Christian Biblical Interpretation in Late Antiquity trans. Baya Stein. Albany: SUNY PRess 1996
  • Klausner, Joseph, Yeshu ha-Notzri (Hebrew), Shtible, 1922. Translated and reprinted as Jesus of Nazareth, Beacon Books, 1964; translated and reprinted as Jesus of Nazareth, Bloch, 1989
  • Krauss, Samuel, Das Leben Jesu nach judischen Quellen, Berlin: S. Calvary, 1902
  • Lauterbach, Jacob Z., "Jesus in the Talmud” in Rabbinic Essays, Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press, 1951 (reprinted by Ktav, 1973).
  • Maier, Johann, Jesus von Nazareth in der talmudischen Uberlieferung, Buchgesellschaft, 1978.
  • Marti, Raymond, Pugio Fidei, c. 1280 (reprinted: Apud Ioannem Henault, 1651)
  • McKinsey , Dennis, Biblical Errancy, A Reference Guide, Prometheus Books, (2000)
  • Neusner, Jacob, Judaism in the Matrix of Christianity Philadelphia: Fortress Press 1986
  • Pick, Bernhard, The Talmud: what it is and what it says about Jesus and the Christians, 1887 (reprinted Kessinger Publishing, 2007)
  • Schäefer, Peter, Jesus in the Talmud, Princeton University Press, 2007
  • Strack, Hermann: Jesus, die Haretiker und die Christen nach den altesten judischen Angaben, Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, 1910
  • Theissen, Gerd, Annette Merz, The historical Jesus: a comprehensive guide, Fortress Press, 1998
  • Van Voorst, Robert E.: Jesus outside the New Testament, Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2000

Notes

  1. ^ Herford, Travers, Christianity in Talmud and Midrash, London: Williams & Norgate, 1903 (reprint New York, KTAV, 1975)
  2. ^
    • Maier, Johann, Jesus von Nazareth in der talmudischen Uberlieferung, Buchgesellschaft, 1978
    • Theissen, p 74-75
  3. ^ Schaefer, Peter, Jesus in the Talmud, Princeton University Press, 2007
  4. ^ William L. Merrifield, Who Do You Say I Am?: Jesus Called the Christ, Tate Publishing, 2010. p 39 Google link.
  5. ^ Trude Weiss-Rosmarin, Jewish expressions on Jesus: an anthology, Ktav Pub. House, 1977. p 3 Google link
  6. ^ Bernhard Pick, The Talmud: What It Is and What It Knows of Jesus and His Followers, Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007. p 113
  7. ^ Maccoby, Hyam, Judaism on Trial
  8. ^ Shaefer, p 3
  9. ^ Shaefer, p 3
  10. ^ Shaefer, p 4
  11. ^ Rodkinson, pp 104-105
  12. ^ Shaefer, p 4
  13. ^ Shaefer, p 4
  14. ^ Shaefer, p 4
  15. ^
    • Shaefer, p 5
    • Theissen, p 75
  16. ^ Shaefer, p 5
  17. ^
    • Theissen, pp 74-75
    • Shaefer, p 5
  18. ^ Schaefer, p 6ff
  19. ^ Schaefer, p 132
  20. ^ a b Thiessen and Merz draw on Dalman (1893), Maier (1982), and Thoma (1990) in reaching this conclusion. Theissen, Gerd and Annette Merz. The historical Jesus: a comprehensive guide. Fortress Press. 1998. translated from German (1996 edition). p. 74-76.
  21. ^ The Jesus Narrative In The Talmud pp 1-2
  22. ^ See also Jeffrey Rubenstein, Rabbinic Stories (The Classics of Western Spirituality) New York: The Paulist Press, 2002 & Daniel Boyarin, Dying for God: Martyrdom and the Making of Christianity and Judaism, Stanford University Press, 1999.
  23. ^ Robert E. Van Voorst, Jesus outside the New Testament: an introduction to the ancient evidence, Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2000. pp 111-120
  24. ^ Norman Perrin, The New Testament, an introduction: proclamation and parenesis, myth and history, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1982. pp 407-408
  25. ^ R. Travers Herford, Christianity in Talmud and Midrash, KTAV Publishing House Inc, 2007. pp 35-96
  26. ^ C. H. Dodd, Historical Tradition in the Fourth Gospel, Cambridge University Press, 1976. pp 303-305
  27. ^ George R. Honig, The Alexandria Letter, BookPros, LLC, 2010. pp 259-260
  28. ^ Schaefer
  29. ^ Peter Schäfer, Jesus in the Talmud, Princeton University Press, 2007. p 75
  30. ^ Bernhard Pick, The Talmud: What It Is and What It Knows of Jesus and His Followers, Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007. p 116
  31. ^ Hans Joachim Schoeps, The Jewish-Christian Argument, 1961, pp 24 (English language edition)
  32. ^ (This happened during their period of refuge in Egypt during the persecutions of Pharisees 88-76 BCE ordered by Alexander Jannæus. The incident is also mentioned in the Jerusalem Talmud in Chagigah 2:2 but there the person in question is not given any name.)
  33. ^ the reciting of Shema being a spiritually intense moment
  34. ^ Cite error: The named reference ReferenceB was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  35. ^ "that man" is a talmudic expression when one queries another about an unfavored disposition and does not wish to be blunt with the question
  36. ^ Peter Schäfer, Jesus in the Talmud, Princeton University Press, 2007. p 35
  37. ^ Bernhard Pick, The Talmud: What It Is and What It Knows of Jesus and His Followers, Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007. p 114
  38. ^ Peter Schäfer, Jesus in the Talmud, Princeton University Press, 2007. p 64-65
  39. ^ Bernhard Pick, The Talmud: What It Is and What It Knows of Jesus and His Followers, Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007. p 115
  40. ^ lit. "penetrator"
  41. ^ plausible explanation of this title is not given by Talmudic Commentarians, but it may be assumed that she engaged in the human hair trade for the prepartaion of Wigs
  42. ^ i.e. "Sitida" being composed of two Aramaic words "Satat" (strayed) "da" (she -lit. "this")
  43. ^ a b c d e R. Travers Herford, Christianity in Talmud and Midrash (London: Williams & Norgate, 1903)
  44. ^ Marcello Craveri, La vita di Gesù, Feltrinelli, Milano, 1966
  45. ^ Hugh Joseph Schonfield, According to the Hebrews, Duckworth, 1937
  46. ^ Cite error: The named reference Schafer was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  47. ^ Mediaeval Jewish Chronicles and Chronological Notes, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1887-1895
  48. ^ Robert Eisler, Alexander Haggerty Krappe trans., The Messiah Jesus and John the Baptist according to Flavius Josephus' recently rediscovered 'Capture of Jerusalem' and other Jewish and Christian sources. The Dial Press, 1931
  49. ^ Peter Schäfer, Jesus in the Talmud, Princeton University Press, 2007. p 18-19
  50. ^ Bernhard Pick, The Talmud: What It Is and What It Knows of Jesus and His Followers, Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007. p 117-120
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