Nobiin language
| Nobiin | |
|---|---|
| Nòbíín | |
| Native to | Egypt, Sudan |
| Region | Along the banks of the Nile in southern Egypt and northern Sudan |
Native speakers | 495,000 (SIL 2005) |
Nilo-Saharan?
| |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-2 | nub |
| ISO 639-3 | fia |
Nobiin is a Northern Nubian language of the Nilo-Saharan phylum. "Nobiin" is a genitive form of Nòòbíí "Nubian" and literally means "(language) of the Nubians". Nubian peoples immigrated into the Nile Valley from the southwest, where other Nubian languages are still spoken, at least 2,500 years ago, and Old Nubian, the language of the Nubian kingdoms, is considered ancestral to Nobiin. Nobiin is a tonal language with contrastive vowel and consonant length. The basic word order is Subject Object Verb (English word order is SVO).
Nobiin is currently spoken along the banks of the Nile river in southern Egypt and northern Sudan by approximately 495,000 Nubians, and present-day Nobiin speakers are almost universally bilingual in Arabic. Many Nobiin speaking Nubians were forced to relocate in 1963-1964 due to the construction of the Aswan High Dam at Aswan, Egypt, to make room for Lake Nasser.
Geography and demography
Before the construction of the Aswan dam, speakers of Nobiin lived in the Nile valley between the third cataract in the South and Korosko in the North. Nowadays, Nobiin speakers live in the following areas: (1) near Kom Ombo, Egypt, about 40 km north of Aswan, where new housing was provided by the Egyptian government for approximately 50,000 Nubians; (2) in New Halfa in the Kassala state of Sudan, where housing and work was provided by the Sudanian government for Nubians from the inundated areas around Wadi Halfa; (3) in the Northern state of Sudan, northwards from Burgeg to the Egyptian border at Wadi Halfa. Additionally, many Nubians have moved to large cities like Cairo and Khartoum. In recent years, some of the resettled Nubians have returned to their traditional territories around Abu Simbel and Wadi Halfa.
Practically all speakers of Nobiin are bilingual in Arabic. This was noted as early as 1819 by the traveller Johann Ludwig Burckhardt in his Travels to Nubia. In response to concerns about a possible language shift to Arabic, Werner notes a very positive language attitude[1]. Similarly, the 15th edition of the Ethnologue notes that "[t]he language is the center of Nubian identity"[2]. However, use of Nobiin is confined mainly to the domestic circle, as Arabic is the dominant language in trade, education, and public life.
Nobiin has been called Mahas, Mahas-Fiadidja, and Fiadicca in the past. Mahas and Fiadidja are geographical terms said to correspond to dialectal variants of Nobiin, but some have argued that there is no evidence for the distinctness of the two. [3] Nobiin should not be confused with the Arabic-based creole Ki-Nubi.
History
Nobiin is one of the few African languages having a written history that can be followed over the course of more than a millennium. Old Nubian, preserved in a sizable collection of mainly early Christian manuscripts and documented in detail by Gerald M. Browne (1944-2004), is considered ancestral to Nobiin. Many manuscripts have been unearthed in the Nile Valley, mainly between the first and fifth cataracts, testifying to a firm Nubian presence in the area during the first millennium. A dialect cluster related to Nobiin, Kenzi-Dongolawi, is found in the same area. The Nile-Nubian languages were the languages of the Christian Nubian kingdoms.
The other Nubian languages are found hundreds of kilometers to the Southwest, in Darfur and in the Nuba Mountains of Kordofan. For a long time it was assumed that the Nubian peoples dispersed from the Nile Valley to the south, probably at the time of the downfall of the Christian kingdoms. However, comparative lexicostatistic research in the second half of the twentieth century has shown that the spread must have been in the opposite direction. Greenberg (as cited in Thelwall 1982) calculated that a split between Hill Nubian and the two Nile-Nubian languages occurred at least 2,500 years ago. This is corroborated by the fact that the oral tradition of the Shaiqiya tribe of the Jaali group of arabized Nile-Nubians tells of coming from the southwest long ago. The speakers of Nobiin are thought to have come to the area before the speakers of the related Kenzi-Dongolawi languages (see classification below).
Since the seventh century Nobiin has been challenged by Arabic. The economic and cultural influence of Egypt over the region was considerable and over the centuries the Arabic language spread south and areas like al-Maris became almost fully Arabized. The conversion of Nubia to Islam after the fall of the Christian kingdoms further enhanced the Arabization process. In what is today Sudan Arabic became the main language of the Kingdom of Sennar, with Nobiin becoming a minority tongue. In Egypt the Nobiin speakers were also part of largely Arab state, but Egyptian control over the south was limited. With the Ottoman conquest of the region in the sixteenth century official support for Arabization largely ended as the Turkish and Circassian governments in Cairo sometimes saw the non-Arab Nobiin speakers as a useful ally. However, as Arabic remained a language of high importance in Sudan and especially Egypt, Nobiin continued to be under pressure and its use became largely confined to Nubian homes.
Classification
Nobiin is one of the about eleven Nubian languages. Based on the geographic proximity to Kenzi-Dongolawi (varieties of which were spoken traditionally north and south of the Nobiin area), it was previously thought to comprise a 'Nile-Nubian' branch together with it. However, comparative linguistic research has shown since that Nobiin must have split off from the other Nubian languages earlier than Kenzi-Dongolawi; consequently, Nobiin forms a 'Northern' branch on its own whereas Kenzi-Dongolawi is considered part of Central Nubian, along with Birged (north Darfur) and the Hill Nubian languages (Nuba Mountains, Kordofan province).
The Nubian languages are part of the Eastern Sudanic branch of Nilo-Saharan. On the basis of a comparison with seventeen other Eastern Sudanic languages, Thelwall (1982) considers Nubian be most closely related to Tama, a member of the Taman group, with an average lexical similarity of just 22.2 per cent.
Sounds
Nobiin has open and closed syllables: ág ‘mouth’, één ‘woman’, gíí ‘uncle’, kám ‘camel’, díís ‘blood’. Every syllable bears a tone. Long consonants are only found in intervocalic position, whereas long vowels can occur in initial, medial and final position. Phonotactically, there might be a weak relationship between the occurrence of consonant and vowel length: forms like dàrrìl 'climb' and dààrìl 'be present' are found, but *dàrìl (short V + short C) and *dààrrìl (long V + long C) do not exist; similarly, féyyìr 'grow' and fééyìr 'lose (a battle)' occur, but not *féyìr and *fééyyìr.
Vowels
Nobiin has a five vowel system. The vowels /e/ and /o/ can be realised close or more open (as [ɛ] and [ɔ], respectively). Vowels can be long or short, e.g. jáákí 'fear' (long /a/), jàkkàr 'fish-hook' (short /a/). However, many nouns are unstable with regard to vowel length; thus, bálé : báléé ‘feast’, ííg : íg ‘fire’, shártí : sháártí ‘spear’. Diphthongs are interpreted as sequences of vowels and the glides /w/ and /j/.
| Monophthongs | Front | Central | Back |
|---|---|---|---|
| Close | i, i: | u, u: | |
| Close-mid | e, e: | o, o: | |
| Open | ɑ, ɑ: |
Consonants
Consonant length is contrastive in Nobiin, e.g. dáwwí 'path' vs. dáwí 'kitchen'. Like vowel length, consonant length is not very stable; long consonants tend to be shortened in many cases (e.g. the Arabic loan dùkkáán ‘shop’ is often found as dùkáán).
| Bilabial | Labio- dental |
Alveolar | Palatal | Velar | Glottal | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Plosive | p | b | t | d | k | ɡ | ||||||
| Nasal | m | n | ɲ | ŋ | ||||||||
| Fricative | f | s | z | ç | (h) | |||||||
| Affricate | cç | ɟʝ | ||||||||||
| Trill | r | |||||||||||
| Approximant | l | j | w | |||||||||
The phoneme /p/ has a somewhat marginal status as it only occurs as a result of certain morphophonological processes. The voiced plosive /b/ is mainly in contrast with /f/. Originally, [z] only occurred as an allophone of /s/ before voiced consonants; however, through the influx of loanwords from Arabic it has acquired phonemic status: àzáábí 'pain', ázbíró 'aspirine'. The glottal fricative [h] occurs as an allophone of /s, t, k, f, g/ (síddó → híddó 'where?'; tánnátóón → tánnáhóón 'of him/her'; ày fàkàbìr → ày hàkàbìr 'I will eat'; dòllàkúkkàn → dòllàhúkkàn 'he has loved'. This process is unidirectional (i.e. /h/ will never change into one of the above consonants) and it has been termed 'consonant switching' (Konsonantenwechsel) by Werner (1987:36). Only in very few words, if any, /h/ has independent phonemical status: Werner lists híssí 'voice' and hòòngìr 'braying', but it might be noted that the latter example is less convincing because of its probably onomatopoeic nature. The alveolar liquids /l/ and /r/ are in free variation as in many African languages. The approximant /w/ is a voiced labial-velar.
Tone
Nobiin is a tonal language, in which tone is used to mark lexical contrasts. Tone also figures heavily in derivational morphology. Nobiin has two underlying tones, high and low. A falling tone occurs in certain contexts; this tone can in general be analysed arising from a high and a low tone together.
- árré 'settlement' (high)
- nùùr 'shadow' (low)
In Nobiin, every utterance ends in a low tone. This is one of the clearest signs of the occurrence of a boundary tone, realized as a low tone on the last syllable of any prepausal word. The examples below show how the surface tone of the high tone verb ókkír- ‘cook’ depends on the position of the verb. In the first sentence, the verb is not final (because the question marker –náà is appended) and thus it is realized as high. In the second sentence, the verb is at the end of the utterance, resulting in a low tone on the last syllable.
- íttírkà ókkéénáà? (vegetables:DO cook:she.PRESENT-Q) 'Does she cook the vegetables?'
- èyyò íttírkà ókkè. (yes vegetables:DO cook:she.PRESENT) 'Yes, she cooks the vegetables.'
Tone plays an important role in several derivational processes. The most common situation involves the loss of the original tone pattern of the derivational base and the subsequent assignment of low tone, along with the affixation of a morpheme or word bringing its own tonal pattern (see below for examples).
For a long time, the Nile Nubian languages were thought to be non-tonal; instead, early analyses employed term like 'stress' or 'accent' to describe the phenomena now recognized as a tone system [4]. Carl Meinhof reported that only remants of a tone system could be found in the Nubian languages. He based this conclusion not only on his own data, but also on the observation that Old Nubian had been written without tonal marking. Based on accounts like Meinhof’s, Nobiin was considered a toneless language for the first half of the twentieth century.[5] The statements of de facto authorities like Meinhof, Westermann, and Ward heavily affected the next three decades of linguistic theorizing about stress and tone in Nobiin. As late as 1968, Herman Bell was the first scholar to develop an account of tone in Nobiin. Although his analysis was still hampered by the occasional confusion of accent and tone, he is credited by Roland Werner as being the first to recognize that Nobiin is a genuine tonal language, and the first to lay down some elementary tonal rules[6].
Grammar
Pronouns
The basic personal pronouns of Nobiin are:
|
|
| my | àyíín | án | ànní |
| your | ìríín | ín | ìnní |
| his/her | tàríín | tán | tànní |
| our | ùùíín | úún | ùùní |
| your | úríín | únn | únní |
| their | téríín | ténn | ténní |
There are three sets of possessive pronouns. One of them is transparently derived from the set of personal pronouns plus a connexive suffix –íín. Another set is less clearly related to the simple personal pronouns; all possessive pronouns of this set bear a High tone. The third set is derived from the second set by appending the nominalizing suffix -ní.
Nobiin has two demonstrative pronouns: ìn 'this', denoting things nearby, and mán 'that', denoting things farther away. Both can function as the subject or the object in a sentence; in the latter case they take the object marker -gá yielding ìngà and mángá, respectively (for the object marker, see also below). The demonstrative pronoun always precedes the nouns it refers to.
- ìn íd dìrbád wèèkà kúnkènò (this man hen one-OB have:3.sgPRESENT) 'This man has a hen.'
- mám búrúú nàày lè? (that girl who be.Q) 'Who is that girl?'
Nouns
Nouns in Nobiin are predominantly disyllabic, although monosyllabic and three- or four-syllabic nouns are also found. Nouns can be derived from adjectives, verbs, or other nouns by appending various suffixes. In plural formation, the tone of a noun becomes Low and one of four plural markers is suffixed. Two of these are Low in tone, while the other two have a High tone.
- -ìì (L): féntí → fèntìì '(sweet) dates'
- -ncìì (L): àrréé → àrèèncìì 'falls'
- -ríí (H): áádèm → ààdèmríí 'men, people'
- -gúú (H): kúrsí → kùrsìgúú 'chairs'
In most cases it is not predictable which plural suffix a noun will take. Furthermore, many nouns can take different suffixes, e.g. ág 'mouth' → àgìì/àgríí. However, nouns that have final -éé usually take Plural 2 (-ncìì), whereas disyllabic Low-High nouns typically take Plural 1 (-ìì).
Gender is expressed lexically, occasionally by use of a suffix, but more often with a different noun altogether, or, in the case of animals, by use of a separate nominal element óndí ‘masculine’ or kàrréé ‘feminine’:
- íd ‘man’ vs. ìdéén ‘woman’
- tòòd ‘boy’ vs. búrú ‘girl’
- kàjkàrréé ‘she-ass’ vs. kàjnóndí ‘donkey’
The pair male slave/female slave forms an interesting exception, showing gender marking through different endings of the lexeme: òsshí 'slave (m)' vs. òsshá 'slave (f)'. An Old Nubian equivalent which does not seem to show the gender is oshonaeigou 'slaves'; the plural suffix -gou has a modern equivalent in -gúú (see above).
In compound nouns comprised of two nouns, the tone of the first noun becomes Low while the appended noun keeps its own tonal pattern.
- kàdíís 'cat' + mórrí 'wild' → kàdììs-mórrí 'wild cat'
- ìkìríí 'guest' + nóóg 'house' → ìskìrììn-nóóg 'guest room'
- tògój 'sling' + kìd 'stone' → tògòj-kìd 'sling stone'
Many compounds are found in two forms, one more lexicalized than the other. Thus, it is common to find both the coordinated noun phrase háhám ámán 'the water of the river' and the compound noun bàhàm-ámán 'river-water', distinguished by their tonal pattern.
Verbs
Verbal morphology in Nobiin is subject to numerous morphophonological processes, including syllable contraction, vowel elision, and assimilation of all sorts and directions. A distinction needs to be made between the verbal base and the morphemes that follow. The majority of verbal bases in Nobiin end in a consonant (e.g. nèèr- ‘sleep’, kàb- ‘eat’, tíg- ‘follow’, fìyyí- ‘lie’); notable exceptions are júú- ‘go’ and níí- ‘drink’. Verbal bases are mono- or disyllabic. The verbal base carries one of three or four tonal patterns. The main verb carries person, number, tense, and aspect information.
- ày féjírkà sàllìr (I morning.prayer pray:I.PRESENT) 'I pray the morning prayer.'
Only rarely do verbal bases occur without appended morphemes. One such case is the use of the verb júú- 'go' in a serial verb-like construction.
- áríj wèèkà fà júú jáánìr (meat one:OB FUTURE go buy:IPRESENT) 'I'm going to buy a piece of meat.'
Syntax
The basic word order in a Nobiin sentence is Subject Object Verb. Objects are marked by an object suffix -gá, often assimilating to the final consonant of the word (e.g. kìtááb 'book', kìtááppá 'book-OBJECT' as seen below). In a sentence containing both an indirect and a direct object, the object marker is suffixed to both.
- kám íwgà kàbì (camel corn-OB eat:he.PRESENT) 'The camel eats corn.'
- ày ìkkà ìn kìtááppá tèèr (I you-OB this book-OB give:I.PRESENT) 'I give you this book.'
Questions can be constructed in various ways in Nobiin. Constituent questions ('Type 1', questions about 'who?', 'what?', etc.) are formed by use of a set of verbal suffixes in conjunction with question words. Simple interrogative utterances ('Type 2') are formed by use of another set of verbal suffixes.
| Type 1 | Type 2 | |
|---|---|---|
| I | -re/-le | -réè |
| you | -i | -náà |
| s/he | -i | -náà |
| we | -ro/-lo | -lóò |
| you (pl) | -ro/-lo | -lóò |
| they | -(i)nna | -(ì)nnànáà |
Some of the suffixes are similar. Possible ambiguities are solved by the context. Some examples:
- mìn ámán túúl áányì? (what water in live:PRES.2/3SG.Q1) 'What lives in water?'
- híddó nííl mìrì? (where Nile run/flow:PRES.2/3SG.Q1) 'Where does the Nile flow?'
- ìr sààbúúngà jáánnáà? (you soap:OB have:2/3SG.PRES.Q2) 'Do you have soap?'
- sàbúúngà jáánnáà? (soap:OB have:PRES2/3SG.Q2) 'do you sell soap?' / 'Does he/she sell soap?'
- úr báléél árágróò? (you (pl.) party.at dance:PRES1/2PL.Q2) 'Do you (pl.) dance at the party?'
Notes and references
Notes
- ^ Werner 1987:31: "Zwar ist fast jeder nubische Mann zweisprachig, und durch die Schule dringt das Arabische immer weiter vor, doch konnte nie der 'Verlust der Sprachkompetenz' beobachtet werden." [It is true that almost every Nubian man is bilingual, and that Arabic is pervading through education — but a 'loss of competence' was never observed.]
- ^ Cf. Ethnologue report on Nobiin.
- ^ Cf. Werner p. 18—24, see also Bell (1974).
- ^ The Egyptologist Lepsius spoke in 1880 of the Wohlklang of the Nubian language, and related this to the vowel distribution and the balance between long and short consonants.
- ^ In 1933 for example, Westermann and Ward wrote in their influential Practical Phonetics that "Swahili and Nuba are good examples of languages which were probably once tone languages and which are said to have lost their tones" (p. 139).
- ^ Nowadays, Old Nubian is seen as a tonal language just like its descendant Nobiin. Browne (2002:23) writes that the Nobiin minimal pairs ín 'your (sg.)' vs. ìn 'this' and úr 'your (pl.)' vs. ùr 'head' appear in Old Nubian as en and our respectively. From the fact that the Nubians must have had a way to distinguish these forms even though they were written the same, he draws the conclusion that "[Old Nubian] probably followed the tone system observable in modern Nobiin".
References
- Adams, W.Y. (1982) "The coming of Nubian speakers to the Nile Valley", in Ehret, C. & Posnansky, M. (eds.) The Archeological and Linguistic Reconstruction of African History. Berkeley/Los Angeles, 11–38.
- Bell, H. (1974) "Dialect in Nobíin Nubian". In Abd el-Gadir Mohmoud Abdalla (ed.) Studies in Ancient Languages of the Sudan. Khartoum. 109—122.
- Browne, Gerald M. (2002) A grammar of Old Nubian. Munich: LINCOM. ISBN 3895868930.
- Burckhardt, Johann Ludwig (or John Lewis) (1819) Travels in Nubia. London.
- Lepsius, R. (1880) Nubische Grammatik. Mit einer Einleitung über die Völker und Sprachen Afrikas. Berlin.
- Thelwall, Robin (1978) "Lexicostatistical relations between Nubian, Daju and Dinka", Études nubiennes: colloque de Chantilly, 2-6 juillet 1975, 265—286.
- Thelwall, Robin (1982) "Linguistic Aspects of Greater Nubian History", in Ehret, C. & Posnansky, M. (eds.) The Archeological and Linguistic Reconstruction of African History. Berkeley/Los Angeles, 39–56. online version with OCR errors
- Werner, Roland (1987) Grammatik des Nobiin (Nilnubisch) (Nilo-Saharan Studies vol. 1). Hamburg: Helmut Buske Verlag. ISBN 3-87118-851-4
- Westermann, Diedrich Hermann & Ward, Ida (1933) Practical Phonetics for Students of African Languages. London [etc.]: Oxford University Press for the International African Institute.