Herrenvolk democracy: Difference between revisions
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This [[elitist]] form of government is typically employed by the majority group as a way to maintain control and power within the system, and typically coincides with the false pretense of [[egalitarianism]]. There is a prevailing view that as people of the majority gain [[Free will|freedom]], [[liberty]], and egalitarian principles are advanced, the minority is [[repressed]] and prevented from being involved in the government. This principle can be seen in the development of both the [[United States]]—especially the [[American South|Southern states]]—and [[South Africa]] in the 19th and 20th centuries.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Anderson|first=T. L.|title=Herrenvolk Democracy: The Rise of the Alt-Right in Trump's America|url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/334170709_Herrenvolk_Democracy_The_Rise_of_the_Alt-Right_in_Trump's_America|journal=Critical Theory and the Humanities in the Age of the Alt-Right|publisher=Palgrave/Macmillan|pages=88}}</ref> In these historical scenarios, as legislation moved toward universal male [[suffrage]] for whites, it also further entrenched the prevention of black people from participation in government and upheld their disenfranchisement.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Vickery|first=Kenneth P.|title='Herrenvolk' Democracy and Egalitarianism in South Africa and the U.S. South|journal=Comparative Studies in Society and History|date=June 1974|volume=16|issue=3|pages=311–315|jstor=17826|doi=10.1017/s0010417500012469|doi-access=free}}</ref> The term was first used in 1967 by [[Pierre L. van den Berghe|Pierre van Den Berghe]] in his book ''Race and Racism''.<ref>{{cite book|last=van den Berghe|first=Pierre L.|title=Race and Racism: A Comparative Perspective. |url=https://archive.org/details/raceracismcompar0000vand|url-access=registration|location= NY; Sydney |publisher= Wiley|date=1967}}</ref> |
This [[elitist]] form of government is typically employed by the majority group as a way to maintain control and power within the system, and typically coincides with the false pretense of [[egalitarianism]]. There is a prevailing view that as people of the majority gain [[Free will|freedom]], [[liberty]], and egalitarian principles are advanced, the minority is [[repressed]] and prevented from being involved in the government. This principle can be seen in the development of both the [[United States]]—especially the [[American South|Southern states]]—and [[South Africa]] in the 19th and 20th centuries.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Anderson|first=T. L.|title=Herrenvolk Democracy: The Rise of the Alt-Right in Trump's America|url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/334170709_Herrenvolk_Democracy_The_Rise_of_the_Alt-Right_in_Trump's_America|journal=Critical Theory and the Humanities in the Age of the Alt-Right|publisher=Palgrave/Macmillan|pages=88}}</ref> In these historical scenarios, as legislation moved toward universal male [[suffrage]] for whites, it also further entrenched the prevention of black people from participation in government and upheld their disenfranchisement.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Vickery|first=Kenneth P.|title='Herrenvolk' Democracy and Egalitarianism in South Africa and the U.S. South|journal=Comparative Studies in Society and History|date=June 1974|volume=16|issue=3|pages=311–315|jstor=17826|doi=10.1017/s0010417500012469|doi-access=free}}</ref> The term was first used in 1967 by [[Pierre L. van den Berghe|Pierre van Den Berghe]] in his book ''Race and Racism''.<ref>{{cite book|last=van den Berghe|first=Pierre L.|title=Race and Racism: A Comparative Perspective. |url=https://archive.org/details/raceracismcompar0000vand|url-access=registration|location= NY; Sydney |publisher= Wiley|date=1967}}</ref> |
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In his book ''The Wages of Whiteness'', historian [[David R. Roediger]] reinterprets this form of government in the context of 19th-century America, arguing that the term "''herrenvolk'' republicanism" more accurately describes racial politics at this time. The basis of herrenvolk republicanism went beyond the [[marginalization]] of blacks in favor of a [[republican government]] serving the "master race"; it contended that "blackness" was synonymous with dependency and servility, and was therefore antithetical to republican independence and white freedom.<ref>{{cite book|last=Roediger|first=David R.|title=The Wages of Whiteness|year=1997|publisher=Verso|location=Philadelphia|isbn=9781844671458|page=172}}</ref> Consequently, the dependent white worker at this time used his whiteness as a way to differentiate himself from and elevate himself over the dependent black worker or slave.<ref>{{cite book|last=Roediger|first=David R.|title=The Wages of Whiteness|year=1997|publisher=Verso|location=Philadelphia|isbn=9781844671458|pages=59–60}}</ref> According to this ideology, blacks were not merely "non-citizens"; they were "anti-citizens" who inherently opposed the ideals of a republican government.<ref>{{cite web|last=Blevins|first=Cameron|title=U.S. History Qualifying Exams: Book Summaries: The Wages of Whiteness|url=http://cameronblevins.org/cblevins/Quals/BookSummaries/Roediger_TheWagesofWhiteness.html|access-date=28 September 2013}}</ref> |
In his 1991 book ''The Wages of Whiteness'', historian [[David R. Roediger]] reinterprets this form of government in the context of 19th-century America, arguing that the term "''herrenvolk'' republicanism" more accurately describes racial politics at this time. The basis of herrenvolk republicanism went beyond the [[marginalization]] of blacks in favor of a [[republican government]] serving the "master race"; it contended that "blackness" was synonymous with dependency and servility, and was therefore antithetical to republican independence and white freedom.<ref>{{cite book|last=Roediger|first=David R.|title=The Wages of Whiteness|year=1997|publisher=Verso|location=Philadelphia|isbn=9781844671458|page=172}}</ref> Consequently, the dependent white worker at this time used his whiteness as a way to differentiate himself from and elevate himself over the dependent black worker or slave.<ref>{{cite book|last=Roediger|first=David R.|title=The Wages of Whiteness|year=1997|publisher=Verso|location=Philadelphia|isbn=9781844671458|pages=59–60}}</ref> According to this ideology, blacks were not merely "non-citizens"; they were "anti-citizens" who inherently opposed the ideals of a republican government.<ref>{{cite web|last=Blevins|first=Cameron|title=U.S. History Qualifying Exams: Book Summaries: The Wages of Whiteness|url=http://cameronblevins.org/cblevins/Quals/BookSummaries/Roediger_TheWagesofWhiteness.html|access-date=28 September 2013}}</ref> |
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==See also== |
==See also== |
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Revision as of 12:59, 21 December 2020
Herrenvolk democracy is a system of government in which only the majority ethnic group participates in government, while minority groups are disenfranchised.[1] Ethnocracy, in which one group dominates the state, is a related concept. The German term Herrenvolk "master race", was used in 19th century discourse that justified colonialism with the supposed racial superiority of Europeans.[2]
Characteristics
This elitist form of government is typically employed by the majority group as a way to maintain control and power within the system, and typically coincides with the false pretense of egalitarianism. There is a prevailing view that as people of the majority gain freedom, liberty, and egalitarian principles are advanced, the minority is repressed and prevented from being involved in the government. This principle can be seen in the development of both the United States—especially the Southern states—and South Africa in the 19th and 20th centuries.[3] In these historical scenarios, as legislation moved toward universal male suffrage for whites, it also further entrenched the prevention of black people from participation in government and upheld their disenfranchisement.[4] The term was first used in 1967 by Pierre van Den Berghe in his book Race and Racism.[5]
In his 1991 book The Wages of Whiteness, historian David R. Roediger reinterprets this form of government in the context of 19th-century America, arguing that the term "herrenvolk republicanism" more accurately describes racial politics at this time. The basis of herrenvolk republicanism went beyond the marginalization of blacks in favor of a republican government serving the "master race"; it contended that "blackness" was synonymous with dependency and servility, and was therefore antithetical to republican independence and white freedom.[6] Consequently, the dependent white worker at this time used his whiteness as a way to differentiate himself from and elevate himself over the dependent black worker or slave.[7] According to this ideology, blacks were not merely "non-citizens"; they were "anti-citizens" who inherently opposed the ideals of a republican government.[8]
See also
References
- ^ Vickery, Kenneth P. (June 1974). "'Herrenvolk' Democracy and Egalitarianism in South Africa and the U.S. South". Comparative Studies in Society and History. 16 (13): 309–328. doi:10.1017/s0010417500012469. JSTOR 17826.
- ^ Gründer, Horst (1999). "Ideologie und Praxis des deutschen Kolonialismus". In Beck, Thomas (ed.). Überseegeschichte. Stuttgart: F. Steiner. pp. 254 et seq. ISBN 9783515074902.
- ^ Anderson, T. L. "Herrenvolk Democracy: The Rise of the Alt-Right in Trump's America". Critical Theory and the Humanities in the Age of the Alt-Right. Palgrave/Macmillan: 88.
- ^ Vickery, Kenneth P. (June 1974). "'Herrenvolk' Democracy and Egalitarianism in South Africa and the U.S. South". Comparative Studies in Society and History. 16 (3): 311–315. doi:10.1017/s0010417500012469. JSTOR 17826.
- ^ van den Berghe, Pierre L. (1967). Race and Racism: A Comparative Perspective. NY; Sydney: Wiley.
- ^ Roediger, David R. (1997). The Wages of Whiteness. Philadelphia: Verso. p. 172. ISBN 9781844671458.
- ^ Roediger, David R. (1997). The Wages of Whiteness. Philadelphia: Verso. pp. 59–60. ISBN 9781844671458.
- ^ Blevins, Cameron. "U.S. History Qualifying Exams: Book Summaries: The Wages of Whiteness". Retrieved 28 September 2013.